The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Malnutrition Spikes in Arakan State After Floods: EU Agency
• Thein Sein Touts Reformist Legacy in Last Assembly Address
• Mandalay Activists Sentenced to 9 Months, Walk Free on Time Served
• ANP Riven by Power Politics as New Government’s Term Approaches
• Burma’s Gasoline Retailers Urged to Cut Prices
• Parliament Defers Military Takeover of Immigration Portfolio
• Outgoing Parliament Approves Presidential Protection, Immunity Bill
• Senior NLD Member Confirms Nominations for House Speakers
• Burma Still Among World’s Most Corrupt Countries, Index Finds
• 2 More Student Activists Declared Fugitives in Mandalay
• ‘Metamorphosis’: Tracing the Transformation in Burma
• Burmese Director Explores Same-Sex Relationships in New Film
• Khun Htun Oo: ‘Without a Guarantee of Equality, How Can We Work Together?’
• Thais Turn to ‘Child Angel’ Dolls as Economy Struggles
• Unease Stirs as Suu Kyi Reaches Out to Former Foes
• Korea May Be Readying Long-Range Missile Launch Soon: Source
• PM Says Singapore Will Allow More Opposition Lawmakers
• US, China Spar over North Korea, South China Sea

Malnutrition Spikes in Arakan State After Floods: EU Agency Posted: 28 Jan 2016 05:33 AM PST A child wears a blue ring around his ankle at their home in a village at Maungdaw June 6, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — The number of severely malnourished children has spiked in northern Arakan State, a European Union agency said, after floods six months ago dealt a new blow to an area home to a persecuted population with little access to basic services. About 90 percent of the people in northern Arakan State are Rohingya, a Muslim minority that faces discrimination and violence in mostly Buddhist Myanmar. The government does not recognize them as citizens, and many Rohingya are excluded from healthcare, education and employment. Widespread floods across Burma six months ago—caused by torrential rains and Cyclone Komen—destroyed crops, damaged rice paddies and contaminated water sources, worsening food insecurity. The number of severely malnourished children under the age of five newly admitted to a European Commission-backed feeding program in Maungdaw district shot up after the floods to more than 1,500 in October, from 1,200 new admittances in August and 500 in July, a regional official of an EU agency said. "The frequency and diversity of foods they were eating had gone down," the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO)'s regional nutrition coordinator, Roselyn Mullo, said of her meetings with beneficiaries in October. "They had reduced meals from three meals to one meal a day, or they were just eating one type of food. Some were relying just on rice and water." The real number of malnourished children is far higher than the number in the feeding program, Mullo said, noting that new admittances in October were only 38 percent of the 4,100 children under five identified as suffering severe acute malnutrition. An additional 19,200 children under five were moderately malnourished, and these numbers may rise further this year. As their situation is unlikely to change, "a similar caseload of acutely malnourished children or even higher could be anticipated in 2016," Mullo said. Maungdaw is home to 712,300 people, including 137,000 children under the age of five. Children with severe acute malnutrition are very thin for their height—"frail and skeletal"—require urgent treatment to survive, and are nine times more likely to die than well-nourished children, according to UNICEF. ECHO supports a 60-day feeding program that gives the children weekly rations of high-calorie, high-nutrient food, and includes weekly body measurements and medical treatment of underlying infections. In 2015, a total of about 14,000 children were admitted to the feeding program, including 10,900 under the age of five. The post Malnutrition Spikes in Arakan State After Floods: EU Agency appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thein Sein Touts Reformist Legacy in Last Assembly Address Posted: 28 Jan 2016 05:24 AM PST President Thein Sein gives a farewell speech to Parliament in Naypyidaw on Jan. 28, 2016. (Photo: Myanmar President Office) RANGOON – During a farewell address to the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on Thursday, President Thein Sein described what he felt were his administration's achievements and suggested that Burma in transition is more stable than its Middle Eastern counterparts. "Five years on, terrorist attacks are happening in Middle Eastern countries in democratic transition. Millions of civilians have fled as war victims. Anarchy and extremist uprisings have pushed them far from their original democratic goals," he said, without listing any countries by name. It was not the first time that the president has drawn comparisons between Burma and the Arab world. In the lead-up to November general election, Thein Sein posted a video to his Facebook page featuring a montage of violence following the 2011 push for political change known as the Arab Spring. The events were contrasted with selected peaceful images of Burma under his own administration. Many saw it as a cautionary message to voters, not to stray from the leadership of his Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). "Although our country has some difficulties and challenges, [we have] implemented democratic transitions step-by-step and our processes are stable," he said on Thursday. In his speech, Thein Sein described what he felt were his government's accomplishments: the release of political prisoners, the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement and a successful general election. On January 17, Human Rights Watch described a more tainted presidential legacy. "Burma's growing number of political prisoners is the most glaring indictment of President Thein Sein's human rights record," said Phil Robertson, director of the Human Rights Watch Asia division. The group highlighted an increase in the arrest of students and land rights activists in 2015—now numbering more than 400. Robertson also criticized Thein Sein's administration for passing discriminatory "race and religion" laws regulating marriage, religious conversion, and, in some cases, birth rates. However, the laws celebrated by Thein Sein in his speech included those enacted regarding revenue, media and foreign investment. Many of the developments the President spoke of centered on economic growth; the formation of an independent central bank, the relaxing of some US sanctions, and cooperation with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. Thein Sein admitted that the practices of corruption and malpractice in the country are difficult to curb immediately; The Irrawaddy reported on Thursday that Transparency International has, for the second year in a row, designated Burma one of the world's most corrupt countries—ranked 147 out of 168 states. The outgoing president thanked international governments, organizations, media and citizens who collaborated with his administration. He said that he prays for the new government to build a better country. Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), which around 80 percent of contested seats in the November vote, is set to officially assume power in early April. The post Thein Sein Touts Reformist Legacy in Last Assembly Address appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mandalay Activists Sentenced to 9 Months, Walk Free on Time Served Posted: 28 Jan 2016 03:47 AM PST Students demonstrate against the detention of Letpadan activists in Mandalay on March 27, 2015. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — Five student activists from Mandalay Division's Myingyan Township were sentenced to nine months in prison on Thursday and released immediately, having already served more time behind bars than their sentences required while awaiting a verdict. Sithu Myat, Kyaw Than Htun, Nyan Myint Than, Sein Win and Ma Phyu were found guilty of charges under articles 143, 145 and 505(b) of Burma's Penal Code, pertaining to  incitement and other criminal code violations linked to their participation in and organizing of a protest last year against the mass arrest of fellow student demonstrators in March. "After having been detained in Myingyan Prison and going to hearings for the past nine months, the court has finally decided to let them walk," said Moe Hein, the students' lawyer. "Thant Zin is still in prison because he has to serve an additional two months for charges brought against him under the Peaceful Assembly Act." The five students sentenced and released on Thursday were arrested on March 27 in Mandalay, where they were part of a solidarity protest to demand the release of dozens of activists arrested in a police crackdown at Letpadan, Pegu Division, on March 10. Meanwhile, two other students in Myingyan Township await trial behind bars. Soe Hlaing and Zin Ko Thant were accused of replacing Burma's national flag with a student union flag at Myingyan Degree College during a protest march to Rangoon in January of last year. The post Mandalay Activists Sentenced to 9 Months, Walk Free on Time Served appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ANP Riven by Power Politics as New Government’s Term Approaches Posted: 28 Jan 2016 02:35 AM PST The Arakan National Party's Union Parliament MPs-elect pose for a photo outside the legislative compound in Naypyidaw on Wednesday. (Photo: Facebook / Arakan National Party) RANGOON — In a rare bright spot for ethnic political parties, Arakanese politicians from two camps managed to patch up their differences ahead of Burma's 2015 election and merge into one political entity, the Arakan National Party (ANP), which proved to be the country's best-performing ethnic electoral force in the Nov. 8 poll. Less than three months on, however, that Arakanese unity appears strained as jockeying continues over precisely what form Burma's new political order will take. In early 2014, the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) and Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) merged to form the ANP, in hopes of preventing vote-splitting as the two sides looked ahead to the 2015 election. The move paid off, with the new Arakanese incarnation securing 45 seats out of the 77 constituencies it contested. Success in the Arakan State legislature was viewed as particularly crucial to the party's goal of going into 2016 with the political leverage it needed to convince the National League for Democracy (NLD), which emerged victorious by a landslide in all but Arakan and Shan states, to appoint an ANP parliamentarian-elect as state chief minister. So it was no doubt with dismay that the Arakan party's leaders learned last month that the NLD fully intended to choose one of its own MPs-elect for the post, which is presidentially appointed. "Maybe the ANP can obtain the regional parliament speakership post but the state chief minister will be from the NLD," Nan Khin Htwe Myint, an NLD central committee member, told The Irrawaddy. And in mid-January, fellow NLD central committee member Nyi Pu, who has been tipped by some for the chief minister position, visited the state capital Sittwe to meet with civil society organizations and ANP representatives, reportedly reiterating Nan Khin Htwe Myint's assertion. Despite this being mere recitation of constitutionally enshrined ruling party prerogatives, the local CSOs and ANP members in attendance urged Nyi Pu to push for his party to make an exception in the case of Arakan State. Official backlash came about a week later, when on Jan. 19 the ANP said in a statement that it "won't join any government organization, but stand as an opposition party for the interests of Arakan people," unless it was allowed to form its own government. By all accounts, the incoming NLD government and one of Burma's strongest ethnic political parties looked headed for confrontation—except that the "official" ANP statement appears to have taken some in the party leadership by surprise. Internal Division Two days after the ANP statement was released, political prognostication went into overdrive after NLD spokesman Nyan Win told Agence France-Presse (AFP) that senior party member Win Myint had been selected to serve as speaker of the Union Parliament's Lower House, while the ethnic Karen MP-elect Mahn Win Khaing Than, also of the NLD, would get the party's backing for the Upper House. In ANP circles, it was an additional veiled disclosure that likely garnered more attention: Nyan Win told the news agency that his party was eyeing an ANP member for the Upper House deputy speaker post. The NLD on Thursday confirmed ANP patron Aye Tha Aung as its selection for the job, but even before that he had found himself in speculation's crosshairs, as a veteran politician with longstanding ties to the NLD who won an Upper House seat on Nov. 8. Asked by The Irrawaddy whether he had been tapped for the post, Aye Tha Aung pled ignorance last week. "I don't know yet, but I wasn't offered this [the Lower House deputy speakership], so it's impossible to comment on that," he said on Jan. 21. The following morning, the ANP released a second statement, saying that if any of its MPs-elect accepted the offer of another party to serve in a ministerial post or other leadership position without informing the party, the individual would be expelled. The statement was signed by Phoe Min, one of three ANP vice chairs. Then on Monday, Aye Tha Aung was returning from a trip to Japan when several journalists at Rangoon International Airport asked the ANP patron about reports of tension between his party and the NLD, as well as perceived internal ructions. "We don't know about the [ANP] statements and they didn't inform us, so I have no comment regarding the statements," he said. "Until the reporters asked me, I didn't know it." According to ANP central committee member Myo Kyaw, party bylaws state that if an important announcement is proposed, the party leadership must call an urgent meeting to discuss the matter. While not all 39 of the party's central committee members must be present, a minimum one-third attendance—or 13 members—is required, he said. When The Irrawaddy phoned ANP vice chairwoman Aye Nu Sein this week, she declined to provide any clarification on party procedures or discuss confusion surrounding the two statements this month. "Too many arguments have happened, it doesn't make sense to rehash at this time," she said. Sitting Lower House legislator Pe Than was more forthcoming, admitting that senior members of the ANP leadership did not inform the full central committee before releasing the two statements. He defended that decision, saying that under exceptional circumstances, the chairperson and seven other central committee members who form the top echelon of the party hierarchy "have full power to make an announcement [unilaterally]." That group of eight includes party chairman Aye Maung, the three vice chairs and four secretaries, all of whom were members of the RNDP before the merger. Pe Than said the second statement, signed by Phoe Min, was released in part to encourage party-to-party interactions and discourage a party-to-person approach, the latter being "dangerous" for ANP unity. Myo Kyaw, formerly of the ALD, criticized the decision. "If the party chairman and secretary team wanted to announce a statement, they should not put it out on behalf of the CEC [central committee]. It is against party procedures," he said. "I am not sure whether they only ignored [the rules, unintentionally], or intentionally did it to disintegrate the party," he said, adding: "Seven people neglected 39 CEC [members'] desire. How can we be satisfied with that?" ALD-NLD Ties The ALD was founded in 1989 in Rangoon and its chairman was Aye Tha Aung, who contested the 1990 election and won, along with 10 other ALD candidates in a vote dominated by the NLD. That electoral outcome was ignored by the military, however, which went on to imprison many of the victorious candidates from the NLD and ALD, including Aye Tha Aung. Years later he would become a member of the Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP), formed by the NLD and victorious ethnic politicians to push for the convening of a parliament seating the 1990 election winners. With ties dating back more than two decades, Aye Tha Aung and the NLD leadership have long been considered to be on friendly terms. Both the ALD and NLD boycotted Burma's 2010 election, in part citing the poll's basis in a military-drafted Constitution that the two parties deemed illegitimate. That year, the newly founded RNDP contested 44 seats and won 35. With its success and the ALD's return to the political arena in the aftermath, discussion turned to uniting the Arakanese forces ahead of the 2015 election, when otherwise voters might be asked to choose between two political parties competing for the same ethnic vote. That merger came about, and the new ANP was officially registered, in January 2014. 'Every Party Has Similar Problems' An ANP central committee member, who asked for anonymity to discuss internal party matters candidly, said Aye Tha Aung's CRPP ties have not helped his standing in the eyes of some. "RNDP people think that Aye Tha Aung and the NLD are so close; they don't like it," he said. The ANP's success in November belies a merger that has not been as smooth as might be apparent on the surface. Former ALD members complain that the RNDP has dominated the party, the result of a lopsided distribution of past party ties on the central committee, where 31 members are ex-RNDP, compared with only eight former ALD. Pe Than said the reason for the imbalance was that the RNDP argued ahead of the merger that it deserved a greater proportion of representation on the central committee because it was the incumbent party and had established networks among voters in rural constituencies. Myo Kyaw said recent internal contention would need to be resolved if the merger was to remain viable in the coming years. He highlighted what he claimed was the top leadership's willingness to violate the party's own bylaws as disrespectful to its supporters and the public. "Merger dynamics are not good at the moment," said Myo Kyaw. Pe Than acknowledged internal frictions between ALD and RNDP party members, but he downplayed the significance of the divide. "Every party has similar problems. You can see from the USDP crisis, our party is not as bad as that," he said, referring to the high-profile purge of ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party chairman Shwe Mann in August. "All our party members stand together for the [Arakanese] national interest." But speaking to reporters at Rangoon International Airport on Monday, Aye Tha Aung sounded a less confident note. "My future is uncertain with the ANP," he said. The post ANP Riven by Power Politics as New Government's Term Approaches appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Gasoline Retailers Urged to Cut Prices Posted: 28 Jan 2016 02:18 AM PST A gas station in Rangoon (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — With world oil prices sinking, the Myanmar Petroleum Traders Association (MPTA)has urged the country's gasoline retailers to slash prices. In a letter to the association, the Ministry of Energy said that although the retail price at Rangoon gas stations has seen a small decline—from about 50 to 80 kyat (US$0.04 to 0.06) per liter—the gap between world and domestic prices has yet to be sufficiently bridged. "While importers can easily reduce the wholesale price, it's more difficult to reduce the retail prices at gas stations because there are costs for running these stations," said Win Myint, chairman of the MPTA. "Some stations in other cities haven't reduced their retail price. That's why now we're encouraging them to cut the price as much as they can," he added. Distribution at gas stations has proliferated since the Burmese government eased restrictions on importing gasoline in 2011. More than 50 companies now import from Singapore alone. Burma imports some 80,000 tons of octane and 200,000 tons of diesel each day, according to the MPTA. In Burma, one liter of octane is about 550 kyats, down from 600 kyats, while diesel prices have fallen from 570 to 500 kyat over the last week. In the world market, one barrel of oil runs for approximately $30 to $50. The post Burma's Gasoline Retailers Urged to Cut Prices appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parliament Defers Military Takeover of Immigration Portfolio Posted: 28 Jan 2016 02:12 AM PST Lawmakers attend a Union Parliament session in Naypyidaw on Jan. 28, 2016. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun) RANGOON — Burma's Union Parliament decided on Thursday not to approve a proposal from outgoing President Thein Sein to bring immigration matters under the authority of the military-controlled Home Affairs Ministry, as lawmakers opted not to consider the bureaucratic reshuffle with less than two days until their terms end. Out of 590 lawmakers in attendance for Thursday's parliamentary session, just three stood against a recommendation to postpone consideration of the proposal, which would see the Ministry of Immigration and Population subsumed by Home Affairs, until after a new batch of lawmakers is seated next week. The legislature's Joint Bill Committee had advised postponement, citing the dwindling parliamentary term. Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann of Thein Sein's Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) was among those in favor of the committee's recommendation. Several lawmakers including Aye Maung, an Upper House parliamentarian, had told local media that the idea of bringing the Immigration and Population Ministry under military auspices was an appropriate move but should not be rushed through the legislature under an outgoing government that was handily defeated in last year's general election. Though Aye Maung was not re-elected to his seat on Nov. 8, he is likely to retain indirect influence in Parliament as chairman of the Arakan National Party (ANP). While appearing to have some support in principle, the proposal by Thein Sein was also widely criticized as an attempt to expand the military's power before the impending political handover to Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD). Under the military-drafted Constitution, the country's armed forces currently control three powerful ministries: Defense, Border Affairs and Home Affairs, the ministers of which are appointed by the Burma Army commander-in-chief. Early this month, the Ministry of Defense also acquired five factories from the Ministry of Industry that manufactured heavy machinery and automobile accessories, a restructuring also interpreted as a move to consolidate the military's powerful before Suu Kyi's government is sworn in. A new legislature dominated by the NLD will convene on Feb. 1 and Suu Kyi has vowed in her party's electoral manifesto that her administration will eliminate or merge some of Burma's 36 ministries to reduce state expenditures and "establish a lean and efficient government." Immigration and border security have become sensitive issues in recent years in Burma, where citizenship claims by Rohingya Muslims, some of whom have lived in the country's western Arakan State for generations, have been denied by successive governments that view the minority group as immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. The post Parliament Defers Military Takeover of Immigration Portfolio appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Outgoing Parliament Approves Presidential Protection, Immunity Bill Posted: 28 Jan 2016 02:05 AM PST President Thein Sein (right) and speaker of Union Parliament Shwe Mann arrive at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — On the penultimate sitting day of the outgoing Parliament, lawmakers voted to approve the Presidential Security Bill that guarantees lifetime personal security and legal immunity for former heads of state. In a Union Parliament session on Thursday, lawmakers hashed out disagreements between the Lower and Upper houses before voting to pass the controversial bill that was first introduced in mid-December. The bill had raised eyebrows as it appeared to have been expedited for the benefit of outgoing President Thein Sein whose term will expire in March. The bloc of military MPs reportedly objected to a revision which stipulated that the president's security would be appointed by the Home Ministry, not by either the Home Ministry or Defense Ministry as was stated in the original draft. Lower House lawmaker Pe Than of the Arakan National Party, who was reelected in November, told The Irrawaddy that with a majority of lawmakers in agreement, that revision was approved. The original draft stipulated that former presidents be "immune from any prosecution for his actions during his term." The proviso "in accordance with the law" was subsequently added, an addition that was objected to by only three MPs, including Pe Than. "Who will decide whether the president's actions are in accordance with the law and how? It is unclear…" Pe Than said in Parliament on Thursday. New parliamentarians, the majority of whom will represent the National League for Democracy, will take up their seats on Feb. 1. The post Outgoing Parliament Approves Presidential Protection, Immunity Bill appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Senior NLD Member Confirms Nominations for House Speakers Posted: 28 Jan 2016 12:46 AM PST Win Myint has been nominated as the new Lower House Speaker, NLD central committee member Win Htein has confirmed. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A senior member of the National League for Democracy (NLD) has confirmed early reports that the party has selected speakers for the new Parliament that will convene next week. Central committee member Win Htein told reporters in the capital Naypyidaw on Thursday that Win Myint and Mahn Win Khaing Than, both NLD members and the latter ethnic Karen, have been chosen to steer the Lower and Upper houses, respectively. Ethnic Kachin T Khun Myat, a member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), will serve as deputy speaker of the Lower House, while Aye Tha Aung, patron of the Arakan National Party (ANP), will hold the position in the Upper House. The announcement, which Win Htein said was approved by party chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, confirmed reports that surfaced last week after another party spokesman, Nyan Win, made a similar revelation to newswire AFP. The NLD swiftly responded to the initial reports—without denying that the nominations had been made—with a statement designating Suu Kyi as the only person authorized to make statements about the party's political maneuvers. Suu Kyi has previously vowed to appoint ethnic minorities and members of other political parties to important roles to promote national reconciliation, though the party's choice of T Khun Myat as deputy speaker has raised eyebrows. The sitting USDP lawmaker is said to be a close ally of current Speaker Shwe Mann, and has been accused in a series of investigative reports in Shan media of involvement in the narcotics trade and ties to a government-allied militia in his Kutkai constituency. The NLD secured a landslide victory in the Nov. 8 general election and is set to assume a majority of both houses of Parliament on Feb. 1. The post Senior NLD Member Confirms Nominations for House Speakers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Still Among World’s Most Corrupt Countries, Index Finds Posted: 27 Jan 2016 11:51 PM PST Money changing hands in Rangoon, 2015. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma remains among the world's most corrupt countries, according to a new index by Berlin-based graft monitor Transparency International, though it has shown marginal improvement over the past year. Perceived corruption levels were assessed for 168 countries on a scale of zero to 100, with higher scores representing cleaner governance. Burma's global rank—147 out of 168—was a marked improvement over last year's 156, though the country scored only one point better than it did in the 2014 assessment. Burma earned a score of 21 points, a slight improvement over last year's 22. With some minor fluctuations, Burma's score has improved by 15 points since 2012, indicating an initial upward trend that has slowed over the past two years. Burma's perceived deceleration on the corruption front reflected concerns expressed by a number of lawmakers that the current government has done little to tackle graft. President Thein Sein's Anti-Corruption Commission was primarily formed of retired military officers directly appointed by the head of state, himself a former general. The commission was formed in April 2014 following the promulgation of Burma's Anti-Graft Law. Asked last year what measures had thus far been taken to address corruption, chairman Mya Win admitted that the commission had "no plans" to audit government officials. A new Parliament dominated by the National League for Democracy (NLD) will convene next month after its landslide win in the Nov. 8 general election. The party has vowed to establish a "corruption-free society,” though analysts predict that the new government will face difficulties reforming Burma's bureaucracy, which has long been regulated by corrupt officials. Those predictions are bolstered by Transparency International's finding that "[n]ot one single country, anywhere in the world, is corruption-free." Countries that ranked the lowest were those with conflict, poor governance, weak public institutions such as security forces and the judiciary, and a lack of press freedom. Those at the top shared the characteristics of a relatively free press, access to budget data and independent judiciaries. Denmark topped Transparency's list as the cleanest country, while North Korea and Somalia shared the lowest rank. More than two-thirds of countries were labeled as "highly corrupt." Thailand and India were found to be among the world's 80 most corrupt countries, while Singapore was the only Asian nation to make the top 10. Editor’s note: A previous version of this article incorrectly stated that Burma’s global rank remained the same as the previous year.  The post Burma Still Among World's Most Corrupt Countries, Index Finds appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

2 More Student Activists Declared Fugitives in Mandalay Posted: 27 Jan 2016 11:35 PM PST Student protestors in Kyauk Padaung, Mandalay Division, on Jan. 29, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — Two more student activists have been declared fugitives by a Mandalay Division court, facing charges of unlawful assembly for their role in a demonstration against the detention of their peers. Kaung Zaw Hein and Shine Min Htet Zaw are accused of taking part in a protest in Mandalay's Chan Aye Tharzan Township last year demanding the release of scores of students and supporters who were arrested in March during a crackdown on the student movement for education reform. The court has accepted the case against the pair and a warrant has been issued for their arrest. Their whereabouts are unknown. Another student activist who is currently in detention, Ye Yint Paing Mu, was also dealt an additional charge this week. Ye Yint Paing Mu was arrested last December for his alleged involvement in graffiti at Mandalay's Yadanapon University, where protesters had spray-painted anti-government messages and called for the release of all political prisoners. He now faces charges in Amarapura and Chan Aye Tharzan township courts. Earlier this week, 10 students were informed that they will also face charges for their alleged role in a protest more than a year ago. Fifty-three other students and supporters of the movement have been detained in Pegu Division since the crackdown in Letpadan, while more than a dozen others have been released on bail and are awaiting trial.     The post 2 More Student Activists Declared Fugitives in Mandalay appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Metamorphosis’: Tracing the Transformation in Burma Posted: 27 Jan 2016 11:25 PM PST Renaud Egreteau and Francois Robinne, editors, Metamorphosis. Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar, Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2016. The obvious peril of trying to pen any analysis of Burma's political transition is that publication will render any insight redundant or dated. This is especially true for notoriously slow academic collections. A new collection of essays edited by Renaud Egreteau and Francois Robinne, Metamorphosis, is a welcome exception. The chapters overviewing an array of political, social, religious and ethnic issues is a fine compendium of sound research and argument that serve to deepen our understanding of the complex events of the past five years, and with historical framing that gives them a deeper currency. The first part on evolving political ecologies is mercifully free of the speculation and surface description that marks much analysis. Egreteau's chapter on military lawmakers and their voting behavior in the national Parliament is a great way to start such a volume, and is followed by an illuminating profile of the Arakan politician U Maung Nyo against the backdrop of vexed Arakan State's political and conflict dynamics. Elliot Prasse-Freeman's work on grassroots movements, their concepts of the political and struggles for justice—viewed through the tactics and narratives of land protestors, especially those involved in the Letpadaung demonstrations—is an important and eloquently argued addition to one of Burma's major political fault lines between aggrieved communities and authorities. A section on identity politics is one of the best recent collections on various ethnic perspectives, many of them either lamentably overlooked or hotly contested, including a study of contesting identities and work in the Myiek Archipeligo, a detailed overview of the Kachin and their experiences during the brutal civil war that has raged since 2011, and Jacques P. Leider's deeply researched and meticulously argued overview of the history of Rohingya Muslims. Jane Ferguson's chapter on ethnicity in Shan State is a standout in the volume, traversing not just the ethnic-Burman divisions that characterize much center-periphery relations, but divisions between ethnic groups within Shan State. The chapter also closely examines Shan communities in exile or displaced along the Thailand-Burma border, and the multiple challenges they face for development and peacemaking that is not well understood in either Rangoon or Naypyidaw. As Ferguson clearly states, "[g]iven the long history of contested sovereignty, war, strife and poverty, residents of Shan State stand at a complex crossroads for their political and economic future. Few local people exhibit the optimism that some international observers seem to expect of them." Social issues are presented through captivating chapters on transnational activism, Burmese actors in exile and those who have returned, and a fascinating overview of medical services in Thandwe in Arakan State. Rosalie Metro's excellent essay on the education system is worth the price of the book in itself. In her overview of the poor state of national education standards, one of the major crimes that successive military regimes wrought on Burmese society through neglect and paranoia, Metro presents through closely observed ethnographic research some of the innovative approaches to education reform that some teachers and students are engaging in as first steps in a long journey of redressing poor standards. As she argues, "Burmese students and teachers are neither unaware of nor helpless in the face of the problems of the education system. Some of them, in particular those on the system's peripheries where governmental oversight is minimal or non-existent, are actively seeking solutions by themselves…(t)heir priorities include ameliorating ethnic discrimination, addressing language barriers, rethinking teaching methods based on rote memorization and reducing corruption. These efforts support the process of democratization and national reconciliation that government and civil society representatives have highlighted as crucial in building the country's future." This chapter should be required reading for anyone working on Burma, whether they work on education or not. The final part on religion is both timely and fine reading. Hiroko Kawanami's chapter on Buddhist nuns is a welcome exploration of the often maligned role of the thilashin in contemporary society. Benedicte Brac de la Perriere's detailed history of the Buddhist Sangha's role in democratic transitions is solid background to anyone seeking to understand where the current religious ultra-nationalism of the Ma Ba Tha is coming from. The concluding chapter by one of the editors on ethnicity and religion is a sound companion, especially in its exploration of relations between Buddhists, Christians and Muslims. The most glaringly obvious and utterly perplexing shortcoming of the book, acknowledged by the editors, is the absence of academics from Burma amongst the contributors. More open research and collaboration between scholars from Burma and the outside world, unfettered by security concerns, has been a significant marker of progress during Burma's metamorphosis, and it is a real pity this book fails to show how fruitful that has been. Nevertheless, many of the issues this book analyzes will be important markers of change to understand in Burma's near future. Any attempt to do so will be immeasurably assisted by reading these illuminating essays before you start. Renaud Egreteau and Francois Robinne, editors, Metamorphosis. Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar, Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2016. David Scott Mathieson is a Senior Researcher in the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch. The post 'Metamorphosis': Tracing the Transformation in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Director Explores Same-Sex Relationships in New Film Posted: 27 Jan 2016 10:48 PM PST Film director Nyo Min Lwin. (Photo: Nyo Min Lwin / Facebook) The next project of Nyo Min Lwin, a director known for creating movies outside of the mainstream, engages with a topic rarely explored in Burma's film industry. Entitled "Gemini," the film tells the story of a relationship between two men, said the director. "I'm planning to direct a man-to-man drama in the last week of January," Nyo Min Lwin confirmed. The director's previous movie, "Spa," also touches upon the topic of homosexuality, and drew criticism from netizens on Facebook when the trailer went viral on social media. When asked by The Irrawaddy about potential criticism of "Gemini," Nyo Min Lwin was frank. "I welcome any constructive criticism. But I don't like armchair criticism. I think of it as kind of a personal attack, and not a review," he said. "I don't care about such criticism… but I listen to constructive criticism and the voices of my real fans." The cast includes actors Okkar Min Maung and Nyein Chan Kyaw playing the film's leading male characters and Aye Myat Thu as the female character. "I am proud to act in the film, as I can represent gays and lesbians in Myanmar," Okkar Min Maung said. He added that the film is family-friendly and will not include scenes of a sexual nature. It focuses on "the love and attachment between two men," he said. In a conservative society like Burma, the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) label is still a social taboo despite more people opening up about their sexual orientation in recent years. Yet under Section 377 of Burma's penal code, homosexuality remains illegal and can be punished with fines and lengthy prison sentences. Translated by Thet Ko Ko. The post Burmese Director Explores Same-Sex Relationships in New Film appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Khun Htun Oo: ‘Without a Guarantee of Equality, How Can We Work Together?’ Posted: 27 Jan 2016 10:42 PM PST Khun Htun Oo, chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD). (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Among the many challenges facing the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government will be addressing the political aspirations of Burma's ethnic nationalities. Federalism was high on the agenda at the recent Union Peace Conference, with some ethnic leaders proposing a system of eight ethnic states to replace the current configuration of seven states and seven divisions. The Irrawaddy's Htet Naing Zaw recently spoke with Khun Htun Oo, chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), about the role of ethnic peoples in building a federal Union. Do you think a federal system will be introduced to Burma after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi comes to power? They have made promises and people have also voted for them because they believe in them. We have to wait and see what they will do. They understand well what ethnicities want. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has difficulties. Article 59(f) [of the Constitution, which bars her from the presidency] still can't be amended. It is not yet clear whether she can assume the presidency. If she doesn't, how would she be welcomed when she goes to foreign countries? Whether the red carpet should be rolled out for her is open to question. But anyway, her government will be much better than the current one. People have voted for her party with only one thing in mind—they no longer want the current system. Is it possible to establish a federal Union without changing the 2008 Constitution?  Impossible. Utterly impossible. There are many reasons. How can we establish a federal Union without changing the fundamental facts related to federalism? The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) proposed the concept of eight states at the Union Peace Conference. Would it work in practice? It will if [stakeholders] have the will to do it. In our view, this [lack of federalism] is the reason behind the problems of the country. The Panglong Conference made the same commitment but it has not been realized until now. If guarantees can't be given, how can we move forward? We are not treated on equal terms. Without a guarantee of equality, how can we work together? Our rep said the same at the Union Peace Conference. Will the SNLD hold talks with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government on the principle of eight states when it comes to power? Do you think the NLD government will be able to bring about reconciliation with ethnic groups? We'll discuss it. Who else are we supposed to hold talks with on this if we do not talk with them? But rather than holding direct talks with [Suu Kyi], we will bring it forward to the parliament. The NLD government will surely work for reconciliation with ethnic people. But I'm afraid there are lots of constitutional hurdles. The military staged a coup in 1962 on the pretext of saving the country from breaking up. Aren't you worried that it could intervene again if the system of eight states is introduced?  I am not worried. The country has become the world's poorest country because of their intervention. It should do its own duties, and we'll do our own duties. We need not care. Won't you try to convince the military about it? We have plans. If [the military] comes for talks with us, we'll discuss it. Which federal systems has SNLD studied? Have you seen any federal system that is suitable for Burma? We have studied dozens of federal systems. The best one is of Germany. The system adopted by the US is also good. Rather than choosing the best federal system of the world, we should adopt what is most suitable for us. There has been an argument in the Parliament that if greater autonomy is given to states, there is no need to introduce a different federal system. Do you accept that view? It is impossible. They need to re-study the Panglong Agreement. Just study it. Who will do so if there is no equality? Please also take armed groups into consideration. It is not fair to ask us to move ten steps backward just to make one step forward. I'm afraid it will be difficult to designate a "Burman State" according to the proposed eight-state system. What are we supposed to do with the Dawei and Beik tribes in the Burman ethnic group? And there are also dozens of tribes under the Shan ethnic group. I have no idea about the Burman ethnic group but for Shan, the Shan Federation could be re-formed. Does the Burmese government's administrative power have influence on the Wa [Special] Region in Shan State at present? Can it open its offices there? That place has been open for a long time. Aren't you afraid Burma will meet the same fate as… Crimea? Burman people will make up the majority in a federal system. So, they need not to worry. Regarding the Dawei and Beik tribes you have said, it is up to the Burmese government. Would you accept if the NLD government offered you a Union-level post? It depends on terms and conditions. We need to consider if their policies meet what we want. If I accept the post without considering these, problems might arise later if their policies fail to meet our goals. Do you have any final comments about federalism? They [the government] talks about 14 units [14 states and divisions], but for us, [the best] federal system would be eight units. No matter what federal system is adopted, it is important that it enshrines equality and self-determination. If not, it is not a federal system. You can have 100 divisions and 100 states in the country, but the most important thing is there must be coordination between upper and lower [administrative] levels. The country has gone through years of hardship because there is no such coordination. The Lower House is for Burman and the Upper House or House of Nationalities or House of Ethnicities is for minorities, for us. Do you know the 1947 constitution? We'll take according to that constitution. Burmans said one thing before independence and talked another way after independence. That's why there have been 'booms-booms-bangs-bangs' across the country. The post Khun Htun Oo: 'Without a Guarantee of Equality, How Can We Work Together?' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thais Turn to ‘Child Angel’ Dolls as Economy Struggles Posted: 27 Jan 2016 10:09 PM PST A "child angel" doll is pictured at a shop inside a department store in Bangkok, Thailand, January 26, 2016. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters) A craze for lifelike dolls thought to bring good luck is sweeping Thailand, reflecting widespread anxiety as the economy struggles and political uncertainty persists nearly two years after a coup. Thailand is predominantly Buddhist and has been modernizing rapidly over the past two or three decades but many people are highly superstitious, their Buddhist beliefs co-existing with notions of animism, astrology and "black magic." The plastic dolls, about the size of a real baby, are called "look thep" or "child angel." Devotees buy them in shops or online and invite benevolent spirits to possess them, hoping they will bring good luck. "The economy is bad right now. Everybody needs something to hold on to," said Mananya Boonmee, 49, a doll owner and seller. Mananya told Reuters her doll, called Nong Petch, or baby jewel, had helped her win the lottery by telling her what numbers to buy in her dreams. Panpimon Wipulakorn, deputy director-general of the Department of Mental Health, said the economic downturn exacerbated the phenomenon. "There have always been groups in Thai society that hold such beliefs and economic worries only help to heighten these beliefs," Panpimon told Reuters. "These people do not have mental health problems." Thailand has been ruled by a junta since a May 2014 coup and the generals have struggled to revive the export-dependent economy, while promising to restore democracy with an election next year. Such fads have happened before. After a 2006 coup, many people turned to plasticine amulets, or charms, in the belief they would bring riches. Devotees of the dolls lavish attention on them. "My life has changed a lot, for the better," said beauty salon owner Natsuda Jantabtim, 45, who has had her doll—Nong Ruay Jung, or baby so rich—for eight months. "When I hug her, I know it's love. I tell her I love her all the time." Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha weighed in on Monday saying people who could not afford to buy the dolls should not do so. "I've never raised a child angel doll," he quipped. The dolls cost from 1,500 baht ($40) to up to 30,000 baht ($800) and some businesses are tapping in on the craze. Thai Smile, a subsidiary of national flag carrier Thai Airways, said it would charge passengers who bring dolls on board and would serve them snacks. But the Civil Aviation Authority of Thailand said it would stop airlines selling tickets for dolls over concern they could be used to smuggle drugs. The post Thais Turn to 'Child Angel' Dolls as Economy Struggles appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Unease Stirs as Suu Kyi Reaches Out to Former Foes Posted: 27 Jan 2016 09:44 PM PST National League for Democracy (NLD) party leader Aung San Suu Kyi smiles as she arrives to attend Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, Jan. 28, 2016 (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — When leaders of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy huddled this month to discuss the transfer of power in Burma, they quickly reached decisions on who from the party should take the key posts in the next parliament. But as attention turned to a candidate from the junta-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), a heated argument erupted over his track record and suitability for office, a senior NLD official who was present at the meeting said. The issue of how far to go in reaching out to former foes from nearly half a century of military rule may prove one of the first fault lines to emerge within the NLD, with the potential to threaten or even derail Suu Kyi's ambitious agenda. "Some rank-and-file members are worried and not happy about the NLD working closely with the military. They never kept their promises so they don't trust the army," said Aung Myo, a mid-ranking NLD member. Eventually NLD leaders agreed at the early January meeting to offer the posts of deputy parliament speakers to T Khun Myat from the USDP and Aye Thar Aung from the Arakan National Party (ANP), an ethnic party from Burma's restive Arakan State. The nominations were made as a token of national reconciliation as Suu Kyi's party prepares for office after winning about 80 percent of the elected seats in parliament at a historic general election late last year. That the nomination provoked such heated debate underscores a growing sense of unease among some party members at the speed with which Suu Kyi has sought to build ties with powerful army chief Min Aung Hlaing and former junta leader Than Shwe. "Breaking down the distrust and convincing everybody to work together represents the single biggest challenge for the incoming administration," said Myint U, an independent consultant and expert on Burma bureaucracy. "Failure here may slow down or even stop reforms and could cost the country billions of dollars in lost investment." 'Grassroots Don't Like Them' The NLD, which will take office in early April after a drawn-out transition, is a broad church of views united by the shared experience of the decades-long struggle for democracy and held together by Suu Kyi's charismatic leadership. Many members, including the Nobel peace laureate Suu Kyi, suffered years of persecution and imprisonment by the junta that had ruled Burma for 49 years until a semi-civilian government took power in 2011. "There's a history, a past that is hard to forget for many people," said Lin Htoo Maung, a sales executive at a Rangoon-based bank. Suu Kyi is barred from becoming president by the 2008 Constitution, which experts say was drafted by the military to entrench its influence on politics. The charter also gives her little choice but to engage with the military, despite her huge election win. The army controls a quarter of the seats in Parliament—giving it a constitutional veto—a large number of seats at the security council and three security ministries: defense, border affairs and home affairs. At the closed-door leadership meeting, it was also agreed to give the powerful post of the Lower House speaker to Win Myint, one of the closest party acolytes of Suu Kyi, said the NLD official present at the meeting. Another NLD leader familiar with the meeting told Reuters that, while Suu Kyi was firmly in charge and led most decisions, the mood among party grassroots was already having an influence on the speed and depth of rapprochement. "We are worried, or concerned that our people have little or no experience in actual governance," the NLD leader said, explaining why the party had been discussing who from the outgoing administration might be retained. "The majority of the cabinet will be NLD. But there will be some technocrats from ethnic parties and other parties," he said. "It would be difficult for us to keep any current ministers. The rank-and-file, the party grassroots don't like them." Both NLD leaders, who belong to the party's 15-member central executive committee, spoke to Reuters on condition of anonymity. Bitter Legacy One of the areas that arouses the most bitterness in dealing with the legacy of junta-rule would likely be land grabs that the military and army-linked enterprises were accused of by rights activists, said Win Min, who runs the NLD office in southern Rangoon. "They tortured villagers, grabbed the land and forced them to move out by setting crops on fire," said a rank-and-file Rangoon-based NLD member who did not want to be identified out of fear of retribution. "I'm not saying that our senior members are making the wrong move, but I think we need to be careful while working with them." No one from the military or USDP was available for comment. To be sure, many political prisoners and the top echelons of the party support Suu Kyi's reconciliatory approach. Tin Oo, NLD's "patron" and one of its most deeply respected leaders, told Reuters that the NLD did not want to put any pressure on the military or push for the constitutional amendment immediately. "We will agree to anything that would make them feel comfortable to make the transition stable," said the 88-year-old, who served as army chief in the 1970s. "We know that we will win in the end anyway, but we don't think it's the right time to prioritize it now." The post Unease Stirs as Suu Kyi Reaches Out to Former Foes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Korea May Be Readying Long-Range Missile Launch Soon: Source Posted: 27 Jan 2016 09:18 PM PST North Korean leader Kim Jong Un speaks during a ceremony in this undated photo released by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency on January 13, 2016.  (Photo: Reuters) SEOUL — North Korea may be preparing to launch a long-range missile as soon as within a week, Japan's Kyodo news agency reported early on Thursday, citing an unnamed Japanese government official. The official cited signs of possible preparations for a missile launch, based on analysis of satellite imagery of the North's Tongchang-ri missile test site on its west coast. The report came as UN Security Council members discuss fresh sanctions against the North after it conducted its fourth nuclear test on Jan. 6. The North is already under sanctions for its nuclear and missile programs. North Korea last conducted a long-range rocket launch in late 2012, successfully putting into orbit an object it claimed was a communications satellite, in what experts saw as part of an effort to build an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM). South Korean Defense Ministry spokesman Kim Min-seok declined to comment on whether there were pre-launch activities at the site, citing a policy of not discussing intelligence matters. However, he said the North had issued no international warnings on navigation, as it has ahead of previous long-range rocket launches. South Korea's Yonhap news agency cited a government source as saying there had been steady activity at the missile base, with screens set up at key areas, probably to deter spy satellite surveillance. Much of the site's operation is automated and rails are set up to move rocket components quickly for final assembly and launch, Yonhap quoted the source as saying. The site was upgraded last year to accommodate the launch of a longer-range rocket, experts have said. Isolated North Korea says it has a sovereign right to run a space program and its long-range rockets are built to deliver satellites into space. The North is also seen to be working to miniaturize a nuclear warhead to mount on a missile, but many experts say it is some time away from perfecting the technology. In Beijing, US Secretary of State John Kerry and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on Wednesday agreed on the need for a significant new UN security resolution against the North, but there were few signs of progress. US Navy Admiral Harry Harris, commander of US Pacific Command, said before publication of the Kyodo report that he supported reviewing the possibility of converting a US Aegis missile defense test site in Hawaii into a combat-ready facility to bolster US defenses against ballistic missile attacks, an initiative first reported by Reuters last week. Harris also told reporters after his speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington that it made sense to put a mobile missile defense system known as the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense in South Korea. That decision must be made jointly by the United States and South Korea, he said. North Korea said on Jan. 6 it exploded a hydrogen bomb, although the United States and other governments and experts voiced skepticism that it had made such a technological advance. The post Korea May Be Readying Long-Range Missile Launch Soon: Source appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

PM Says Singapore Will Allow More Opposition Lawmakers Posted: 27 Jan 2016 09:13 PM PST Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong waves upon arrival at the international airport in Manila on Nov. 18, 2015, to attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit. (Photo: Reuters) SINGAPORE — Singapore's prime minister on Wednesday announced constitutional amendments that would result in more opposition politicians in its parliament, long dominated by his ruling People's Action Party (PAP). Lee Hsien Loong, who is also secretary general of the party, said the changes would ensure the government is "always kept on its toes." The PAP has ruled the island nation since independence in 1965. It won 83 of 89 seats in last September's general election, securing nearly 70 percent of all votes and boosting its confidence after winning only 60 percent of the votes in the 2011 general election. "In raising this major issue now, my aim is to strengthen our system to make it more open and contestable, and to keep it accountable to the people," Lee said. He said parliament should "always be the place to debate and decide on important policies, where alternative views always have a place, where the opposition will never be shut out, and the government will be held to account." The move to give more room to the opposition in parliament comes as a surprise. Lee's father, Singapore founding leader Lee Kuan Yew, who died last March, had no tolerance for opposition voices and often took detractors to court on defamation charges. The proposed constitutional changes need to be voted on in parliament after Lee files an official request, which he said he will do "during this term," which could be any time within five years. They are expected to be approved because of the ruling party's dominance. Critics say Singapore's electoral system, in which some constituencies are represented by a group of four to six lawmakers, has unfairly boosted the ruling party's numbers. Lee said the size of those groups will be reduced, giving smaller opposition parties the chance to cobble together enough candidates to contest the constituencies. He did not say how large the new groups would be. He said the minimum number of opposition members in parliament will also be increased from nine to 12 starting from the next general election. If fewer than 12 opposition members are elected, the "best losers" from the opposition will be selected as non-constituency members of parliament, meaning they don't represent a group of residents. Such non-constituency members are currently barred from voting on changes to the constitution or on votes of no confidence in the government, but Lee said that would change. The secretary-general of the opposition Workers' Party, Low Thia Khiang, said non-constituency members of Parliament are just "duckweed on the water of a pond" because they don't have roots or a power base in a constituency. "They may have the same voting rights in parliament, but that is only pertaining to parliament. Non-constituency members of parliament do not give any political party muscle, because you don't have the competitive advantage on the ground. That does not help you to build your strength in political competition," he said. Reuben Wong, a political science professor at the National University of Singapore, said the PAP was responding to public expectations of broader voices in policymaking. "It is an important symbol that we are moving toward a more mature political system, from a longstanding mantra that one party is good for Singaporeans. [The PAP] is changing its tune," he said. The post PM Says Singapore Will Allow More Opposition Lawmakers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US, China Spar over North Korea, South China Sea Posted: 27 Jan 2016 08:29 PM PST US Secretary of State John Kerry (L) and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi approach to shake hands after attending a news conference at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing, China, January 27, 2016.  (Photo: Jacquelyn Martin / Reuters) BEIJING — Top US and Chinese officials sparred Wednesday over how to deal with North Korea's latest nuclear weapons test and ease tensions over territorial disputes in the South China Sea. US Secretary of State John Kerry and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met for more than four hours and said their discussions were "constructive" and "candid." But at a joint news conference, they presented sharply opposing positions on the two issues. Kerry acknowledged that "our differences will continue to test us." Still, he stressed that the world benefits when the United States and China are able to work together, including on the Iran nuclear deal and climate change. On North Korea, Kerry said the United States wanted new UN Security Council action that would impose "significant new measures" to punish Pyongyang for its test this month and boost pressure on the North to return to disarmament talks. "There's been a lot of talk about North Korea through these past years. Now we believe is the time for action that can bring North Korea back to the table," Kerry said. Wang said China, which is North Korea's most important ally, chief trading partner and a key source of economic assistance, agreed on the need for a new resolution. But he suggested that Beijing would not support new penalties even though it has condemned the testing. "Sanctions are not an end in themselves," he said. "The new resolution should not provoke new tension in the situation, still less destabilize the Korean Peninsula," Wang said. Later Wednesday, the US ambassador to the United Nations, Samantha Power, told reporters that countries "need to accelerate progress" on negotiating a UN resolution. Kerry noted that sanctions had brought Iran to the nuclear negotiating table. "More significant and impactful sanctions were put in place against Iran, which did not have a nuclear weapon than against North Korea, which does." "All nations, particularly those who seek a global leadership role, or have a global leadership role, have a responsibility to deal with this threat," he said, referring to China. Kerry said the sides agreed both on the need for a strong new resolution on North Korea, but also to accelerate talks on what that would entail. "It's good to agree on the goal. But it's not enough to agree on the goal, we believe we need to agree on the meaningful steps necessary to get to the achievement of the goal to the negotiations that result in denuclearization," Kerry said. Wang also took umbrage at US complaints that China is not doing as much as it can with the leverage it has on North Korea. He noted that China's position has been consistent in opposing North Korea's nuclear weapons program and supporting a diplomatic resolution to the matter. "For many years China has been working hard to implement these," he said. "We have delivered on our obligation." Kerry said China is North Korea's main link to the outside world, and that it could do more to limit cross-border transactions that benefit North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and his government. Kerry also called on China to halt land reclamation and construction of airstrips in disputed areas of the South China Sea. Those steps have alarmed its smaller neighbors. "I stressed the importance of finding common ground among the claimants and avoiding the destabilizing cycle of mistrust or escalation," Kerry said. Wang denied that China has was doing anything other than protecting its territorial sovereignty. He rejected assertions by the United States and others that China was not interested in peaceful resolutions to the disputes or militarizing the areas. In a later meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Kerry hailed the "critical role" China played in the Iran nuclear agreement and on tackling global warming. "The effort on climate was really historic and you made a key decision with President Obama to change the whole debate," Kerry said. Xi, who met with Kerry at the Great Hall of the People in the heart of Beijing, described the bilateral relationship as "smooth and on the way up in the past year." "Generally speaking, when China and the United States work together we can make good things happen with win-win results for both sides and that contributes to peace, prosperity and stability in the world," Xi said. China claims sovereignty of much of the territory in the South China Sea. It rejects claims from countries such as the Philippines and Vietnam and has bristled at US warnings that its activities threaten the freedom of navigation in some of the world's busiest commercial shipping lanes. Taiwan, Malaysia and Brunei also have overlapping claims in the strategically vital sea, through which around US$5 trillion in world trade passes each year. The US says it takes no position on the claims but says developments in the South China Sea are a national security interest. It has urged that the disputes be settled peacefully and that a binding code of conduct be established for the area. Tensions have been especially high since Beijing transformed seven disputed reefs into islands, where it is now constructing runways and facilities that rival claimants say can be used militarily. China has said it built the islands primarily to foster safe civilian sea travel and fishing. In response, the US sent a guided-missile destroyer close to one of the Chinese-built islands, called Subi Reef, in October in a challenge to Beijing's territorial claims, sparking warnings from China. US officials vowed to continue maneuvers to protect freedom of navigation and overflight. Recent developments, including China's movement of an oil rig into a zone disputed with Vietnam and warnings against Philippines overflight of what it claims to be its territory, have raised those levels of concern. China dismisses the warnings as unwarranted, but has harshly criticized a US-Philippines defense pact that allows American forces, warships and planes to be based temporarily in local military camps. China says that will "escalate tensions and undermine peace and stability in the region," echoing language the United States uses to criticize China's actions. The post US, China Spar over North Korea, South China Sea appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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