| Applicants Bemoan Waiting Times After Thai Embassy Changes Visa Processing Posted: 19 Dec 2014 04:43 AM PST  Applicants for a Thai visa wait outside the Thai Embassy in Rangoon to have their application processed on Dec. 10. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Thai Embassy in Rangoon said it has lifted restrictions on the number of visa applications it processes daily in an effort to grant more Burmese citizens access to the neighboring country. The new system however, has had unintended negative consequences, some of the applicants said, as waiting times have sharply increased, creating long lines outside the embassy and annoyance among those queuing up. Early this month, the embassy stopped using a system that handed out tokens to 150 visa applicants per day, and it began accepting applications from all those who show up at the embassy between 9 am and 11:30 am. "We don't want to count the number of people anymore. Under the token system there would be a limited number of people who can apply every day. With the new system we can accommodate all people, but of course they might have to wait in a longer queue," said a Thai Embassy official, who declined to be named. "But the number of people who get the visa has increased, so it will be better for the Myanmar people," he told The Irrawaddy. "We are trying to accommodate more people." In recent weeks, hundreds of people could be seen waiting for hours outside the embassy in the morning sun on a side street of Pyay Road in Dagon Township. On Thursday, many applicants said they arrived in the early morning, with some lining up as early as 4 am to ensure that their visa application would be processed. Myo Nyunt, a civil servant who also runs a small company, said he had waited some three hours and expressed exasperation over the long waiting times. "I do not like their new system because I feel I have to waste a lot of time lining up here. It feels like I'm losing my dignity if I have to wait so long without any chairs and tables to sit on," he said, while standing at the rear end of a slow-moving, roughly 300-meter long queue. Myo Nyunt added that under previous token system he was able to pay an agent a fee to more quickly obtain his visa. Some visa agents and brokers have quickly adapted to the new system and are trying to earn money from the long waiting hours by offering to stand in line in the applicant's stead for a fee. When the actual applicant arrives, brokers will make way for them so they can apply in person. "We are taking waiting space for six people," said a woman who was in a group of six brokers, adding that they charged about US$10 per applicant for the service. "Many brokers come to sleep here at night and seize spaces outside the embassy in the morning. They earn good money… so they are happy to do this," said Tun Aung, a taxi driver who waited for customers near the embassy. The practice created tension and arguments between exhausted applicants on Thursday morning. One man waiting in line lashed out at a woman as he thought she had bought a place in the front of the queue through a waiting broker. "I came here at 4 am and I could not get at the front of the line, but you did!" he said, drawing an angry response from the woman, who claimed she had also been waiting since early morning. The Thai Embassy official said it would take some time to implement the new application system and come up with ways to address the long waiting times and related issues. "We take into account the problems… but this is just the beginning of the new system and we will assess it, and maybe we can come up with a solution," he said. The post Applicants Bemoan Waiting Times After Thai Embassy Changes Visa Processing appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Chin Newspapers Try to Turn Page on Govt Ban Posted: 19 Dec 2014 04:22 AM PST  Employees work at a private daily newspaper's printing press in Rangoon on May 6, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun) RANGOON — An ethnic-language newspaper that was shut down by the Chin State government earlier this year resumed publication last week, while another newspaper was shuttered for a second time after also attempting to restart its operations. In late September and October, the Chin State government ordered four local unregistered newspapers to cease printing. Among them, the Hakha Post and Tedim Post say they have since received approval to continue their operations after registering, but the latter was again ordered to halt production shortly after printing its first issue back. Production for the two other newspapers— Zo Lengthe and the Falam Post—remains suspended, their editors told The Irrawaddy, awaiting approval from the Ministry of Information's Copyrights and Registration Department. "We registered the newspaper early last month and we received approval for registration last week," said Pa Pui, editor-in-chief of the Hakha Post, the first newspaper to be shuttered by the regional government on Sept. 29. The Hakha district administrator ordered the sudden closure of the Hakha Post, distributed in Hakha and the surrounding area in the local Lai language. The newspaper, founded in 2012 and with a circulation of about 2,500 copies, was reportedly shuttered per instructions from the state's chief minister. "They said to stop operations until we get the registration. When we resumed operations last week, we had to start from square one since our publication has been suspended for more than two months," Pa Pu said. According to the Hakha Post editor, there are more than 20 local newspapers circulating in Chin State, only about four of which are officially registered. Pa Pui said he believed the order to shut down the newspaper was given because his publication regularly reports news critical of the state government. "The shutting down of local newspapers by the Chin State government shows that they are not encouraging ethnic literature and media, although they should be," he added. Thang Van Lian, chief editor of the Tedim Post, a Zomi-language weekly that was shut down on Oct. 16, told The Irrawaddy that his publication had resumed operations on Dec. 6 after receiving what he thought was registration approval. The Township Information and Public Relations Department, however, ordered the publication to once again cease its operations the very same day. "We had just resumed publication and only published one [issue]. But now we've been shuttered again. I am really disappointed," he said. Thang Van Lian said the Tedim Post was published by the Taung Za Lat Literature publishing company, and the Township Information and Public Relations Department claimed that only the company had successfully been registered, not the name of the publication. "They asked us to register again. It is really complicated. We registered for both publishing company and publication. We don't understand the procedure very well," he said. He added that even though they had reregistered, the process will take at least one month, meaning the newspaper's 2014 publishing days are over. Nung Sian Tuang, editor of the Zomi-language bimonthly Zo Lengthe, said officials from the Copyrights and Registration Department had told him that if his registration application is approved, he will be required to submit each issue to the department in Rangoon within seven days of its publication, a potential challenge given Chin State's remoteness. The post Chin Newspapers Try to Turn Page on Govt Ban appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| 10 Sentenced in Thandwe for Deadly Religious Riots Posted: 19 Dec 2014 04:00 AM PST  A group of Kaman Muslim women take shelter in a village not far from their home village of Thapyu Kyain, October 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Ten Muslims were sentenced on Wednesday for their role in deadly inter-communal riots in Thandwe, Arakan State, late last year, according to their lawyer. Defense lawyer Thein Nyunt told The Irrawaddy that three of those convicted were sentenced to life in prison, which typically carries 20 years in jail before eligibility for parole. The three sentenced to life were found guilty of murder under Article 302 of Burma's Penal Code. They were also charged under Article 326, causing hurt by means of an instrument or weapon which could cause death, which holds a maximum sentence of 10 years. In this case, the 10 year sentence was added to their life sentences, meaning they will serve at least 30 years in jail. Six others were convicted under Article 326, all of them sentenced to seven years in jail. One woman was sentenced to one year in prison under Article 201 for causing evidence to disappear or providing false information about an offense. At least seven people died and more than 100 homes were burned to the ground when violence broke out between Buddhist communities and three Kaman villages over five days beginning in late September 2013. The Kaman are a Muslim minority that mostly live in Arakan State. More than 60 people were charged for their involvement, at least 23 of them were Muslim. The various charges included murder, injury by weapon, arson, obstruction of official duty, incitement and abetting crime. This week's ruling brings the total number of reported convictions related to the incident up to 20. All ten of those convicted on Wednesday were Muslim, their lawyer said. Thandwe is known mostly as a transit hub for tourists visiting the secluded and idyllic Ngapali beach. Since mid-2012, however, Arakan State has been host to several bouts of rioting between ethnic Arakanese Buddhists and minority Muslims. While stateless Rohingya Muslims in northern Burma were the most affected, other legally recognized Muslim minorities, such as Kaman, have also been the targets of violence. Anti-Muslim violence since the initial outbreak has left about 140,000 people displaced and hundreds dead nationwide. When violence shook Thandwe on Sept. 29, 2013, three contiguous Muslim villages were affected leaving five Muslims and two Buddhists dead, more than 100 homes destroyed and about 500 Kaman villagers displaced. A 94-year-old Kaman woman was among those murdered. Eight Muslims and six Buddhists still await trial for arson related to the Thandwe riots. In total, four people have been sentenced to life for the deaths. The post 10 Sentenced in Thandwe for Deadly Religious Riots appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Teachers Federation Rejects Ministry Plans for Official Unions Posted: 19 Dec 2014 03:10 AM PST  Students protesting outside Sule Pagoda in downtown Rangoon on Nov. 14. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Myanmar Teachers' Federation (MTF) has emphatically rejected the Ministry of Education's decision to form its own teacher and student unions at higher education institutions, saying that the plan violates the internationally accepted principles of freedom of association. The MTF's actions come after the ministry started to form a union composed of two teachers per department at the Rangoon University of Foreign Languages on Dec. 12. The federation fears that the ministry's actions are a throwback to the Burma Socialist Programme Party era, where government oversight and control ensured pliant labor unions across the board. A statement by the MTF says that the ministry has failed to recognize the federation's own union status, despite Burma's 1955 ratification of the International Labor Organization convention—which guarantees freedom of association and protection of the right to organize—and the federation's compliance with the rules of Burma's draft labor law. "It's not in accordance with democratic norms if unions are formed through a misuse of the ministry's power," Arkar Moe Thu, secretary of the MTF, told The Irrawaddy. "We strongly reject it, as it is weakening [Burma's] democratic path." The Union Parliament has yet to draft planned bylaws to the National Education Law, which are expected to outline the regulations governing the formation of education unions. The MTF said the ministry's decision to demand the formation of official unions—before bylaws are considered—is an act of retaliation against recent protests by student unions and criticisms of the law by educators. Hundreds of students protested against the education law last month on the grounds that it centralizes the curriculum, allows the government to exercise control over teacher appointments and does not extend formal recognition to existing unions. Existing unions have been formed independently by students and teachers and are not officially recognized by the Ministry of Education or the government. The post Teachers Federation Rejects Ministry Plans for Official Unions appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma Last in Asean to Join Regional Infrastructure Fund Posted: 19 Dec 2014 02:16 AM PST  Workers chat near a ship at Asia World port in Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun) RANGOON — Burma has become a full member of the Asean Infrastructure Fund, the last country of the regional grouping to gain shareholder status, the fund announced on Thursday. "It [Burma] will be able to access funding from AIF for infrastructure projects, that will be how Myanmar benefits," said Jin W. Cyhn, the principal economist of the Southeast Asia department of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), which administers the fund. Burma completed all required procedures to gain AIF membership after a meeting between the Ministry of Finance and the ADB, according to Jin. Maung Maung Win, the AIF director for Burma, said that the country's accession to the fund was a significant development amid growing regional infrastructural and economic links. "Myanmar is pleased to become a full member of the AIF as this is an important step towards further integration into Asean and global economy, as well as helping the country to access funding to invest in infrastructure to support its long term development," said Maung Maung Win, who also serves as director at the Ministry of Finance. The AIF has thus far financed three infrastructure projects is Asean member states totaling US$165 million: $25 million for a Java-Bali power transmission project, $40 million for a sanitation project in Indonesia and $100 million for a power grid initiative in Vietnam. Jin said the AIF board had already signed off on its lending plans prior to Burma gaining member status, but did not rule out possible financing for the country next year. "Although, as we've discussed in a meeting today [in Rangoon], the AIF board has already approved a pipeline of projects for 2015 [without consideration for Burma], we can adjust that based on what Myanmar needs, after discussions with the Ministry of Finance," Jin said, adding that Burma had put up $100,000 in equity as its initial contribution to the AIF. Based out of its offices in Rangoon and Naypyidaw, "ADB will identify key government projects, and based on that the AIF will finance them," he said, adding that projects ranging from road and rail construction to water supply development would potentially be eligible for AIF lending. The ADB is one of the largest shareholders in AIF, contributing US$150 million in equity, and it acts as the overall administrator of the fund. Set up in 2011, the AIF aims to help finance infrastructure in the Asean region, which consists of nations at widely varying stages of development. Burma's infrastructure is among Asean's least developed, though recent years have seen several projects begun or proposed that would seek to bring the country up to speed with its neighbors, including transnational road and rail links, increased power-generating capacity and three major deep-water ports. The post Burma Last in Asean to Join Regional Infrastructure Fund appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| China Tightens Grip on Macau as Dissent Rises in Gambling Hub Posted: 18 Dec 2014 09:56 PM PST  A protester pours red paint over himself during a May Day protest against migrant workers from mainland China and other countries, as well as government corruption, during Labor Day in Macau May 1, 2012. (Photo: Reuters) MACAU — By night, Ieong Man Teng was dealing baccarat to gamblers at the Wynn Macau casino. By day, he was mobilizing thousands of fellow dealers to protest on the street for better working conditions and higher pay. That made him one of the people on Beijing’s watch list earlier this year in Macau, the world’s biggest gambling hub. Ieong, 29, said associates of prominent businessmen in Macau and a Macau politician who sits on the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) warned him in face-to-face meetings, including one at a local cafe, to tone down his activities. He did not name the politician. "They said they were passing on a message from people up there [Beijing]. I consider these to be threats," Ieong said. A spokesman for the CPPCC, a largely ceremonial but high profile advisory body to China’s parliament, told Reuters he did "not know anything about this". He did not elaborate. Ieong’s experience is part of a broader squeeze in Macau, where Beijing is tightening its grip after a series of grassroots protest actions in the former Portuguese colony. Unnerved by pro-democracy protests roiling neighboring Hong Kong, China has moved firmly in Macau to stifle any parallel challenge to the central government’s authority. President Xi Visits President Xi Jinping visits Macau on Dec. 19-20 to celebrate the 15th anniversary of its handover to the mainland with the territory at a crossroads. Macau’s gambling take, which makes up 80 percent of its revenues, has suffered the biggest decline since the industry was liberalized in 2001. This is partly because Xi’s sweeping crackdown on corruption has scared off high-rollers, including corrupt officials. Xi is also helping inaugurate a second five-year term for Macau Chief Executive Fernando Chui, who was re-elected by a pro-Beijing panel in August amid unprecedented political protests. Au Kam San, a pro-democracy Macau lawmaker, said Beijing still viewed Macau as more controllable than Hong Kong. But the protests from July to October by Ieong’s gambling union, in a city where casinos raked in $45 billion last year, troubled Beijing. "The gambling union is much more important and it has a higher risk for Beijing because it’s mobilizing potential is much stronger," Au said. "It’s seen as a threat to Beijing." The fact that gaming is so closely connected with the mainland means that Beijing cannot just look at economic growth and tax revenue "when looking at Macau’s overall well-being," Li Fei, deputy secretary general of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee said in a speech in Macau on Dec. 3. "It must think from the perspective of China’s economic and social stability and development." Beijing’s Liaison Office in Macau and the Macau government did not respond to Reuters’ questions sent by fax and email. Academic Freedom Like Hong Kong, Macau is ruled under the one country, two systems model that affords its residents wide-ranging personal freedoms that don’t exist on the mainland. Critics say these have been eroding under pressure from China. Last month, the University of Saint Joseph issued a document, titled "USJ policy on political activities," that places limits on political discussion at the Catholic institution. When asked to provide a copy of the guidelines, the university’s Pro-Rector for Academic Affairs and Development Vincent Yang told Reuters they were for internal use only and declined to give more details. The guidelines were issued after a professor at the University, Eric Sautede, was dismissed in June after writing a column in a local newspaper extolling a candlelight vigil in Macau commemorating the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square student-led protests. Peter Stilwell, the rector of Saint Joseph’s, said Sautede was sacked for violating the primary principle of the Church, "which is of non-intervention in local political debate". Bill Chou Kwok-Ping, a professor at the University of Macau and prominent civil rights activist, was let go in August for similar reasons. The University said it chose not to renew Chou’s contract because he violated professional conduct regulations by not remaining politically neutral. Macau’s Tertiary Education Services Office is discussing guidelines that would assess universities and tertiary institutions for various issues, including funding, on the basis of whether they adhered to the principle of "love China, love Macau", according to a person who attended the meeting. The tertiary office did not respond to Reuters’ questions sent by email. Universal Suffrage Situated at the mouth of China’s Pearl River delta, Macau has traditionally been sympathetic to Beijing, with around half of its 600,000 population having emigrated from the mainland over the past three decades. As a result, there has been little grassroots protest in the city since China resumed control in 1999. That changed in May. A record 20,000 people took to the streets to protest poor public services and a bill that provided lavish perks for senior civil servants. Then, in August, Macau activists organized an unofficial referendum asking residents whether they trusted their chief executive – as the territory’s head of government is called – and if full universal suffrage should be introduced. At the same time in Hong Kong, tensions were rising over a plan by activists, also demanding full democracy, to paralyze the central business district. The results of the Macau referendum showed that 89 percent of the nearly 9,000 people who took part didn’t trust Chui. The sole candidate for chief executive in the August election, he was chosen by a panel of 400 largely pro-China loyalists. Data released on the poll’s online site also showed that 95 percent of the participants said they were in favor of allowing all registered voters to cast ballots for a chief executive. Macau authorities moved quickly to disrupt the referendum, shutting polling booths. They also arrested five people for breaching privacy laws because the ballot asked for telephone and ID card numbers to prevent fraudulent voting. 'Escalating the Movement' Jason Chao, one of those detained, told Reuters he fled Macau for a few days at the end of the referendum to dispose of all the data, defying orders from police to hand over the information. Chao, a computer software developer and leading member of the New Macau Association, said he refused to let police officers search his apartment. "There’s a trend for them to use the criminal justice system as justification for getting information from you, for searching your house," Chao said in an interview in Macau, referring to the local authorities and the Chinese government. "They’re doing it to essentially deter us from escalating the movement." Ahead of Xi’s visit, Chao has met with men he described as plain clothes policemen and had informal meetings with representatives from Beijing, who described themselves as researchers but were not affiliated with any institution, he said. Macau police declined to comment on questions sent by email. Chao said he was told his group’s annual pro-democracy protest held on the anniversary of Macau’s handover could go ahead as long as it didn’t target President Xi. "They invited me to lunch and didn’t put it in a straight-forward manner," he said. "They diplomatically said that if you decide to do your annual demonstration as normal, it will be fine as long as you don’t do other things targeting Xi Jinping." The post China Tightens Grip on Macau as Dissent Rises in Gambling Hub appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| After Tsunami, Fishermen Struggle Against Tide of Tourism in Thailand Posted: 18 Dec 2014 09:42 PM PST  Hong Klathalay walks toward his fishing boat in Khao Lak, Phang Nga province, on Dec. 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) THUNG WA, Thailand — After the tsunami pounded Thailand's Andaman Sea coast a decade ago, the ethnic Moklen fishing communities that have lived here for generations buried their dead, fought off land grabs to rebuild their homes, and—surprisingly—sighed in relief. The tsunami had destroyed sprawling seafront luxury resorts that had blocked public access to the sea and had halted the rampant tourism that threatened to push the Moklen fishermen off their ancestral lands in Phang Nga province, north of the resort island of Phuket. In effect, the disaster gave them unfettered access to the shore again and time to pursue their traditional way of life. That post-tsunami reprieve has ended, the Moklens say; tourist arrivals have shot up from 11.6 million in 2005 to 13.7 million in January-November this year—not counting the end-of-year peak holiday season—while land prices have risen tenfold. The Moklens again fear their way of life is close to extinction. "I wish another tsunami would hit, so the villagers could have just a bit more time to live our way of life," said Hong Klathalay, a 48-year-old community leader in the Moklen village of Thung Wa, as he walked across low sand dunes to his modest wooden boat parked in a lagoon. At the forested edge of the lagoon stands the shell of an ornate traditional Thai ceramic-tiled building that withstood the tsunami and is now overgrown with weeds and creepers. On the side fronting the sea, construction machinery pounds away on a plot of land with new retaining walls and the foundation of a large hotel. "They build a wall on this side, and then the water will push in on the other side. So they'll build another wall there and fill up the land. Once it's all walled in, we're finished," Hong said angrily, pointing to the construction site. The dark-skinned Moklens—an ethnic group linked to the Moken sea gypsies of the Andaman Islands—live and breathe the sea, with intricately knotted fishing traps and nets stowed neatly in their yards. Phang Nga and Phuket are home to about 4,000 Moklens, who have lived in the region since long before the tourism boom, but most do not legally own the land they live on, according to Narumon Arunotai, an anthropologist specializing in the region's sea gypsy ethnic groups. So when the tsunami—which left 5,395 dead and 2,932 missing in Thailand, including more than 2,000 foreign tourists—swept away the Moklens' bamboo thatch bungalows, the landowners who held the deeds tried to evict them. However, post-tsunami news coverage and human rights research had raised awareness of their land tenure woes, and help from non-governmental organizations strengthened the Moklens' determination to fight for their rights. "If it weren't for the tsunami, these people would all have been driven out by now," said Sakda Phanrangsee, a community activist who has brought the Moklens to the capital Bangkok to voice their woes to government officials. "The tsunami stopped real estate and tourism, but now tourism is making a comeback." Prime Real Estate One of the key problems to emerge across tsunami-affected countries was residents' rights to the land they lived on. In Thailand, where tourism accounts for about 10 percent of the economy, the property owners listed on land deeds saw their prime shorefront real estate—including the Moklen village of Tap Tawan, north of the Khao Lak resort area and Thung Wa—cleared of residents. Twenty people died in Tap Tawan, 79 homes were destroyed and only five remained standing. The survivors were evacuated to nearby rubber plantations on higher ground. Within weeks of the disaster, the landowner forbade villagers from returning, but the government stepped in and allowed survivors to rebuild. A lengthy legal battle ensued. "We had to go to court two to three times a month, and we were stressed every single time. Once or twice, we were at court until 1 am," said soft-spoken Moklen community leader Thien Harntalay, 47. "We were scared the investor [landowner] would come shoot us," he said, sitting on the sandy tiled floor of his cement bungalow while his wife fried the evening's catch. Four years ago, they reached an out-of-court settlement with the landowner, who agreed to sign over half of his 3.84-hectare plot to 28 villagers, Thien said, clutching a thick stack of photocopies of the villagers' new land deeds. Now villagers worry about their access to the sea and the area where they park their fishing boats, as land prices have shot up and investors often visit to eye the shorefront properties, Thien said, concerned that new owners will be less forgiving of their trespasses. "In the future, if they sell that land, where will we villagers park our boats?" Sharing the Land Local activist Maitree Jongkraijug argues the government has focused only on tourist dollars and neglected the needs of "their own people walking on the land." "They protect foreigners and treat them like an endangered species," Maitree said, complaining that beaches once open to the public have been cordoned off by hotels and resorts. "They are protected for foreigners to swim, but we're not allowed to go in." Tourism officials in Phang Nga declined comment on the issue. According to anthropologist Narumon, the solution is to ensure the Moklens have a say in the area's development, though she acknowledges this is practically unheard of. Sakda says the Moklens do not want land deeds, but clear written agreements that no matter who buys the shorefront properties, they will be allowed to park their boats and reach the sea. Sitting next to him, sharing a bowl of fried fish, Thien carefully put the stack of land documents back in the plastic folder and onto the shelf under the television. "Before, if we got a threat, we would up and move, but there's nowhere left to go," he said, shaking his head sadly. "This is our land. This is where we were born. This is where we're from." The post After Tsunami, Fishermen Struggle Against Tide of Tourism in Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Rangoon Literary Festival to Showcase Nobel Laureates Posted: 18 Dec 2014 09:02 PM PST  A bookstore in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burmese writers will hold a second international literary festival in Rangoon next month in order to showcase the works of Nobel Prize winning authors. Pe Myint, a renowned author and chairman of the Festival Working Committee, said that the Nobel Myanmar Literary Festival will showcase the work of writers, poets and cartoonists, with 200 locals and up to 15 international writers slated to participate. "It is to empower the Burma's literary community. Burmese readers will also be able to read Nobel Prize winning books in one place," he said. The festival, themed "Literature for Peace", will be held from Jan. 17-19 at Rangoon National Theatre. The schedule includes group discussions, a book market, exhibitions of cartoons and photographs, poetry readings and drama performances. Burmese translations of books written by Nobel laureates will be made available for sale at the theatre. Invitations have been sent to Nobel laureates across the world, including National League for Democracy chair Aung San Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. Pe Myint said that the festival's theme presented an ideal opportunity for people to expose themselves to different opinions, increasing understanding and reducing social conflict, in addition to cultivating an appreciation for the written word. "I hope this festival will raise Burmese peoples' interest in literature and inspire them to read," he said. Burma hosted its first-ever international literary festival in Rangoon last year. The Irrawaddy Literary Festival, organized by the wife of the UK Ambassador to Burma, featured events with 25 international writers and 120 local authors. A second literary festival was held in Mandalay in February of this year. The post Rangoon Literary Festival to Showcase Nobel Laureates appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Cambodian Villagers Angry Over HIV outbreak Posted: 18 Dec 2014 08:52 PM PST  HIV-positive patients leaving a 2011 ceremony to commemorate World AIDS Day in Cambodia's Kandal Province. (Photo: Samrang Pring / Reuters) PHNOM PENH — Cambodia’s prime minister appealed on Thursday to villagers in northwestern Cambodia not to lynch an unlicensed medical practitioner who they suspect caused more than 100 people to become infected with HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. Teng Kunthy, head of the Health Ministry’s HIV/AIDS center, said 106 people out of more than 800 tested in Battambang’s Roka village were found to have the virus. A joint statement from the ministry and the World Health Organization said some people who tested positive for the disease had earlier received care from the unlicensed medical practitioner. HIV spreads through the transmission of bodily fluids, such as through sexual contact, the reuse of contaminated syringes or needles or transfusions of tainted blood. Reports in the Phnom Penh Post and other newspapers said the practitioner was taken into protective custody by police after threats from angry villagers. The Post reported that villagers alleged he gave injections to at least 30 people in the area, and that the infected ranged in age from 3 to 82 years old and included Buddhist monks. Prime Minister Hun Sen urged that the authorities give the man full protection. Hun Sen said health officials should be allowed time to make a full investigation. The Health Ministry statement said a team including experts from US and UN agencies had been sent to Battambang province "to determine the source, extent and chain of transmission of HIV infection." Cambodia had a high HIV prevalence rate of 2.0 percent in 1998 but an aggressive campaign to promote safe sex brought the figure down to an estimated 0.7 percent this year, according to the UN agency that spearheads the worldwide fight against AIDS. The post Cambodian Villagers Angry Over HIV outbreak appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| YCDC Candidates Doubt Integrity of Municipal Poll Posted: 18 Dec 2014 05:00 PM PST  Win Cho, Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe and Aye Min at the press conference (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — With just over a week until election day, several candidates have voiced doubts over the integrity of the Yangon City Development Committee's looming poll. Candidates Win Cho, Naw Hla Hla Soe and Dr Aye Min held a press conference on Monday, noting that the YCDC had failed to take action against candidates who posted vinyl sheets around the city despite an earlier ban, and alleging that the YCDC Election Commission had left eligible voters off the rolls. "The Election Commission said it would not allow using vinyl sheets in campaign," Win Cho, a former political prisoner contesting a seat on the Rangoon West District Committee, told The Irrawaddy. "But many candidates are using vinyl sheets. There are vinyl sheets of General Soe Htay. This shows [the election] is not free and fair and not transparent." Candidates at the press conference claimed that some eligible voters had been excluded from electoral lists by the commission, despite having national identification cards and valid household registration cards. "We have faced some difficulties. So, it is quite difficult for us have trust [in the commission]. We have sent some complaints and made some requests, but the commission has not responded," said Naw Hla Hla Soe, who is contesting a seat on the Rangoon North District Committee. Zin Min Hlaing, head of office at the YCDC Election Commission, said that the candidates' complaints were groundless. "Using vinyl sheets [by some candidates] is nothing to do with us. It is up to concerned district and township municipal authorities. We have told them not to allow it and we've explained this to candidates." A spokesman from the commission said that lists of eligible voters in various townships are still being compiled. The Irrawaddy reported on Dec. 5 that the ban on campaign signage had been issued by the YCDC itself, bypassing the local election commission. Tin Aye, the commission chair, voiced support for the ban on the grounds that excessive signage would make Rangoon "look bad". A total of 291 candidates will contest 119 seats across the YCDC on Dec. 27, including four seats on the divisional committee, 12 seats across four district committees and 99 seats across 33 township committees. A further five members will be appointed to the divisional committee by the municipal government. Seats on the divisional, district and township committees of the YCDC have been occupied by military-appointed officials since 1962. The post YCDC Candidates Doubt Integrity of Municipal Poll appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| US Congress in the Driver’s Seat on US–Burma Military Cooperation Posted: 18 Dec 2014 04:00 PM PST  Burma Army officers attend a military legal affairs seminar by the US Defense Institute of International Legal Studies in Naypyidaw in August 2014. (Photo: www.diils.org) When it comes to foreign policy, among the most powerful words in any Congressman's vocabulary are "none of the funds appropriated by this Act…" Congress used them, or a variation thereof, twice this week (Dec. 8-13) in connection with Burma policy. The 2015 Omnibus Spending Bill contains language prohibiting funding for "International Military Education and Training (IMET)" and "Foreign Military Financing (FMF)" for Burma. More importantly, especially considering the chances that congressional action will be misinterpreted in Burma, is similar language in the 2015 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) related to military-to-military (mil-to-mil) relations. The NDAA states that "[n]o Department of Defense assistance to the Government of Burma is authorized by this Act" except in the following areas: - Consultation, education, and training on human rights, the laws of armed conflict, civilian control of the military, rule of law, and other legal matters; - Consultation, education, and training on English-language, humanitarian and disaster relief, and improvements to medical and health standards; - Courses or workshops on defense institution reform; - Observer status to bilateral or multilateral humanitarian assistance and disaster relief exercises; and - Aid or support in the event of a humanitarian crisis or natural disaster. The NDAA also requires an annual report from the Secretary of Defense on mil-to-mil with Burma, to include a description of objectives and activities associated with this engagement, an explanation of how such engagement supports U.S. national security and cause of reform in Burma, and an assessment of Burma's political, military, economic, and civil society reform efforts. The door to misinterpretation is opened by the verbiage in the bill. The NDAA does not represent further relaxation of sanctions on Burma. Quite the contrary, it prohibits mil-to-mil, with exceptions. It simply lists the exceptions as positive authorizations. In fact, the Administration did not seek authorization for these activities. The Department of Defense (DOD) previously asserted that it had the authority to do any and all of them without formal approval from Congress. It was Congress that sought to constrain the DOD's options. Concerned that mil-to-mil could develop too quickly and without regard for the Burmese military's reprehensible human rights record, Congress sought to offer explicit legislative guidance. Representative Trent Franks (R–AZ), an early leader in the effort, acknowledged what has been accomplished in the NDAA as follows: "During these last two years, my office and a strong, bipartisan coalition of members of Congress worked to limit and condition U.S. military engagement with Burma's military based on their involvement in egregious human rights abuses. I am of the belief that the U.S. needs to incentivize Burma to make further and more permanent reform. The bill language in the FY [fiscal year] 15 NDAA does precisely this." Essentially, the NDAA is telling the DOD that it can do the five things listed above, but no more. If it wishes to do more, it will have to come back again next year, and in light of the report it submits in the meantime, ask for additional authorization. It is not a perfect solution. The language is a product of compromise and an unfortunate "pre-conference" process that truncated Senate consideration of the bill and left final decisions to the discretion of the Chairmen and ranking minority members of the Armed Services Committees. And like most legislative language there is room for creative reading, particularly in areas like training for humanitarian and disaster relief and observation of exercises. It also would have been preferable to have explicit benchmarks for measuring progress in political and military reforms. Implementation will have to be watched closely by Congress and outside groups over the next year to see that the DOD does not exceed a reasonable reading of the act. All in all, however, the NDAA is a victory for congressional oversight and the years-long effort to re-apply formal accountability in America's Burma policy. It legally limits U.S.–Burma mil-to-mil relations and firmly establishes a requirement for such interaction to be explicitly authorized by Congress. This puts Congress in the driver's seat on Burma policy in a way it has not been since 2011. Walter Lohman is director of The Heritage Foundation’s Asian Studies Center in Washington D.C. This article first appeared here on Dec. 13, 2014. The post US Congress in the Driver's Seat on US–Burma Military Cooperation appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
