| Abuse of Women Both Common and Concealed, Say Activists Posted: 24 Nov 2014 04:46 AM PST  May Sabe Phyu, director of Gender Equality Network, speaking to media after an event at the Myanmar Media Library on Nov. 24, 2014. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Many forms of violence against women continue in Burma's homes and public spaces, despite increased awareness and availability of support. Preliminary research by a leading women's rights network, published on Monday, revealed some of the less conspicuous but equally traumatic brands of abuse that continue unabated. "There are still many people who think that only beatings constitute violence against women," said May Sabae Phyu, director of the Gender Equality Network (GEN), which has just published a briefing paper summarizing qualitative research undertaken throughout the last year. The research examined the types of violence experienced by women in their daily lives, a pervasive problem that has gone mostly undocumented in the past. "Just a few people understood that there are such things as psychological violence, economic violence and using customs and traditions to restrict the lives of women," she continued. Publication of the briefing paper, entitled "Behind the Silence: Violence Against Women and their Resilience," was timed to coincide with the UN-designated International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, which falls on Tuesday. Research was based on interviews with 38 women who had experienced intimate partner violence in Rangoon and Moulmein, Mon State. Focus groups were also conducted in five other sites across Burma. What distinguishes GEN's research from previous studies is its focus on non-conflict related abuse; subjects recounted experiences that are commonplace in the lives of Burma's women, even in times of peace and in stable regions. Most of the interviewees had suffered emotional, economic or physical abuse from their intimate partner, and almost all had experienced more than one kind of abuse. More than half of the study's participants experienced intimate partner sexual violence or marital rape, which is not punishable under Burma's Penal Code. "This is violence behind the scenes," said Dr. San Shwe, one of the reports' lead researchers. "There are lots of psychological consequences. Sometimes a victim is angry and wants to hit a wall or commit suicide. These effects can prevent women from being able to care for their children or their families." Many women who experience abuse in Burma stay silent, May Sabae Phyu said, because of social stigma and a chronic cultural habit of victim-blaming. The tendency to fault women for abuses committed against them is not only ingrained in cultural norms but reinforced by laws that activists consider highly unfair to women. Aye Thiri Kyaw, another researcher who contributed to the report, said that GEN hoped to influence policy and create a better understanding among lawmakers about the actual experiences and needs of the nation's women, who make up nearly 52 percent of the total population and only 5 percent of its legislature. The post Abuse of Women Both Common and Concealed, Say Activists appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Press Council Seeks Clarity on Military Briefings Posted: 24 Nov 2014 04:15 AM PST  A woman sells newspapers in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Members of Burma's Interim Press Council met with senior military officials for the second time on Sunday, stating their concerns about the media's lack of access to information from military sources. Press Council Vice President Pho Tauk Kyar and Secretary Kyaw Min Swe were among those who met with Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and other military officials in Naypyidaw. Myint Kyaw, a council member who was part of Sunday's delegation, told The Irrawaddy that the military has pledged to set up an official email service for journalists seeking official comment from the armed forces and to update news on the military's public web portal in a more timely fashion. "The military will organize a team to respond to the questions of journalists and they promised it would happen soon," he said. At the end of the council's first meeting with the military on Oct. 14, three generals were appointed to act as media liaisons, however journalists were unable to reach them in the following weeks. Myint Kyaw said on Monday that the generals were finding it difficult to answer enquiries from the media on top of their existing duties and a new team would be constituted from the Defense Ministry's Department of Public Relations and Psychological Warfare. The council delegation was told that the military plans to hold a workshop between journalists and officials in the coming weeks, to be led by Gen. Aung Ye Win, director of the department. Council member Thiha Saw told The Irrawaddy the military representatives pledged to continue the reform process and stated that their highest priority was the conclusion of ceasefire agreements to ensure the successful staging of next year's general election. At the same time, the military representatives were inscrutable in their opinions on the process and desirability of amendments to the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, according to Thiha Saw. "[The military said] if there were some problems with the Constitution, it should be repaired, but they didn't say it would change before 2015," he said. The Interim Press Council representatives once again discussed the jailing of five journalists from the Unity journal, who alleged that the government was operating a chemical weapons factory in Magwe Division. The government has maintained that the facility mentioned in the report is a conventional ordnance factory. "We asked the military to show sympathy for the journalists punished in the Unity case, but they said that the journal's report was related to politics, and they didn't say what they would do about the case," Thiha Saw said. The meeting also briefly canvassed issues arising from the recent deaths of Kachin Independence Army trainees in Liza and the death of freelance journalist Ko Par Gyi in military custody. "The military wants to build a good relationship with the media and journalists want to write balanced news," said Thiha Saw. "After this second meeting, we can say the media has a closer relationship with the military." After being established by the government in 2012, the Interim Press Council has sought to step up engagement with senior government officials this year. Members of the council have met with President Thein Sein twice and in August reached an agreement to meet with Information Minister Ye Htut once a month. The post Press Council Seeks Clarity on Military Briefings appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| In Kachin State, a Place of Merriment Turns to Mourning Posted: 24 Nov 2014 03:56 AM PST  Bishop John Zaw Li of Myitkyina Township gives a speech to attendees of a prayer service in the Kachin State capital on Saturday. (Photo: Hnin Yadana Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MYITKYINA, Kachin State — On a cold and misty morning last week, a mass of black-clad Kachin mourners gathered at the Manau park grounds, the site of some of the ethnic minority group's most important festivals. Manau, in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina, is considered a sacred space where religious and New Year's celebrations were held once; a place in years past frequented by fun and dancing. The Manau dance, a tradition of the Kachin people, is performed every year at the park to worship and propitiate the Lamu Madai, or God of the Spirits. Every year—except the last three years. With the return of war to northern Burma, Manau has taken on a somber air. It has also become a political space, at times hosting rallies in support of the Kachin resistance. At last week's gathering, attendants were silent, their faces portraits of sadness. There was no dancing, only noiseless prayers, in the wake of the most deadly attack in a civil war here that dragged into its fourth year in June. Several hundred people from various religious organizations, including both the state's majority Baptists and their Roman Catholic fellow Christians, gathered to mourn at the Manau park grounds on Saturday. The source of their grief was the killing of 23 cadets at a rebel military training academy outside Laiza on Wednesday, when the Burma Army shelled the building, injuring an additional 15 people. And while none of those killed were ethnic Kachin, mourners offered prayers to their fallen "brothers." Mung Gaung, chairman of the Myitkyina Jewelry Association and a member of the Independent Church Home Mission, told The Irrawaddy: "It was an unexpected and great loss for the Kachin people. We will pray for the souls of the brothers who passed away and also for the ones who are still in serious condition in hospital." If there is a silver lining to be gleaned from the tragedy, the weekend's prayer vigil brought together Baptists and Catholics, two communities that, while both Christian, have tended to remain separate. Khun Zaw, a 24-year-old Kachin military cadet from Laiza, said by phone that the shelling had dimmed hopes for an end to fighting between the two sides. "I don't think that we can see a peaceful and reconciled future. It [the attack] happened so fast. We are not going to forget or forgive the incident." In addition to the casualties, the attack has added to the ranks of more than 100,000 civilians displaced by the conflict in Kachin State. "On the 19th in the early morning, the Burma Army attacked and occupied a bunker of the KIA [Kachin Independence Army]. They set fire to it and fell back after that, but people were scared and fled. Some of them have now returned," said Lamai Gunja, founder of the Kachin Peace Creation Group. Fighting between the Burma Army and the KIA has continued in Kachin State since a government offensive led to the breakdown of a 17-year ceasefire in mid-2011. The Burma Army called a press conference on Thursday in Myitkyina, where it claimed the attack and resulting casualties were "unintentional." "We feel very sorry for this loss of life, and we hope the peace process will not be affected," said Col. Than Aung, minister of border security in Kachin State. The minister offered few details and declined to say who was responsible for the decision to shell the academy, which he described as an attempt to "send a warning" after the two sides clashed earlier this month. Gen. Khun Naung, a KIA public relations officer, told The Irrawaddy that the incident had damaged an already fragile trust. "We don't believe anything they say anymore," he said, while gazing off toward the distant Himalayan foothills. "We can never build trust." The post In Kachin State, a Place of Merriment Turns to Mourning appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| First Myanmar Investment Announces Expansion After Record Profits Posted: 24 Nov 2014 03:35 AM PST  Serge Pun, chairman of First Myanmar Investment Company, speaking at the company's 22nd annual general meeting on Sunday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — First Myanmar Investment Company (FMI) has announced plans for expansion in four sectors of Burma's economy before the end of the current fiscal year, on the back of the conglomerate's highest ever profit results. Chairman Serge Pun told investors at FMI's 22nd annual general meeting that the company would be expanding its operations in four of its existing business areas, including real estate, healthcare, aviation and banking. "Among these four sectors, real estate is generating the most profit for us," Serge Pun told the meeting. "I believe that the real estate business is the best potential sector in Myanmar [Burma] for future investment, as tourism and foreign investment expands." FMI last year began construction on the Star City housing project in Rangoon's Thanlyin Township, which is expected to provide an eventual 9000 apartments for 30,000 people. 300 apartments have been completed to date. Next year, FMI will begin construction of Kris Plaza in Naypyidaw, a residential apartment project in conjunction with Krislite Company, as well as the City Gates project in the low-income township of Hlaing Tharyar on the western side of the Rangoon River. Investors heard on Sunday were told that FMI expected to develop more housing projects over the next five years in collaboration with Yoma Strategic Holdings, the Singapore-listed investment company also chaired by Serge Pun. The FMI plans to expand its healthcare investments in collaboration with the Indonesia-based Lippo Group, with plans to build and administer eight private hospitals across the country on the same model as Rangoon's Pun Hlaing, in which FMI has a 35 percent stake. FMI's aviation division will begin a passenger flight service in early December with the recent acquisition of three Bombardier aircraft, building on its existing chartered flight service. Yoma Bank, an FMI subsidiary, will provide full banking services in all 44 of its branches in Burma from the end of this year. During the 2003 banking crisis, Yoma Bank's depositor license was terminated after allegations the institution had lent well beyond its capital reserves prompted a bailout from the Central Bank of Myanmar. After regaining its license in 2012, Yoma has prepared its staff for the resumption of deposit-based services after operating solely as a money transfer service in the intervening period. FMI's net profit doubled in the last fiscal year to K3.02 billion (US$2.81 million), the best result ever recorded by the company. The company's total capital rose to K27 billion (US$25.12 million) over the same period, with the FMI's total assets currently valued at K73.4 billion (US$68.28 million). In order to boost shareholder value, FMI announced on Sunday its intention to list on the Yangon Stock Exchange, with the assistance of the Myanmar Securities Exchange Centre and Japan's Daiwa Securities Group. "We expect that once the FMI has been listed in the Yangon Stock Exchange, net share value will definitely increase," said Serge Pun. Since its founding in 1992, FMI has developed extensive investments across the Burmese economy in financial services, real estate, transport and agriculture. At one time a leading investor in automotive manufacturing and services, with stakes in the local operations of Mitsubishi, Volkswagen, Nissan and Suzuki at various times, FMI has in recent years begun to divest from this sector to devote more resources to its current core operations. FMI holds a five percent interest in Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings, part of the Burmese consortium holding a 51% stake in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone, currently under construction near the site of the Star City housing project. The post First Myanmar Investment Announces Expansion After Record Profits appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Civil Society Pushes for Transitional Justice Posted: 24 Nov 2014 03:27 AM PST  Karen National Union (KNU) leaders and government peace negotiators shake hands during peace talks in Rangoon in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Burmese civil society groups on Sunday urged ethnic peace negotiators to implement transitional justice as the country inches closer to a nationwide ceasefire agreement. Forty-two representatives of about 25 CSOs made the recommendation during a meeting with the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand, from Nov. 22-23. The NCCT is the negotiating bloc representing Burma's myriad ethnic armed groups in ceasefire talks and political dialogue with the government. Civil society attendees encouraged the bloc to raise the issue of justice during upcoming meetings with the government's mediators, the Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC), led by Union Minister Aung Min. The NCCT was also urged to push for the imminent creation of a truth commission and establish a comprehensive reparation scheme. Attendees also recommended increasing the role of women in the peace process, ensuring independent ceasefire monitoring, postponing large-scale development projects pending genuine reform and implementing safe and internationally acceptable resettlement of refugees and internally displaced persons. This weekend's meeting was the first of its kind between the NCCT and civil society stakeholders. Representatives of the NCCT have accepted the suggestion to propose transitional justice to the UPWC, but were unable to speculate on whether the government will agree to implement early steps toward justice before ratifying a ceasefire and entering political dialogue. Han Gyi, coordinator of rights monitor Network for Human Rights Documentation (ND-Burma), said that while transitional justice will be a challenging and lengthy process, identifying perpetrators of abuse and compensating victims should be prioritized in order to build trust and allow for the rehabilitation of communities devastated by conflict. "It is difficult to work on justice at this point because they [former generals] are still in power," said Han Gyi, "but at least we can begin by finding out the truth and compensating the victims. We can start with these two steps [of creating a truth commission and reparation plan]." Han Gyi also suggested holding memorial events that would acknowledge past abuses and offering financial support to victims and their families in urban areas, which could be partially facilitated by CSOs that already do similar work. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and the U Win Tin Foundation, for example, have already been providing social and financial support for political prisoners and their families. "Establishing a truth commission and reparation process are the responsibility of the government, but it has not shown any interest in doing that. That's why civil society initiated this work already," said Han Gyi. Civil society representatives said that NCCT members briefed them on discussions with the government, and informed them that recent talks have been hindered by disagreements over the use of the words "federalism" and "revolution" in the most recent draft of a ceasefire agreement. A statement released by the attendees on Monday summarizing the meeting said that differences emerged between the government-backed UPWC and the military after the text was drafted. The military's "uncompromising" position led to a "deadlock" over the language. During previous meetings, the UPWC had reached an agreement with the NCCT about the terminology, but it was broadly and inarguably rejected by the Military. Continued attacks on rebel troops have exacerbated delays in the peace talks. On Thursday, the Burma Army launched a warning shot in Kachin State that killed 23 rebel officers-in-training. The government said that the casualties were unintended, but ethnic leaders expressed serious skepticism. Transitional justice is a touchy issue that has thus far been skirted by negotiators. Some have suggested that the issue might be addressed only after political dialogue, which could take years. CSO representatives advanced the possibility that some initial stages need not wait that long, and that demonstrated efforts to seek justice could fortify a weakened trust-building process. Much of Burma's newly-installed, quasi-civilian leadership is made up of former military strongmen that could potentially be affected by inquiries into wartime events. Earlier this month, Harvard University's International Human Rights Clinic published an analysis of a decade's worth of research implicating three former generals in war crimes during a Karen State offensive that took place from 2005-2008, among them Burma's current Minister of Home Affairs Maj-Gen Ko Ko. Authors of the report said that while they believed the evidence justified an arrest warrant, a trial would be unlikely. Because Burma is not party to the Rome Statute, referral to the International Criminal Court would require intervention by the UN Security Council. The post Civil Society Pushes for Transitional Justice appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Tensions Rise in Kachin, As Army Shells Land Near KIA Posts, IDP Camps Posted: 24 Nov 2014 03:21 AM PST  A bomb shelter photographed in January 2013 near a school in Je Yang camp. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) Tensions continue to rise in Kachin State following last week's deadly attack by the Burma Army on a Kachin rebel training school and over the weekend the army fired more than a dozen mortar shells that landed close to rebel positions and camps of internally displaced civilians, a rebel spokesman said. La Nan, a spokesperson of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), said the military on Sunday fired nine shells that fell near KIA defense posts and Je Yang camp in the rebel-held area around Laiza, the rebel's administrative headquarters located on the Burma-China border. He said the shells landed "very close" near the camp and one exploded inside the camp grounds but no civilians were injured. The army on Saturday fired six mortar shells at KIA positions situated on the border of Bhamo and Momauk townships, La Nan said, adding that the shells landed within 2 km of Nhkawng Pa camp located in a KIA-controlled area. Je Yang is home to some 8,000 Kachin villagers who fled their homes, while Nhkawng Pa camp houses some 1,600 displaced people. Mary Tawn, the director of the Kachin local aid group Wunpawng Ninghtoi (WPN), condemned the army's attacks, saying that they had endangered and distressed the Kachin civilians in the camps. "The refugees are not hurt, but worried and in fear [about the tensions]," she said, adding, "It is unbelievable that the artillery fire fell directly among those refugees in Je Yang camp, where there are thousands of refugees, including children and elders, taking shelter." La Nan dismissed the army's claims that it had fired in self-defense, adding that they "used the local media to release information" blaming the KIA for the outbreak of hostilities. "Actually it is not an engagement between both sides, as we did not start the shooting, we are just being attacked by heavy mortars," said La Nan, adding, two of soldiers of KIA Brigade No. 3 area in Momauk were injured due to the artillery shelling on Saturday evening. Local media outlet 7 Days News quoted a senior officer of the Northern Command as saying, "We did not start [the shooting]. We just fired back some 'warning shots'." A total number of around 100,000 civilians—mostly Kachin, but also Shan and Lisu minorities—have fled their villages since fighting erupted in 2011. More than half reside in small areas under KIA control. During periods of rising tensions incidents, such as shelling, have affected the camps. The Burma Army is also known for deploying close proximity mortar fire and other forms of intimidation to scare civilian populations away from areas that it wants to bring under its control. La Nan said the KIA was preparing for the eventuality of an imminent army attack as the current dry season conditions are conducive for supplying military operations, adding that the KIA had also observed notable "army infantry battalion movements on the ground." Incident Was 'Warning Shot' On Nov. 19, the army surprised cadets carrying out exercises when it fired several shells at a KIA training school some 5 km outside of Laiza. Four Kachin commanders were injured, while 23 trainees were killed belonging to KIA allies, the All Burma Students' Democratic Front; Arakan Army; Chin National Front and Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). The army claimed it fired the shells into the grounds where dozens of young men were training in response to a KIA attack on a road construction site in Mansi Township some 70 km to the south. The KIA denied it had carried out an attack there. Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing told Voice of America in an interview that the shelling of the training ground was still within bounds of the army's right to act in self-defense, which has been approved by the president. "There are attacks on us in order to test our strength. So, sometimes we have to hit back at them," he said. "It is true that our road construction site which was first attacked by them is far from the place where the [shelling] incident happened. But, when we are attacked, we have to fire warning shots to notify responsible persons from their side of the attack. We notified them. That’s exactly how it happened." The shelling was the single deadliest attack affecting the KIA since fighting began in 2011, La Nan has said, and the incident has heightened fears that the conflict could escalate again. The National League for Democracy said in a statement posted on Facebook on Monday that it was "worried about the situation of the refugees, as such incidents could further burden them." The party called on both sides to continue "talks at the table, instead of fighting; to stop blaming each other; and to seek justice for those who lost their lives." Fighting has intensified in Kachin and northern Shan State in recent months, after national ceasefire agreement talks between the government, army and an alliance of 16 ethnic groups hit a deadlock. The KIA and the TNLA are the only two major armed groups that do not yet have a bilateral ceasefire with Naypyidaw. Asked why he had not yet met with the KIA leaders, Min Aung Hlaing told VoA that the KIA had to first follow the army's six-point statement regarding ethnic conflict, which includes demands such as that all armed forces come under the army's command. "They don’t normally follow some points in our six-point peace principles… It is meaningless to meet them if the meeting fails to deliver any result. If they really want peace, they should follow some points in our letter of principles," he said. The post Tensions Rise in Kachin, As Army Shells Land Near KIA Posts, IDP Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Shan Party Demands Probe Into Police Custody Killing of Leader Posted: 24 Nov 2014 01:23 AM PST  The Shan Nationalities Democratic Party holds a conference in Tachiliek, eastern Shan State. (Photo: Kyaw Myo Tun / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) has threatened to stage a protest next month if the Shan State government fails to investigate the death of Hopong Township SNDP vice chairman Sai Shwe, who was killed by police while in custody as the primary suspect in the murder of a fellow local politician. Sai San Tun, vice chairman of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party in Hopong Township's Ming Pyin village tract, southern Shan State, was assassinated on June 5 by unidentified gunmen. The slain politician was reportedly helping farmers in a campaign to win back confiscated farmlands. Hopong Township police went to Ming Pyin village tract on Sept. 12 to arrest Sai Shwe, who lived in the same village, Hparle, as the victim and was suspected of involvement in his killing. Last week, Sai Shwe was shot dead by police as he was allegedly attempting to escape custody. A few days before he was murdered, Sai San Tun had filed a lawsuit against Sai Shwe for allegedly soliciting money to repair village roads and issue household registration cards, as well as misappropriating Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) SIM cards allotted for the village, according to locals. The SNDP has sent complaints to President Thein Sein, the Union Election Commission (UEC) and the Shan State chief minister regarding the case. "If the [Shan State] government does not provide any response, we'll have to resort to protest, which is scheduled to take place next month," said the SNDP's Sao Yun Paing, who is in charge of the party's southern Shan State operations. The UEC on Wednesday instructed the Shan State government to investigate the case and notified the party of it, SNDP members said. "It was shooting to kill rather than shooting to arrest. They [police] are not allowed to do so. Unless and until he [Sai Shwe] was found guilty by a court, he could not be pronounced the culprit. The fact that this institution [police]—which has been trumpeting that they are ready to help the people—kills ordinary people is totally unacceptable," Sao Yun Paing said. The SNDP plans to stage its protest in the state capital Taunggyi if the government fails to act. Asked by The Irrawaddy, the Hopong Township police chief declined to comment on the case. The post Shan Party Demands Probe Into Police Custody Killing of Leader appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Army Chief Defends Constitution, Says Meeting Suu Kyi Problematic Posted: 24 Nov 2014 12:43 AM PST  General Min Aung Hlaing speaking during a meeting with officials at Kalaw, southern Shan State, in April 2011. (PHOTO: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing has said it is "difficult" for him to meet with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and he defended the Constitution, which includes controversial clauses that block Suu Kyi from the presidency and grant the military political powers. In an interview with Voice of America on Saturday, Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing said he was reluctant have a one-on-one meeting with the hugely popular opposition leader because they might have differing political objectives. "We have been engaged in national politics, and our intentions may be different. If that case, it will be difficult for us to hold a bilateral discussion. Yes, it is difficult," he said, adding that he did not rule out a meeting. Suu Kyi has long asked for a meeting with President Thein Sein, Min Aung Hlaing and Union Parliament Speaker and ruling party chairman Shwe Mann, in order to address the reforming the charter, which is seen as undemocratic. Thein Sein told VoA in an interview last week that such a meeting would not take place, adding that he wanted to have a meeting that also includes a number of ethnic party leaders, vice-presidents and other ruling party officials. A view that was echoed by Min Aung Hlaing. Such a meeting was called on Oct. 31 shortly before US President Obama's visit, but Suu Kyi later said it had been a purely symbolic gathering without concrete discussions. The commander of the army, which enjoys significant political powers under the 2008 charter drafted by the then-military regime, denied that Article 59(f), which bans anyone with a foreign spouse or children from the presidency, was aimed at Suu Kyi. She has two sons who are British nationals. Min Aung Hlaing claimed the article was necessary for historical and geographical reasons. "This limitation does not aim at one particular individual or one group or one ethnic group, but covers the whole nation. Another problem is [that] we have to consider the situations that existed since the pre-independence period, and we have lots of immigration problems as we are a country between extremely populated countries," he was quoted as saying. The army chief then went on to state that the military would defend the Constitution, adding that it had public support because it was ratified after a 2008 referendum—a vote that is widely viewed as having been rigged by the then-junta. "It is a law written systematically and in order. Therefore, it is a very important law for us. When it was ratified through a referendum in 2008 more than 26 million of over 27 million eligible voters voted in favor. It was a law supported and ratified by the overwhelming majority, 92.48 percent voted yes. At that time, it was very much welcomed by the people, this was undeniable," Min Aung Hlaing claimed. "As it [the Constitution] is the foundation of the country, we accept that Tatmadaw is responsible to safeguard it," he said. Since January, Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy has worked with the popular 88 Students Peace and Open Society leaders to launch a people's movement that calls for significant constitutional reforms. It collected five million signatures in support of the demands, but the ruling party, government and army have dragged their feet on discussing such changes. Shwe Mann said last week that charter reforms were unlikely before the 2015 election. Min Aung Hlaing raised questions over the NLD's petition methods and played down the significance of the campaign, saying this amount of public support need only be considered if expressed in a referendum. "We don’t know how those five million signatures were gathered. There may be various ways of garnering them. I don’t also know how valid they are," he was quoted as saying. "If steps are taken according to procedures, and those five million take part in the national referendum, then their wishes will be taken into consideration." Suu Kyi told VoA in an interview this weekend that she would keep pushing for charter reform despite the lack of cooperation from the government, army and ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party, which comprises members of the former junta. "We never expected it to be easy but believed it to be possible. The question is when. If we can change the Constitution earlier, it is better for the country. We need the courage and ability to change whatever needs to be changed for the betterment of the country," the NLD leader said. The post Army Chief Defends Constitution, Says Meeting Suu Kyi Problematic appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Neighborhood Rivalry ‘Puts Burma’s Oil and Gas Sector at Risk’ Posted: 23 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST  A laborer works at a warehouse selling oil beside the Rangoon River. (Photo: Reuters) Burma will struggle to attract new investment in oil and gas development because of a global industry slump and new competition from neighboring countries, a report said. Naypyidaw's problem is compounded by the fact that Burma is increasingly being seen as an investment risk, Asia Oil & Gas Monitor said last week. With Burma still negotiating the terms of 20 offshore exploration blocks awarded last March and planning to offer another 15 during 2015, neighbors Thailand and Cambodia are between them now trying to attract investment in more than 50 development block licenses, the Monitor reported. "While [Burma], Thailand and Cambodia are talking about offering more than 70 blocks between them, the slump in global oil prices and a slowing of new capital expenditure by many exploration companies suggest that the various offers could have been better timed," it said. "Compounding these issues is the fact that all three are seen as something of an investment risk, either because of political or legal uncertainties." Thailand, after a protracted period of social and political unrest which led to a military coup in May, announced in October it is offering 29 blocks. Soon after Bangkok's energy ministry announcement, the government of Cambodia said it intended to open up the country for oil and gas exploration with an initial 24 blocks. Burma's neighbors have entered the competition for petro dollars while various Naypyidaw ministries and state agencies continue to parley with major potential investors who were nominally awarded offshore blocks in March. "More than seven months have passed since the 10 shallow-water and 10 deep-water blocks were awarded and there is still no sign of final contract agreements," Asia Oil & Gas Monitor noted. "As it stands, license winners must negotiate terms and conditions on a case-by-case basis with numerous state agencies, all while many of Myanmar's laws are being revised and modernized. "Moreover, signs have begun to appear that Myanmar's political reforms have stalled, with the military using its guaranteed parliamentary position to block constitutional reforms. Doubts have been raised over whether elections due in 2015 will now take place." There have been several warnings by international business risk assessors that a stagnation of Burma's political reforms could undermine confidence in foreign investment. US business analysts IHS said in its latest Global Insight Country Risk report that there is an "increased risk" of an election delay in Burma. "The 2015 election is widely perceived as the leading barometer of stability, and failure to hold elections would also compromise investor confidence and increase the risk premium of doing business in Myanmar," IHS said. But Burma is not alone in making international markets nervous. "While Thailand has certainly settled down in the wake of the bloodless coup in May following months of civic unrest, the economy has not recovered," the Monitor said. "The country is reportedly heading for its second straight year of slumping exports. "Foreign investors are understandably cautious over investing in the country's upstream, given public opposition to exploration bid rounds in the past as well as the prospect of a civilian government returning to power, currently scheduled for before the end of 2015." Meanwhile, Cambodia is an "unknown prospect" in oil and gas, according to Business Monitor International (BMI). "Not only is there a lack of understanding of Cambodia's geology and hydrocarbons potential, it needs a hydrocarbons law to provide investor certainty and to increase its appeal vis-a-vis bigger, more established neighbors such as Vietnam, Thailand and Myanmar." Such is the uncertainty there that major international oil company Chevron has just given up its stake in Cambodia's only site known to have oil, an offshore block in the Gulf of Thailand. One of the biggest investors in Burma's oil and gas sector remains the Thai government-controlled PTT Exploration and Production (PTTEP), which said in September it intended to spend US$3.3 billion in Burma in the five years up to the end of 2018.That represents 20 percent of company's overall international capital spending for the period. Pailin Chuchottaworn, the chief executive of PTTEP's parent company PTT, said in a recent interview with the Oxford Business Group that "expansion abroad, particularly in the Asean region, will be a vital component of Thailand's national energy strategy to meet both short-term and long-term objectives for the country." "Given the current political climate and the global oil industry's risk aversion, PTT could well find itself one of the main drivers of investment in the three countries," Asia Oil & Gas Monitor concluded. The post Neighborhood Rivalry 'Puts Burma's Oil and Gas Sector at Risk' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| UN Calls for Credible Burma Election, Minority Protection Posted: 23 Nov 2014 10:05 PM PST  Rohingya Muslims pass time near their shelter at a refugee camp outside Sittwe on June 4, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun) UNITED NATIONS — The United Nations called on Burma on Friday to continue reforms to ensure credible elections next year and to step up efforts to protect ethnic and religious minorities. A resolution passed the UN General Assembly committee dealing with human rights welcomed positive steps in political and economic reform in Burma but reiterated serious concerns about violence and other discrimination against the Rohingya Muslim minority. It urged the government to speed up efforts to address abuses against all ethnic and religious minorities and called for the release of remaining political prisoners. The resolution also urged authorities to continue constitutional reform "to ensure, inter alia, that the elections to be held in 2015 are credible, inclusive and transparent, allowing all candidates to fairly contest the elections." The resolution came days after the speaker of Burma's Parliament said the Constitution could not be changed until after next year's general election, casting doubt on the chances of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi becoming president and the military's political power being weakened. The current Constitution guarantees a 25 percent parliamentary quota for the military that ruled Burma with an iron fist for 49 years, while Suu Kyi would be barred from office because her late husband was a foreigner. Critics say Burma's reforms have stalled and the military is reasserting itself after several years of astonishing change following a shift from military rule to a semi-civilian system. Prejudice against the Muslim minority known as Rohingya is widespread and many have no right to citizenship. Violent clashes between ethnic Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in the western state of Arakan last year killed hundreds and left 140,000 homeless, most of them Rohingya. According to the Arakan Project, which plots migration across the Bay of Bengal, about 100,000 Rohingya have fled Arakan since 2012, including thousands in recent weeks. On Thursday, Burma's President Thein Sein denied Rohingya were fleeing "torture" in Arakan, telling the Voice of America Burmese Service such media reports were fabrications and international concern overblown. Earlier this month, US President Barack Obama, on a visit to Burma, called on the government to grant the Rohingya equal rights. The post UN Calls for Credible Burma Election, Minority Protection appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Hanging On, Just Posted: 23 Nov 2014 05:00 PM PST  "The Wind in the Bamboo" by Edith Mirante is published by Orchid Press in Bangkok. Deep in the jungles of North Sentinel Island, off the coast of the largest Andaman Island, live an indigenous people known as the Sentinalese. The outside world knows very little about them—no one even knows what they call themselves. They are fiercely private, hostile toward visitors, and have been known to mock gifts and even attack and kill intruders with their arrows and spears. And not without reason. This particular tribe is something of a "control group" for the few remaining groups of "Negrito" people across Asia—historically referred to as such because they resemble small Africans—because the Sentinelese have successfully survived in isolation, having never been contaminated or taken advantage of by outsiders. Many of the other "Negritos" have not been so lucky, as they grow more and more marginalized on the outskirts of modern society. "The Wind in the Bamboo: A Journey in Search of Asia's 'Negrito' Indigenous Peoples" is Edith Mirante's third book, following 1993's "Burmese Looking Glass" and "Down the Rat Hole," published in 2005. Like the first two, this book is a meandering story of adventure, as she takes us on her 2007-08 journey through Malaysia, the Philippines, and the Andaman Islands to seek out and learn about these ancient and mysterious people. While this journey is perhaps less dangerous and thrilling than her previous accounts of treks into closed-off Myanmar—no warlords or cyclones or Thai jail stints here—Mirante leads the reader along with insight and humor and the same down-for-anything attitude as ever. As she quietly befriends the different "Negrito" peoples, Mirante affords us a sensitive and educated perspective into the lives of the indigenous people, in contrast to the tourists who peer in on them from outside the fishbowl. The "Negritos"—a vaguely derogative term that Mirante rejects, and on principle uses only in quotes throughout the book—have been a source of anthropological fascination for centuries. Scientists and researchers have measured and tested their skulls and bones, their blood, the proportions of their bodies, and, more recently, their DNA, in order to determine how these diminutive, dark-skinned, curly-haired people came to be in Asia and how they have survived, hidden in the forests of countries inhabited by people with drastically lighter skin and straighter hair. Mirante offers us periodic insight into this intrusive and objectifying research history, but she's not interested in delving further into the ancient roots of the "Negritos" or why they exist, but rather how they live and survive today. Her findings are complex and fascinating but wholly unsurprising, as we learn in this dense, thoroughly researched, and beautifully written book, illustrated with historical paintings and photographs interspersed with photos taken by Mirante herself. The plight of indigenous people the world over is a tale as old as colonialism, and the "Negritos" are no exception as they resist and concede to attempts to civilize, settle, convert, educate, assimilate, scam, and push them off land that is rightfully theirs. Misunderstood and different, they are often a source of ridicule in mainstream culture, viewed as primitive, ugly, dirty and lazy; "honored" in horrifying displays of blackface and tribal appropriation while their human rights are largely ignored. As Mirante gets to know the "Negritos," she discovers many strange and intriguing similarities among the different groups separated by seas and time, suggesting that the tribes are not so far removed from one another after all—they are nomadic peoples who build lean-to houses, gather roots and fruits and hunt monkeys and lizards with blowpipes, do not farm but have an acquired taste for rice, display a penchant for one-shoulder sarongs and the color red, practice fluidity in gender roles, and believe in spirits of nature and that thunder erupts from the earth. At each stop, Mirante passes around photos of "Negritos" in other parts of Asia, and they grasp this validation of their existence in the world with excitement and wistful recognition. Mirante's experience with the "Negritos" is not an anthropologist's account of living among the "savages" like those published over the centuries by many of her predecessors, but rather something a bit more melancholy; instead, we see peaceful old-world exotica being swallowed in the din of commercialism. As the outside world creeps in, the "Negritos" slowly lose their culture and land; grow dependent on rice, plastic goods, and the tourism industry; and acquire cell phones, ID cards, and college diplomas. These nomads are increasingly held captive in the conventions of modern society, and Mirante takes us through the appropriate emotions of sympathy, outrage, and plaintive longing for the "Negritos" to simply be left alone. Like Mirante's first two books, "The Wind in the Bamboo" is titled after a classic children's tale of adventure. This time, however, it's not a Lewis Carroll novel, but Kenneth Grahame's story of friendship on the leafy river's edge, "The Wind in the Willows." It's not difficult to see why: The "Negritos" are akin to the elusive Badger, who lives deep in the Wild Wood and would prefer to be left in seclusion; while modern society is not unlike the boisterous and destructive Toad. Badger recognizes that Toad must be protected from himself and tries to reason with him, but the warning falls on deaf ears. In the end, Toad realizes the error of his selfish and impulsive actions, and finds ways to make amends for his wrongdoings. As we leave the "Negritos," Mirante leaves us wondering if we, too, will be able to make amends before it is too late—or if the opportunity has already passed. This article first appeared in the November 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Hanging On, Just appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma Hold Malaysia in Rain-Delayed Suzuki Cup Clash Posted: 23 Nov 2014 09:58 PM PST  Malaysia’s Muhammad Shukor Bin Adan is challenged by Myanmar’s Min Min Thu during their Suzuki Cup Group B soccer match at Jalan Besar stadium in Singapore November 23, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) SINGAPORE — Underdogs Burma held 10-man Malaysia to a goalless draw in a bad-tempered opening Suzuki Cup Group B match which was delayed by more than hour by heavy rain and thunderstorms. Malaysia midfielder Gary Steven Robbat was sent off for a second bookable offence in the 34th minute as Burma controlled possession but could not find the goal which would have given them a first win in the biennial tournament for Southeast Asia sides since 2008. Malaysia, 2010 winners, had their own chances to grab a first win under new coach Dollah Salleh but a fifth-minute effort from forward Amri Yahyah was rightly ruled out for offside. Their threat diminished as the tetchy game played on the artificial turf at the Jalan Besar Stadium wore on with the Turkmenistan official dishing out a high number of yellow cards. Defending champions Singapore were hosting tournament favorites Thailand in the second Group B match on Sunday, with the top two from the group qualifying for the two-legged semi-finals. The post Burma Hold Malaysia in Rain-Delayed Suzuki Cup Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Bangladesh Arrests 9 in Crackdown on Militant Groups Posted: 23 Nov 2014 09:51 PM PST  DHAKA — Bangladesh has arrested four members of an outlawed militant group, including the chief of its women’s wing, as well as five suspects in a southern city, police said on Sunday, as authorities stiffen a crackdown on militants.
The arrest follows Indian security officials’ exposure of a plot last month targeting Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Two members of a banned Bangladesh group were killed in an explosion while building bombs in India’s eastern state of West Bengal, just over the border with Bangladesh. Police said they arrested Fatema, the chief of the women’s wing of Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen, whose husband Sajid was arrested by Indian police in connection with the West Bengal blast. "Fatema and three men were arrested in a raid in Dhaka and we also recovered a huge quantity of bomb-making materials and explosives," police spokesman Monirul Islam told a news conference. The group also planned to assassinate Bangladesh’s main opposition leader, Khaleda Zia, Indian officials said. She and Hasina have dominated the country’s politics for more than a decade. Last week, a team headed by the chief of India’s main counter-terrorism arm, the National Investigations Agency, held talks with Bangladeshi officials in Dhaka and handed over a list of 11 suspects thought to be hiding there. Another five suspected militants, including a Pakistani and a Saudi national, were arrested on Sunday at a hotel in the southern port city of Chittagong, police official Banaj Kumar Majumdar told Reuters by telephone, but which group they belong to is not yet known. Under Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh has been working closely with India to tackle militant groups, including the handover of those India suspects of stirring up trouble in its remote northeast. The Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen was thought to have been lying low since a crackdown by authorities after it detonated nearly 500 bombs almost simultaneously on a single day in 2005 across Bangladesh, including in Dhaka, the capital. Subsequent suicide attacks by its militants on several courthouses killed 25 people and left hundreds injured. A security van taking members of the group to court earlier this year was targeted by gunmen who opened fire and tossed bombs at the vehicle. The post Bangladesh Arrests 9 in Crackdown on Militant Groups appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Two Senior Thai Police Face Royal Insult Charge as Cases Mount Posted: 23 Nov 2014 09:41 PM PST  Well-wishers pray for the health of Thailand's revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej at the Siriraj hospital in Bangkok on Oct. 8, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Two senior Thai policemen face royal insult charges, a national police spokesman said on Sunday, and warrants have been issued for their arrest, the latest in a mounting number of lese-majeste cases following a coup in May. Thailand's lese-majeste law is the world's harshest and makes it a crime to defame, insult or threaten the king, queen or heir to the throne or regent. Those who are convicted face up to 15 years in jail. Police spokesman Police Lt-Gen Prawut Thavornsiri named the officers as Police Lt-Gen Pongpat Chayaphan, commissioner of the Central Investigation Bureau, and his deputy Police Maj-Gen Kowit Wongrungroj. "Pongpat and Kowit have been charged with violating the lese-majeste law on top of other [criminal] charges," Prawut told Reuters, giving no further details. Thailand's army seized power on May 22 saying it needed to restore order after months of street protests that helped overthrow an elected government. Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former army chief who led the coup and was appointed prime minister in August, is a self-proclaimed royalist and has vowed to root out critics of the monarchy. Years of political strife between the Bangkok-based establishment and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted by the army in 2006, centers partly around anxiety over the issue of royal succession. King Bhumibol Adulyadej, 86, is seen as a unifying figure in Thailand and his health is a matter of public concern. His son and presumed heir, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, does not command his father's popular support. Bhumibol was admitted to Bangkok's Siriraj hospital last month with an inflammation of his gallbladder, which was removed through surgery. On Friday the palace said doctors had advised the king to cancel a planned meeting with two government ministers, something that has raised concern over the state of his health. The post Two Senior Thai Police Face Royal Insult Charge as Cases Mount appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Journalists Remember 32 Colleagues Slain in the Philippines Posted: 23 Nov 2014 09:23 PM PST  Protesters outside the Catholic church in Manila's Paranaque city on Sunday, in remembrance of the 2009 murder of 32 journalists in the southern Philippines. (Photo: Romeo Ranoco / Reuters) MANILA — Dozens of foreign and local journalists lit candles on Sunday to remember the 2009 murder of 32 journalists in the southern Philippines, the biggest recorded killing of media workers in history. No one has been convicted of the murders. Wearing black shirts with the words "End Impunity", the journalists gathered outside a Catholic shrine in Manila, the site of two popular uprisings in modern times. The journalists also protested against what they called growing press restrictions in the Philippines. Melinda Quintos, head of the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility, said there were "disturbing" developments that threatened freedom of the press. She cited the authorities’ ban on coverage of the trial of the accused in the murder of the 32 journalists. "The ban on media coverage of the trial is an unconscionable assault on press freedom—the very right, so crucial to the state of democracy in this country," she said, adding that the trial was proceeding too slowly. The court is still trying to resolve bail petitions four years after the case started. Meanwhile, four witnesses have been killed and lawyers say that defendants in the case have offered financial rewards to victims’ families to withdraw the murder accusations. A total of 192 people led by a powerful Muslim political clan are facing murder charges for killing 58 people, including the 32 journalists, and burying them on a hill in Maguindanao province in the southern Philippines. Since August this year, police have prevented journalists from covering the trial for no apparent reason, Quintos added. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), an independent organisation that promotes press freedom worldwide, has called the Maguindanao killings "the deadliest single attack on the press ever documented by the CPJ". The victims were on their way to file a certificate of candidacy for a local politician standing in an election. Foreign journalists joined Sunday’s protest, asking the government to explain an immigration ban on nine Hong Kong journalists who heckled President Benigno Aquino at an APEC meeting in Bali, Indonesia last year. The state intelligence agency recommended the ban saying the journalists are considered a public safety threat. The Philippines is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists. Some 145 media workers have died since 1986 when democracy was restored after the ouster of dictator Ferdinand Marcos. The post Journalists Remember 32 Colleagues Slain in the Philippines appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
