The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Over Three Weeks, Fighting ‘Almost Daily’ in Kachin State: KIA
- Japanese Fare with Flair at Gekko in Rangoon
- Villagers Displaced by Myitsone Dam Face Legal Limbo
- Detained Student Leader Grateful for Former US Leader’s Support
- UWSA to Opt Out of Ethnic Summit on Nationwide Ceasefire
- Burma’s Looming Power Struggles
- Burma to Repatriate 200 Bangladeshis Rescued off Arakan Coast
- Malaysian Police Reveal Grim Secrets of Jungle Trafficking Camps
- Unpopular But Defiant, Burma’s Ruling Party Unfazed About Poll Prospects
- Southeast Asia Maritime Build-Up Accelerates, Raising Risks in Disputed Seas
- Asia’s Migrant Domestic Workers Rally to Fight Low Pay and Abuse
- Filipina Maid Photographs ‘Modern Slavery’ in Hong Kong
- Fashion Is Focus at Social Enterprise for People With Disabilities
| Over Three Weeks, Fighting ‘Almost Daily’ in Kachin State: KIA Posted: 26 May 2015 07:03 AM PDT
 Kachin Independence Army spokesman La Nan speaks to The Irrawaddy in Laiza, Kachin State, in January 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Clashes have been an almost daily occurrence over the last three weeks in northern Burma, where government forces are encroaching on territory held by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), according to the rebel group's spokesman. La Nan, the KIA spokesman, said some of the clashes have lasted several hours, with the Burma Army having mobilized up to 1,000 troops for what it claims is a crackdown on illegal logging near the abandoned village of Nam Lim Pa in Kachin State. "They used the Air Force and ground forces, they have eight battalions on the ground," he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. The Burma Army has launched offensives aimed at seizing KIA-held mountain bases at Nam Lim Pa, according to the KIA spokesman, who claimed the government troops' presence was also linked to plans to build a road in the area. "Their stated reason was that they are trying to arrest [illegal] loggers and timber trucks and their troops illegally entered our area of control," La Nan said, adding that the KIA had heard of government plans to set up mining operations at a copper deposit in the area. La Nan said the latest fighting in conflict-wracked Kachin State began on May 6, and eight battalions under the Burma Army's Northern Command are engaged in the hostilities. Both sides had suffered casualties, he said, though the exact number of dead and wounded was not yet known. "Their Air Force dropped a bomb on their troops own and resulted in many casualties. Our troops also have sustained casualties, but we cannot yet release a figure of how many," he said, adding that the KIA had been forced to retreat from some of its outposts, but had also recovered territory. "Sometimes their troops chase our troops, but our troops are also pursuing their troops right back. Our troops seized back one mountain post on May 21, which they had seized on May 8," he said. Burma Army officers and their KIA counterparts met in Myitkyina last week, when the KIA was informed that government troops had been mobilized to combat illegal logging around Nam Lim Pa. The KIA was told not to block an access road in the area during the crackdown on illegal logging. "They [Burma Army officers] told us at the meeting that their troops would leave our area of control after they arrest [illegal] timber loggers," La Nan said. "But this [allowing the Burma Army to operate in Nam Lim Pa] is impossible. This is why our troops attack them when they come." La Nan questioned the military's ostensible presence in the area, pointing out that the nearest logging site to Nam Lim Pa was five miles away, and arguing that the attacks on KIA mountain outposts were not consistent with the actions required to crack down on the illegal timber trade. Timber smuggling is a major problem in both government-controlled and rebel-held territory, and the KIA said in March that the Burma Army launched an aerial assault of a base it held along a frequent timber trade route near the border with China. Nam Lim Pa has stood as an abandoned village since fighting between the Burma Army and KIA troops began in the area in 2012. All of the village's inhabitants fled Nam Lim Pa when fighting broke out and have been living at a camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) nearby. The three weeks of hostilities come even as ethnic leaders prepare to meet in Karen State early next month to discuss a draft nationwide ceasefire agreement. A statement supporting the accord was signed in March by the 16 members—including the KIA—of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT). The NCCT told a visiting US delegation over the weekend that the ethnic coalition wanted to see an end to hostilities between ethnic armed groups and the government in Kachin and northern Shan states before signing a nationwide ceasefire, according to Nai Hong Sar, who heads the NCCT. Asked about the KIA's stance on the matter, La Nan told The Irrawaddy that the Kachin rebel group would sign the nationwide ceasefire if the other members of the NCCT did so, despite a growing trust deficit caused by the continued fighting. "We are at subzero [in terms of] trust-building with them [Burma Army] as there is ongoing fighting," La Nan said. The post Over Three Weeks, Fighting 'Almost Daily' in Kachin State: KIA appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Japanese Fare with Flair at Gekko in Rangoon Posted: 26 May 2015 05:26 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — The kitchen was bustling at this Japanese-inspired bar and restaurant in a beautifully refurbished building in downtown Rangoon. Growling stomachs streamed into to the dining area of Gekko around lunch time as Aung Myo Oo laid a few bright cherry tomatoes beside a chunk of lightly fried fish, a slightly modified version of a traditional Japanese recipe. "This is one of our signature dishes," said the 45-year-old sous chef, showing off a plate of Hichibachi salmon, a well-sauced pan-fried fish with a small serving of wasabi risotto prepared with rice sourced from the land of the rising sun. Behind him, another chef fried two chunks of salmon imported from Norway, getting ready for the next order. Another manned a charcoal yakitori (a Japanese skewer grill), as helpers shuttled between the main and back kitchen. Dishes were queuing up, waiting for the final touches from Aung Myo Oo. "Gekko is my second home. You can find me here six days a week, from 1pm to 11pm, apart from Sundays," he said after the last customer left and his hectic hours cooled down for a while. His professional devotion seems to have paid off. The 14-month-old restaurant was recently ranked the third best of Rangoon's 312 eateries by Trip Advisor, which granted it a certificate of excellence just last week. "I feel really happy about it," said the accomplished cook, who has 18 years of Japanese culinary experience in both local and international hotels. His resume includes such establishments as the Shangri-La in Dubai. He now oversees all 15 members of Gekko's kitchen staff. The most thrilling thing for him is the fact that, according to manager Zay Yar Aung—unlike many other new restaurants in town—Gekko is managed by Burmese. As Zay Yar Aung put it: "We are Burmese with international experience, who are now running an establishment founded by a foreigner. I told the founder, 'Just give us the support we need, and we'll take care of the rest.'" With a proud smile, Aung Myo Oo added, "Now we have proven we could make it." A Rangoon native with a lifelong interest in cooking, Aung Myo Oo joined the kitchen crew of a Japanese-run restaurant in his mid-20s after graduating from Rangoon University as a history major. "On my first day in the kitchen," he recalled, "I was asked by the Japanese chef to wash the dishes." But his enthusiasm earned the chef's trust, and he eventually took Aung Myo Oo under his wing, teaching him to prepare Japanese food and master basic kitchen skills that later enabled him to join international hotel chains at home and abroad. After an eight-year stint in Dubai hotel restaurants, Aung Myo Oo joined Gekko as a sous chef. "Even though we have a Japanese-inspired menu here, we don't just stick to the Japanese food because we have very diverse customer base, and we want to satisfy them," he explained, showing off a menu that ranges from Japanese ramen to Korean fried chicken and fresh Vietnamese starters. With the Japanese items, he doesn't stray too far from the original recipes, but tries to add a bit of flair to the combinations, as with the Hichibachi salmon. "Originally, all you have to do is grill the fish and enjoy it with a few splashes of lime and sauce," he said, "but here I add the risotto as a touch of western flavor, but with Japanese rice." His advice for aspiring chefs? "Learn your trade and master the basics." Myint Zin, one Gekko's line cooks, said he still remembers his first day at work with Aung Myo Oo, about 14 years ago when they both worked in the kitchen at Rangoon's Traders Hotel, now known as the Sule Shangri-La. "He was both a chef de partie and my trainer," Myint Zin recalled. "The first task he gave me was to clean a rice cooker. I have to admit, while he is a good-natured man, he has no tolerance for doing a job wrong." His brand of perfectionism and diligence is clear in every dish he makes, according to manager Zay Yar Aung, who said his star chef "has confidence in every dish he works on." Asked about Gekko's recent honor from Trip Advisor, Zay Yar Aung said the team wasn't fishing for compliments. "We just fulfill our customers' needs by paying attention to every detail. The rank is just the result of the work we all have done," he said. The post Japanese Fare with Flair at Gekko in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Villagers Displaced by Myitsone Dam Face Legal Limbo Posted: 26 May 2015 05:04 AM PDT  An aerial view of Myitsone, where the Mali Hka and Nmai Hka tributaries join to form the source of the Irrawaddy River (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Nearly five years after their forced relocation from the site of the suspended Myitsone dam project in northern Burma, residents of more than four villages are still legally prohibited from returning to their former homes. In 2010, the villagers were relocated to a new "model village" seven miles away called Aung Myin Tha, when China Power Investment (CPI) began work on the 4,600 megawatt hydropower project at the source of the Irrawaddy River in conflict-torn Kachin State. The controversial project was suspended in early 2011, not to be resumed until the end of President Thein Sein's term in 2016. Despite the suspension, those displaced were not allowed to return to their land and livelihoods. Some of them went back anyway, the villagers couldn't farm in their new environs, where the soil quality was poor. This caused many to rely on charity from CPI, which in turn reportedly used rice rations as a form of leverage against critical voices. Local activists told The Irrawaddy that about 100 households from Tan Hpre, a village seated in the fertile confluence of the Mali Hka and Nmai Hka tributaries, returned to their former homes and farms. About two weeks ago, village leaders received a letter from Myitkyina Township authorities demanding that they sign a statement acknowledging that they had no right to use the vacant property and could be evicted in the event that development resumes. Earlier this week, local authorities visited the returnees to obtain the signatures, but all of the residents refused to sign the document. "Last Sunday, Myitkyina local authorities came to Tan Hpre and asked the villagers to sign off on knowing that they have to move when development projects resume," said Ja Hkawn, a 50-year-old ethnic Kachin activist from the village. In the years since their relocation, Ja Hkawn has been a vocal critic of the Myitsone dam and a core member of Mungchying Rawt Jat (MRJ), a rights group established by landless Kachin farmers. "We didn't sign it because we don't want to move again," she told The Irrawaddy. "We can't find work there [in Aung Myin Tha]." Bauk Ja, a renowned Kachin land rights activist and member of the National Democratic Force political party, echoed claims that the villagers were unable to make a living at the relocation site, and that returning to their former homes was "logical." "Most villagers couldn't make money in Aung Myin Tha," Bauk Ja said. "As long as there's no project [in Tan Hpre], they don't want to move away again." A lawmaker representing Myitkyina, Hkyet Hting Nan of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party, told The Irrawaddy that those who returned have been tolerated by authorities but will ultimately be legally obligated to leave. "We know that villagers in Tan Hpre have their own farms and don't want to live in the new village, but by law they are not allowed to go back. The dam project is not stopped, it is suspended, and it could resume after 2015," Hkyet Hting Nan said. "They can stay right now, but after this year we're not sure." A memorandum of understanding for the development of the Myitsone dam project was reached in 2006 between Burma's Ministry of Electric Power, domestic developer Asia World Co. and China's state-owned CPI. The project was suspended in 2011 amid mounting public criticism and the resumption of armed conflict in the state, which for the 17 years prior had maintained a ceasefire with the government. The post Villagers Displaced by Myitsone Dam Face Legal Limbo appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Detained Student Leader Grateful for Former US Leader’s Support Posted: 26 May 2015 04:01 AM PDT  Phyoe Phyoe Aung, general secretary of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, just prior to her arrest at Letpadan on March 10. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A student leader currently standing trial for her involvement in nationwide protests against the National Education Law has expressed thanks for a letter of support penned by former US President George W. Bush. Phyoe Phyoe Aung, the general-secretary of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), was arrested on March 10 during the police crackdown on student demonstrators camped at a monastery in Letpadan, Pegu Division. Alongside her husband Lin Htet Naing, also known as James, 27-year-old Phyoe Phyoe Aung is a member of the Liberty and Leadership Forum, a democracy training initiative run by the George W. Bush Institute. The pair was due to return to the US later this year to graduate from the program. "You are in our thoughts and our prayers during this very difficult time," the letter read. "We admire your courage and your passion for bringing about a transparent and accountable education system in Burma. We stand with you and hope that you will soon be released." A copy of the letter made its way into Phyoe Phyoe Aung's hands on Tuesday afternoon after her latest court appearance in Thayawady, relayed from Chiang Mai by fellow forum member Htar Htar Thet, along with medicines provided by the Bush Institute. “She said it gave strength to her," Htar Htar Thet told The Irrawaddy. "She said she was doing the right thing, and she was very proud of his support."  The letter delivered to student leader Phyoe Phyoe Aung in Thayawady today. (Photo: Phyoe Phyoe Aung has been slapped with five charges and faces a maximum sentence of 9.5 years for her participation in the Letpadan protest. She had earlier spent more than three years in prison for her efforts to reconvene the ABFSU during the 2007 Saffron Revolution protests. More than 70 other demonstrators remain in Thayawady Prison on charges relating to the education protests. Phyoe Phyoe Aung's husband, a fellow student activist, is currently in hiding after the Kamayut Township Police Station issued a warrant for his arrest on four unlawful assembly charges. When he spoke to The Irrawaddy by phone on Tuesday, Lin Htet Naing was grateful for the former US president's intervention. "When he was president, he actively considered the political situation in Burma," he said. "We are thankful for his help and mentally it gives us a lot of support." On March 12, in the aftermath of the Letpadan crackdown, Bush and his wife Laura issued a statement calling for the release of Phyoe Phyoe Aung and more than 120 others arrested two days earlier. "Many of the demonstrators are students working to support Burma's transition by advocating for a transparent and accountable education system," the March statement read. "Education is vital to the political, economic, and social well-being of every nation and people. We hope that those arrested will soon be released." The post Detained Student Leader Grateful for Former US Leader's Support appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| UWSA to Opt Out of Ethnic Summit on Nationwide Ceasefire Posted: 26 May 2015 03:30 AM PDT  Bao Youxiang, left, the chairman of the United Wa State Army, in Panghsang on May 1, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The United Wa State Army (UWSA) will not attend an ethnic summit next month in Karen State's Law Khee Lar, where ethnic leaders will gather to discuss the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement. Aung Myint, a spokesman for the UWSA, told The Irrawaddy that the group would not send representatives because the meeting would focus on the "internal affairs" of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), a coalition of 16 ethnic armed groups of which the UWSA is not a member. The summit is scheduled for June 2-6 and members of the NCCT and other ethnic armed groups are expected to attend, deputy leader of the NCCT Kwe Htoo Win told The Irrawaddy. The meeting will focus on a draft nationwide ceasefire accord that NCCT members signed a statement in support of in March. Aung Myint said the UWSA would not sign the proposed nationwide ceasefire agreement, but did plan to join the political dialogue that is slated to begin after the signing of the accord. "We've had a ceasefire for 26 years. We've said that we have not gotten into a fight, not even a single fight, since then and we therefore don't need to sign [a nationwide ceasefire accord]," Aung Myint said. "We've said in meetings with government authorities that we won't sign the NCA and we will continue to say so in the future." Kwe Htoo Win said he had hoped the UWSA would attend the Law Khee Lar summit so that there would be an opportunity to take the broadest possible array of input on the draft nationwide ceasefire accord from Burma's myriad ethnic armed groups. The UWSA is Burma's most powerful ethnic armed group, boasting a fighting force estimated at 20,000 soldiers and believed to have advanced military hardware including surface-to-air missiles. The UWSA has rarely attended previous ethnic summits, citing its 26-year-old truce with the government. Earlier this month, however, the UWSA hosted an ethnic summit in its territorial capital Panghsang, inviting 12 ethnic armed groups including the KNU, which controls Law Khee Lar and the surrounding area. At that meeting, which ended on May 6, the UWSA reiterated a call for the creation of a Wa State as part of a federal Burma. Currently, the Constitution recognizes a Wa "self-administered division," affording it a degree of autonomy from Naypyidaw. The Wa Special Region consists of two noncontiguous territories in Shan State, one on the Chinese border and the other on the Thai border, with a population estimated at 600,000. The UWSA demanded the self-administered state status for their place which is at present a self-administered division during the summit. As leaders of ethnic armed groups attending the summit agreed the UWSA's demand in principle, UWSA have presented their demand to the government, but there is still no response, The government has not yet responded to the UWSA demand, according to Aung Myint. The Shan State Army-South also will not attend the meeting in Law Khee Lar, a spokesperson for the ethnic armed group told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. "We replied with a letter to the NCCT already that we will not join their meeting because we want to allow them to discuss their draft NCA, and we do not want to involve ourselves in their discussion as we are not a member [of the NCCT]," said Sai Hla. He said that we are also worried about we do not want to involved in their case if they changed their decision for any case about NCA. Let them have freedom and discuss for their issues. If the NCCT sign NCA with the Burmese government, the SSA-South said that they will see what the Burmese government tell them to do about sign NCA, which Sai Hla said that “We sign peace agreement already, and we do not want to sign one more time.” The post UWSA to Opt Out of Ethnic Summit on Nationwide Ceasefire appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma’s Looming Power Struggles Posted: 26 May 2015 01:45 AM PDT  Mon State villagers protest the planned construction of a 1280-megawatt coal-fired power plant at Inn Din village on May 5. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy) Local protests against coal-fired power plant projects are occurring across Burma, at the same time as the country faces constant electricity shortages. Blackouts are commonplace in urban areas, especially in the dry season, and power fluctuations regularly cause damage to electrical appliances. With only 30 percent of households connected to the main grid, Burma has one of the lowest electrification rates in the region, comparable only to Nepal. Without addressing these shortfalls, there is no way Burma can become a modern, developed and industrialized country. The administration of President Thein Sein administration is aware of this challenge. Since he came to power, assistance has been requested from international donors and a number of reforms in the electricity sector have been initiated, including the introduction of private producers into the market and the corporatization of the Yangon Electricity Supply Board (YESB). As a result, electricity output has grown on average 15 percent per year since 2011. The World Bank, Asian Development Bank and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) are now providing technical and financial assistance to Ministry of Electric Power. According to a KPMG report into electricity infrastructure in Burma, electricity generation alone will need an investment of roughly US$50 billion to meet demand. If investment in transmission and connections is also considered, the total funding needs of the electricity sector are between US$70-80 billion. Clearly, the government does not have sufficient investment capacity to fulfill the country's demand for power, and private producers will need to play an important role in meeting the country's growing electricity needs. Coal-fired power generation is a relatively cheap and expedient means of increasing large-scale power supply in Burma. So why are there protests against coal-fired power projects when most of Burma's rural population is off the grid, living in darkness? In short, the lack of community support for the projects arises from the poor regulatory abilities of state institutions and a pervasive distrust in the government. Foreign investors are bringing key stakeholders from project areas to Japan and Thailand in an attempt to demonstrate that coal power plants will not have any social or environmental impact on people in project areas. They are promising that they will abide by the international environmental and health standards, but the people living near project sites are not convinced. They believe once they accept the projects, investors will violate the standards prescribed in the contracts in collusion with regulatory authorities. Many believe, not always without reason, that power concessions are given to cronies who then form joint ventures with foreign investors. Others wonder about the true benefit of the projects, given that many have also been contracted to provide power supply across the border to Thailand. At the moment, there is no independent regulatory body for the electricity sector, and the Ministry of Electric Power will serve as an interim regulator of the electricity market. Anecdotal evidence indicates that senior officials from the ministry, after retiring join private power companies owned by cronies, leading to a concerns among the public of regulatory capture by vested interests. Local protests against coal-fired power projects are unlikely to subside in the near future. In a recent parliamentary session, the deputy minister of electric power said these projects could not be canceled because the modernization of the country depended on more power generation. He also said that many of the projects would reinvest money into their communities, noting that two percent of gross profits from these plants would be used to set up funds for conservation and economic development. With a lingering trust deficit between the public and the government, a lack of regulatory rigor and persistent questions about the worth of these power projects from the communities that will host them, it beggars belief that such a meager offering will mollify local critics. Khine Win is director of the Sandhi Governance Institute, which focuses on promoting good governance in Burma. The post Burma's Looming Power Struggles appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma to Repatriate 200 Bangladeshis Rescued off Arakan Coast Posted: 25 May 2015 11:45 PM PDT  Burma Navy personnel stand on the deck of a boat filled with Bangladeshi nationals off the coast of Arakan State on Thursday. (Photo: Facebook / MOI Webportal Myanmar) Burma has reached an arrangement to repatriate 200 Bangladeshi nationals rescued from the sea off the Arakan coast last week, after talks with officials from Bangladesh's Foreign Affairs Ministry on Monday. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar said 200 out of 208 people found aboard two boats have been receiving humanitarian support at relief camps in Maungdaw Township's Ale Thankyaw village. The report said eight of those found on board the boat are "Bengalis from Rakhine [Arakan] State"—the government's official term for Rohingya Muslims—and the rest are Bangladeshis from Cox's Bazar, Chittagong and Dhaka, who had boarded the boats seeking job opportunities in Thailand and Malaysia. The Burma Navy rescued the so-called "boat people" after they were found stranded off the coast of western Burma on Thursday. They are hundreds of what is believed to be thousands of Rohingya Muslims and Bangladeshis who have taken to the sea in recent weeks, the former fleeing persecution in Arakan State and the latter largely economic migrants in search of better opportunities abroad. With a Thai crackdown on human trafficking earlier this month, many smugglers have abandoned their boats, leaving thousands stranded at sea. About 3,000 boat people have already washed ashore in Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia, with those governments at first refusing to allow them refuge. Indonesia and Malaysia reversed course last week, saying they would allow the boats to arrive as long as the international community agreed to repatriate them or resettle them in a third country within one year. Also last week, a UN delegation led by Vijay Nambiar, a special adviser on Burma to the UN secretary general, and Renata Dessallien, the UN resident and humanitarian coordinator in Burma, visited the camps housing the Bangladeshis, accompanied by the Arakan State chief minister, according to a UN press release. The statement on Monday said that out of 200 Bangladeshi males on board the ship, 19 were minors. Nambiar "recognized the rescue had been undertaken with great seriousness and irrespective of the nationality of the stranded migrants," according to the UN statement, which urged the government to continue its search and rescue operations for other migrants stranded at sea. Arakan State Chief Minister Maung Maung Ohn told the Myanmar International Television (MITV) broadcaster that authorities would take legal action against 17 crew members and the boats' owner. "This is a global issue and we are carrying out the task in cooperation with the United Nations," he added. The UN and the United States have offered support to the Burmese government to address the issue both nationally and regionally. "Both sides discussed the seriousness of the situation of migrant smuggling, human trafficking and irregular migration affecting both Myanmar and the broader region," the UN press statement read. "They agreed on the need for concerted action against the brokers and criminal syndicates involved in perpetrating such activities throughout the region." Burma has agreed to participate in a regional meeting on Friday of more than a dozen countries to discuss the issue. An official from the President's Office initially said Burma would boycott the meeting, to be held in Bangkok, if the word "Rohingya" was used in the summit's title. A government spokesperson last week described the crisis as "just a problem of human trafficking," distancing the events of this month from two bouts of violence in 2012 that cast about 140,000 people, mostly Rohingya, into isolated and underserved displacement camps. The UN statement on Monday said it "recognizes and appreciates recent improvements in the conditions in Rakhine," but urged Burma's government to do more to better the lives of displaced Rohingya and the state's broader Muslim inhabitants. "Notwithstanding these welcome improvements, more work needs to be done to address the daily issues of discrimination, restricted freedom of movement, and deprivation of fundamental rights faced by the IDPs and other Muslim populations," it said. The post Burma to Repatriate 200 Bangladeshis Rescued off Arakan Coast appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Malaysian Police Reveal Grim Secrets of Jungle Trafficking Camps Posted: 25 May 2015 11:04 PM PDT  Policemen monitor as forensic experts dig out human remains near the abandoned human trafficking camp in the jungle close the Thailand border at Bukit Wang Burma in northern Malaysia on May 26, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) BUKIT WANG BURMA, Malaysia — Malaysian police forensic teams, digging with hoes and shovels, began pulling out the remains of dozens of suspected victims of human traffickers on Tuesday from shallow graves discovered at a jungle camp near the border with Thailand. The government said it was investigating whether local forestry officials were involved with the people-smuggling gangs believed responsible for nearly 140 such graves discovered around grim camps in the country's northwest. The dense forests of southern Thailand and northern Malaysia have been a major stop-off point for smugglers bringing people to Southeast Asia by boat from Burma, most of them Rohingya Muslims who say they are fleeing persecution, and Bangladesh. On Tuesday authorities took a group of journalists to one of the camps, nestled in a gully in thick jungle up a steep, well-worn path about an hour's walk from the nearest road. Apparently abandoned in haste, what remained of the camp was little more than a tangle of bamboo and tarpaulin, but one police official, who did not want to be identified, said it could have held up to 400 people. The first body was removed on Tuesday afternoon, a Reuters witness said. Muhammad Bahar, of Perlis state police CID, said he could not confirm the state of the body or how long it had been there, but added the grave could contain more bodies. Malaysian authorities said on Monday they had found 139 graves, some containing more than one body, around 28 camps scattered along a 50-km (30 mile) stretch of the border in the northern state of Perlis. The grisly discoveries in Malaysia followed the uncovering of similar graves on the Thai side of the border at the beginning of May, which helped trigger a regional crisis. The find led to a crackdown on the camps by Thai authorities, after which traffickers abandoned thousands of migrants in overloaded boats in the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea. "We don't know if there is a link between the Thai camps and Malaysia camps," Phuttichart Ekachan, deputy chief of Thailand's Provincial Police Region 9, told Reuters. "It is possible that because of the Thai crackdown some of the camps moved and some of them [migrants] then walked over or escaped to the Thai side. It is possible but it isn't something we have been able to confirm." Thousands of Rohingya Muslims are ferried by traffickers through southern Thailand each year, and in recent years it has been common for them to be held in remote camps along the border with Malaysia until a ransom is paid for their freedom. State news agency Bernama quoted Malaysia's police chief, Inspector General of Police Khalid Abu Bakar, as saying that the camps were thought to have been occupied since 2013, and two were "only abandoned between two and three weeks ago." Khalid told reporters on Monday that police had been "shocked by the cruelty" of the fenced camps, where he said there were signs of torture. The scale of the discoveries has raised questions about the level of complicity by officials on both sides of the border. Malaysia's Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said on Tuesday that initial investigations revealed links between forest rangers and smuggling syndicates, Bernama reported, adding that some had been detained by police as part of the probe. "We suspect some of them were involved … but we are working with the forestry department in terms of enforcement as they are supposed to carry out enforcement in the area," he was quoted as telling reporters at parliament. A large plastic water tank could be seen at the camp visited by Reuters reporters on Tuesday, suggesting a degree of permanence. A call to Muslim prayers could be heard drifting from a nearby settlement. An official said 37 graves had been found at the site, a few hundred meters from the Thai border. As the police teams began to dig, a large supply of body bags and white cotton shrouds was piled on the ground. On Monday evening, police had removed a badly decomposed body found unburied in a shack at one of the camps. Police said the unidentified person had been dead around two or three weeks. "The victim could have died and the syndicate did not have time to bury the body as they were rushing to leave the camp," Bernama quoted local district police chief Rizani Che Ismail as saying. Residents in the town of Wang Kelian, on the Malaysian side of the border, said they were used to seeing migrants in the area. "They are often starving, not eaten for weeks," said Abdul Rahman Mahmud, a resident who runs a small hostel. "They eat seeds or leaves or whatever they can find. It's a real pity and it's sad to see this." The post Malaysian Police Reveal Grim Secrets of Jungle Trafficking Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Unpopular But Defiant, Burma’s Ruling Party Unfazed About Poll Prospects Posted: 25 May 2015 10:26 PM PDT  Members of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) rally support in Rangoon in January 2015. (Photo: Reuters) NAYPYIDAW — Burma's ruling party is led by former members of a military junta, evolved from an organization that democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi once compared to a Nazi militia, and took office through electoral fraud. This dubious history doesn't seem to faze the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), as it prepares for an historic election likely to be held in November. Nor does the popularity of its bitter rival, Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), which is expected to thump the USDP at the polls. Scores of smaller parties will also compete in what could be Burma's first free and fair general election in 25 years and a milestone in the Southeast Asian nation's unfinished journey from dictatorship to democracy. "I have a strong belief the USDP will win the election," senior party adviser Aung Thaung told Reuters in a rare interview at the USDP's monumental headquarters in the capital Naypyidaw. That's wishful thinking when you consider the USDP's record. Burma was still ruled by a military junta when the last general election was held in 2010. The NLD boycotted it, leaving the military-backed USDP to win by a landslide—aided by what the Brussels-based International Crisis Group think tank called "massive manipulation of the count." That election installed the semi-civilian government of President Thein Sein, a former general and USDP chairman, who launched a series of political and economic reforms. Many people in Burma now feel those reforms have stalled, and see the upcoming election as an opportunity to vote against the USDP and the unpopular military elite it represents. Factor in Nobel peace laureate Suu Kyi's rock-star appeal and Burma's first-past-the-post voting system, and the USDP could suffer a "rout," predicts the International Crisis Group. 'Gang of Thugs' But don't write off the party yet, say other analysts. The USDP has the incumbent's advantage, with hundreds of legislators and cozy ties with Burma's government and bureaucracy. It is also wealthy and well-organized, with a nationwide network of offices and paid staff. This formidable structure was set up with state funds under the military that ruled Burma for nearly half a century. The party began life in 1993 as the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a mass movement notorious for its anti-democratic activities. Sen-Gen Than Shwe, then Burma's dictator, was its patron. In 1997, Suu Kyi called the USDA "a gang of thugs" and said its efforts to crush the NLD and other democrats "resemble those of the Nazi Brownshirts." Six years later, a USDA-linked mob attacked her motorcade in northern Burma, killing at least four supporters. In 2010, with the election approaching, the USDA morphed into the USDP. The party is no longer state-funded, but much else remains unchanged, including its motto: "Morale, Discipline, Solidarity, Unity." Than Shwe, now in retirement, is still a patron, and the party's leaders are mostly former generals and junta stalwarts. And while many people fear or despise Burma's powerful military, a USDP manifesto calls it "a great patriotic nation-loving force." Senior adviser Aung Thaung, himself an ex-colonel, embodies his party's shady past. In October the US Treasury placed sanctions on him for "actively attempting to undermine recent economic and political reforms" and "perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption." Aung Thaung denied these accusations, but seemed to regard the US censure as a badge of honor. "I became famous because of these sanctions," he said, smiling. In November, at least 75 parties will battle for 498 seats in Burma's upper and lower houses. The remaining 166 seats are reserved for unelected military delegates. Aung Thaung's confidence in his party's chances isn't entirely misplaced. In a survey of public opinion in Burma last year by the International Republican Institute, the USDP scored lower than the NLD on the issue of supporting democratic reforms, but higher on the economy and national security. Renaud Egreteau, a political scientist who is researching Burma's parliamentary affairs, said the USDP will win millions of votes in rural areas because it is often seen as best-placed to meet local needs—for example, building a new road or renovating a monastery. "In Myanmar, as in many other Southeast Asian societies, politics is local—and very personal," said Egreteau. The USDP has also drawn lessons from recent elections in other countries, said Aung Thaung. He compared his party's message to that of British Prime Minister David Cameron, who won re-election on May 7. "We have the same belief in making greater countries, in national unity," he said. The post Unpopular But Defiant, Burma's Ruling Party Unfazed About Poll Prospects appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Southeast Asia Maritime Build-Up Accelerates, Raising Risks in Disputed Seas Posted: 25 May 2015 10:21 PM PDT  Members of the Philippine Marines take their oath of allegiance during the Philippine Navy's 115th anniversary celebrations in Fort San Felipe southwest of Manila on May 21, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) SINGAPORE — Southeast Asian nations are prioritizing spending on their navies and coastguards amid rising tensions in the South China Sea, but as their capabilities grow, so does the risk that any confrontation in the contested waterway will be harder to contain. Annual defense spending in Southeast Asia is projected to reach US$52 billion by 2020, from an expected $42 billion this year, according to IHS Janes Defence Weekly. The 10 nations of Southeast Asia are expected to spend $58 billion on new military kit over the next five years, with naval procurement comprising a large chunk, it said. Much of this equipment is likely to be used in and around the South China Sea, where Beijing's creation of artificial islands has alarmed some Asian countries and stoked tension between China's navy and the US air force. China claims most of the South China Sea, through which $5 trillion in ship-borne trade passes every year. The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan and Brunei also have overlapping claims. "As their capabilities in the maritime space expand, it means the range and lethality of [Southeast Asian] strike forces will also increase," said Tim Huxley, executive director of the International Institute of Strategic Studies in Asia. "If there is a confrontation and it escalates, there is a potential for a more lethal conflict." The interest in beefing up maritime capabilities was apparent last week at the IMDEX Asia maritime defense show in Singapore, where regional naval chiefs and defense procurement officials mingled with contractors from the United States, Europe, Israel and other parts of Asia. Mock-ups of state-of-the-art submarines and warships, patrol vessels and amphibious boats as well as surveillance aircraft and drones were all on display. "I had no free time. Several senior officers visited our stand and were keen on what we had to offer," said an executive from a major European defense contractor. People-Smuggling It's not all about geopolitics. Regional governments are also concerned about piracy and the smuggling of goods and people. Malaysia and Indonesia have sent their navies out to search for thousands of migrants from mainly Burma and Bangladesh who are believed to be adrift at sea. But while the maritime wish-lists are long, Southeast Asian budgets are tight everywhere except Singapore. "Military officers are being told to repair and keep using equipment that should have been replaced decades ago," one regional military source, who declined to be identified, said on the sidelines of the IMDEX show. An Indonesian military source said the new government of President Joko Widodo was focusing on maritime defense, but that the build-up would take time. Southeast Asian government sources said there had been a deliberate move to acquire capabilities that allow naval forces to operate more effectively in coastal zones. After Singapore built six Formidable-class multi-role frigates in partnership with France's state-controlled naval contractor DCNS, others followed suit, said Richard Bitzinger, a security expert at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore. Malaysia has ordered six corvettes worth around 9 billion ringgit ($2.50 billion) from DCNS. Indonesia, Vietnam and Thailand are also in talks with suppliers from Russia and Europe. Underwater Capabilities Submarines are also popular. Vietnam has taken possession of three Russian-built Kilo-attack submarines and has three more on order, something experts say underscores Hanoi's determination to counter China's more powerful navy. Singapore, which has four second-hand submarines, has ordered two from Germany's ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems. Indonesia has ordered three from South Korea's Daewoo Shipbuilding. "Submarine force development suggests the navies are wary of maritime power projection capabilities in the region," said Rukmani Gupta, senior armed forces analyst at IHS Janes. Amphibious ships that can carry tanks, helicopters, troops and perform search and rescue missions are also in vogue. Singapore's ST Engineering is building four Endurance-class vessels for Singapore's navy and one for Thailand, while Indonesia and the Philippines are looking to add similar ships to their fleets. "These multi-purpose vessels can be fitted for a range of missions. They are ideal for Southeast Asian navies, which have small budgets but a range of needs," said Huxley. The Philippines hopes to get by year-end the first of 10 coastguard vessels Japan is building for it. Japan is also supplying used navy patrol boats to Vietnam. There has also been renewed interest in fixed-wing aircraft, helicopters and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that improve maritime patrol capabilities. Earlier this year at a Malaysian defense show, Boeing promoted its Maritime Surveillance Aircraft, which includes the radars and sensors that are on its P-8 Poseidon planes but not its anti-submarine warfare capabilities. "As Southeast Asian navies add new capabilities for warfighting, any future conflict in the region is likely to be faster, more intense and more lethal, and therefore perhaps more devastating," Bitzinger wrote in a research paper this month. The post Southeast Asia Maritime Build-Up Accelerates, Raising Risks in Disputed Seas appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Asia’s Migrant Domestic Workers Rally to Fight Low Pay and Abuse Posted: 25 May 2015 10:15 PM PDT  Migrant domestic worker Suay Ing, 31, at the clinic where she works, in Bangkok. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters) BANGKOK — Suay Ing was nine when she was first employed as a domestic worker, cleaning for a family and sleeping in their laundry room in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai for $10 a month. The eldest of four children of migrant construction workers from Burma, Ing was 14 when she was trafficked to Bangkok by a broker who promised her a job and abandoned her. Hungry and with no identification papers or money, the unkempt child finally found a noodle shop owner willing to hire her for 3,000 baht ($100) a month in exchange for working 12-hour shifts with three days off a month. Over the next 14 years, he taught her to manage the shop, but also beat her, docked her pay and even denied her food. “Even if my staff did anything wrong, I had to take responsibility for it. He would say, ‘How do you want to be punished? Do you want to be slapped? Do you want me to take your salary?'” recalled Ing, who is now 31. Two years ago, she plucked up the courage to leave her abusive boss, turning again to domestic work, but this time, armed with greater knowledge of her rights, she got decent pay, days off and reasonable hours. Over time, Ing began sharing her experiences with other domestic workers and she now offers advice on how to find safe, fair employment with the Network of Migrant Domestic Workers. “I tell domestic workers to ask about their days off, about whether or not they will have their salaries cut if they go home,” Ing said in a voice that speaks to her determination to keep others from suffering hardship. “If the domestic workers ask these questions, then the employers know they can’t take advantage of them.” Asia is home to 41 percent of the estimated 53 million domestic workers worldwide, most of them women who enjoy few rights, work excessively long days and earn far below the minimum wage, rights groups say. Under Thai law, domestic workers are entitled to at least one day off per week. Labourers have a right to an eight-hour workday and a minimum wage of 300 baht a day, but these do not apply to domestic work, which is not considered formal work. The MAP Foundation, a migrant rights group based in Chiang Mai, said most domestic workers it had surveyed are paid between 4,300 baht and 5,000 baht ($130-$150) a month and work up to 14 hours a day. “Thai society does not see domestic work as work, so the person doing housework is not a worker,” said Poonsap Tulaphan, director of the Foundation for Labour and Employment Promotion, a Thai organisation that helped set up the Network of Migrant Domestic Workers and its Thai predecessor, HomeNet. “No Rights at All” The Burma domestic workers’ labour woes in Thailand reflect a wider problem across Asia. Many migrant domestic workers come from the Philippines, Indonesia, Laos, Cambodia and Burma, and work in neighbouring countries as well as the Middle East. Occasionally, cases of violence make the headlines, such as the 7-year-old girl from Burma who was enslaved for five years in Thailand, or the Indonesian maid, Erwiana Sulistyaningsih, whose employer in Hong Kong was found guilty in February of charges including grievous bodily harm. Abuse and exploitation in the Middle East has been so extreme that Indonesia recently barred domestic workers from working in 21 countries, media reports said. Activists say travel bans will only push women to migrate through illegal channels, putting them at greater risk of abuse. The best fix is to persuade governments to protect their citizens’ rights, says Elizabeth Tang, general secretary for the Hong Kong-based International Domestic Workers Federation. She said Asians have traditionally hired domestic workers from indigenous or ethnic minority groups, lower castes or poor families, and believe they are doing them a favour by doing so. “Employers tend to think, ‘You’re so poor. If I don’t give you work in my house, you will probably die, you will have nothing to eat.’ These kinds of attitudes are deep rooted,” Tang told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. Governments also need to tackle unscrupulous agencies that lure women into domestic work abroad and charge exorbitant fees amounting to six months of wages, Tang said. With poverty at home, many women have no choice but to pay, putting homes and property up as collateral to pay broker fees. “In Cambodia and Indonesia, they have no rights at all and earn about $30 to $60 a month. This is the main reason they have to leave their countries and go abroad, even if they don’t know what will happen to them…because what they earn at home will get them nowhere,” Tang said. Organised and Informed Many migrant domestic workers land in their new countries of employment unable to speak English or the local language, and with no friends, family or money. Organised networks—such as the ones the Filipinas, Indonesians and Thais have set up in Hong Kong—have helped to give women support and information to protect themselves. In Thailand, for example, the Network of Migrant Domestic Workers says about 15 of its 75 Burmese members have at least one day off each week. About 80 percent of them work with Westerners, who tend to pay more. Now they are trying to expand their network to assist women who are younger, unable to speak Thai or English, and more vulnerable. “We are domestic workers, too, we aren’t doctors, we aren’t lawyers. If they need help, we have to learn, too, what rights we have, how we can access those rights and be ready to help others,” said Champa, who belongs to the Network of Migrant Domestic Workers. “I have worked as a domestic worker for 20 years, but I never cared about rights because I never met anyone who told me that I have rights…I just wanted money, and thought I had to work to earn money. But…then I learned my rights.” The post Asia’s Migrant Domestic Workers Rally to Fight Low Pay and Abuse appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Filipina Maid Photographs ‘Modern Slavery’ in Hong Kong Posted: 25 May 2015 10:10 PM PDT  Abused foreign domestic helpers chat along a corridor in Bethune House, which provides temporary shelter for abused victims, in Hong Kong October 23, 2006. (Photo: Reuters) LONDON — A Filipina maid in Hong Kong has published stark photographs of burned and beaten domestic workers to highlight the "modern slavery" she says has long been the city's shameful secret. "Hong Kong is a very modern, successful city but people treat their helpers like slaves," said Xyza Cruz Bacani, whose black and white portraits won her a scholarship from the Magnum Foundation to start studying at New York University this month. "The abuse happens behind doors. It's common but no one talks about it, so I want to tell their stories, I want to tell people it's not OK to treat your domestic workers that way." Bacani is one of the 330,000 domestic workers in the former British colony, most of them from the Philippines and Indonesia. She told how maids are frequently forced to sleep on toilets, kitchen floors, cabinet tops or even baby-changing tables because they are not given beds. Many work up to 19-hour days. Some are underpaid or not paid at all. Others are denied food or beaten, she said. "It was a big shock to me when I listened to their stories and they told me they slept on toilets, that their boss slapped them or their boss didn't even feed them," Bacani, a self-taught photographer, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by telephone. "It shocked me how people could treat other people like that. It's very barbaric. When I talk about it I feel angry." Shelter for Abused Workers Bacani, who comes from a village in Nueva Vizcaya, moved to Hong Kong when she was 19, giving up her nursing studies so she could help pay for her younger brother and sister's schooling. For the last decade she has worked alongside her mother for an Australian-Chinese businesswoman in the affluent Mid-Levels neighborhood on Hong Kong island. She rises at 5:30 most mornings, serves breakfast, cleans the apartment and looks after her boss's six grandchildren, who visit almost daily. But whether she is shopping in the market or taking the children to the park, she always has her camera in her bag. Last year Bacani volunteered at Bethune House, a shelter for abused domestic helpers, and was horrified by what she saw. "Many work until 1 am and start again at 5. They work every day without stopping. I have friends who are underpaid and others have been physically hurt," she said. "It's modern slavery. It's 2015 and people should be more educated, but still it happens." Third Degree Burns Bacani's most shocking photos are of a Filipina woman called Shirley who suffered extensive third degree burns when a pot of boiling soup fell on her after someone left it on a rack. Her boss said it was an accident, but Bacani says he refused Shirley medical leave and fired her after she fainted. The maid started legal proceedings but appeared to be getting nowhere. Bacani says things changed when the CNN website reproduced her photos of Shirley's burns. "After we published some of the images her boss paid her compensation for her injuries, her dismissal and three years of salary because she cannot work," Bacani said. Shirley's story is not uncommon. The abuse suffered by the city's domestic workers made headlines this year when a Hong Kong woman was jailed for six years for attacking and abusing her Indonesian maids and threatening to kill their relatives. The case sparked calls for Hong Kong's government to revise its policies on migrant workers. Campaigners say domestic workers are often reluctant to report abuse for fear of being deported, trapping them in a cycle of exploitation. The government stipulates employers should provide reasonable accommodation, free food and a minimum monthly wage of HK$4,110 ($530). But Bacani says many maids are paid less, especially Indonesians who are often treated worse than Filipinas, partly because of the language barrier. She describes herself as "one of the few lucky ones". She says her boss is a "great lady" who encouraged her to apply for the Magnum program, which aims to help photographers tell stories that can advance human rights in their home countries. Bacani plans to return to Hong Kong later this year to mount an exhibition of her images of domestic workers. "Awareness brings change," she says. "I hope my work can change people's perspective on domestic workers and help end this modern slavery." The post Filipina Maid Photographs 'Modern Slavery' in Hong Kong appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Fashion Is Focus at Social Enterprise for People With Disabilities Posted: 25 May 2015 05:00 PM PDT Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — For Naw Eh Wah and her handmade jewelry shop, a kind of affirmative action dictates the hiring process. "People with disabilities are like my relatives," she says. "They are always in my heart. I am happier to give these jobs to them rather than giving jobs to others." After leaving her own job as a livelihood coordinator for disabled people at a nongovernmental organization in 2013, Naw Eh Wah wanted to continue to better the lives of a community she had grown close to over four years working in Rangoon's Hlaing Tharyar Township. For her, it meant continuing to do what she was good at: making handmade accessories, and in the process helping people with disabilities to earn a living. So began "Amazing Grace," a social enterprise based in Rangoon that produces handmade jewelry and accessories from locally produced materials. The shop opened in February 2014 with the support of Naw Eh Wah's family. The Amazing Grace workforce is primarily comprised of people with disabilities. Most work from home and check in once a week to take assignments and deliver their creations to the shop. Their disabilities vary, from hearing impairment to polio to limited mobility as a result of accidents. What most also have in common is an ability to work well with their hands. "I continue to teach them and learn new designs and find markets to sell the products," the 27-year-old ethnic Karen woman says. Making handmade accessories was not something new for Naw Eh Wah, for whom it had always been something of a hobby. "I have been interested in making accessories since I was young," she says. "I would always give my handmade products for friends' birthdays." Amazing Grace's products include earrings, bracelets and necklaces, all made from recycled materials such as bicycle tires, stones, beads and string. Some items also come with a local flair, thanks in part to a Thai woman named Intira Thepsittawiwat. Intira, who has a shared interest in handmade accessories, came to Naw Eh Wah in February with a proposal to produce necklaces using local fabric. Since then, the two women have been adding necklaces made from traditional Burmese longyi patterns and textiles to Amazing Grace's repertoire. "I want to make handmade jewelry made in Myanmar, so the materials should be something local," Intira says. "I thought of longyis. I came here and I asked her, 'Can you do that with a longyi?'" The price for a piece of handmade jewelry ranges from 2,000 kyats (US$1.80) to 15,000 kyats, while handmade fabric necklaces can cost anywhere from 10,000 kyats to 30,000 kyats. The products are increasingly popular as wedding thank-you gifts, Naw Eh Wah says. Amazing Grace currently employs about 10 people with disabilities. Each of them earn from 70,000 kyats to 100,000 kyats per month, based on the number of items they produce. And business is good, meaning Naw Eh Wah is looking to expand her roster of employees. "Sometimes, our workforce is not enough to handle the workload," she says. Having grown up around people affected by leprosy at a hospital in Mon State's Moulmein, Naw Eh Wah says her next step is to create jobs for them too. She has plans to teach how to produce wooden blocks for kindergarten classrooms and handmade crafts to men and women living around the hospital compound. "They have been affected by leprosy and are cured, but they are disabled in that they can't go back to their environment," she says, explaining that social stigma and physical impairments caused by leprosy made returning to society difficult. "I will continue to find markets and expand my work," she adds. An open house showcasing Amazing Grace's handmade jewelry will be held on May 28 from 10:30 am to 2:30 pm. Contact intimade.info@gmail.com or send a Facebook message to this account to find out the event's location. Amazing Grace products can be purchased in Rangoon at No. 26(A), Min Ye Kyaw Swar St. (corner of Min Ye Kyaw Swar St. and Maggine St.) in Kyaukkone, Yankin Township. The post Fashion Is Focus at Social Enterprise for People With Disabilities appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States | |
