The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- River Bank Erosion Forces Hundreds of Families to Relocate
- A Vision of Gold and Light
- Inside the Asian Wings, ANA Deal
- Is Burma’s ‘Disconnectivity’ Deliberate?
- Burma’s Ex-Censor-in-Chief Turns to TV
- Study Finds Dire Work Conditions on Thai Trawlers
- Diplomatic Row Disrupts Philippine President Visit to China
- Political Feud Threatens Bangladesh Stability
| River Bank Erosion Forces Hundreds of Families to Relocate Posted: 03 Sep 2013 05:41 AM PDT  River bank collapse, caused by erosion, affects a village along the Irrawaddy River. (Photo: Sei Tun / UNESCAP presentation) RANGOON — Erosion has led to the collapse of long stretches of river bank along the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers in Magwe Division, central Burma, forcing hundreds of households in riverine communities to relocate to safer areas, according to local villagers. In Thahtaygone village, Yaynanchaung Township, about 32 houses out of 120 household were moved in recent days, said U Agga Daza, an abbot of the village monastery. The relocation of a local monastery and a primary school, however, is problematic. "We still have to wait for the permission from township educational office. Without their approval, we can't move the school. We do not get support for the relocation of the school, so the village will have to share the costs" of moving, U Agga Daza told The Irrawaddy. He said village officials had approached education authorities about the problem, but had yet to receive a reply. "The area of land loss is just one hundred feet away from the school. If we do not get the permission in time, we will decide to move the school by ourselves," said another villager. In Nyamyargyi, Lay Yar Pyae, Ngar Lan, Nwae Ni and Aung Pan Kyaung villages in Yaysagyo Township, high water levels in the Chindwin River have also led to collapse of river banks. In each village, about 150 households are being threatened by the collapse and will have to move if erosion continues. In Nyamyargyi, the worst-affected village, 180 families have already been forced to relocate as their homes are dangerously close to the disintegrating river banks. Local villagers complained that it was the third time that they were forced to move due to river bank erosion, adding that they also had to relocate in 1993 and 2012. "Actually, we recently relocated after last year's erosion, so we now don't have enough savings to buy new land for relocation. Another issue is that the only place we can find is near Nyamyarlay village. It will be a bit crowded if we moved there," said villager Nyein Mar. "Since last year, we lost our farmlands so that we do not have enough money to buy new land. If erosion would occur every year, we will not be able to survive", she said. Nyein Mar added that the displaced villagers from Nyamyargyi were forced to live together on a small area elsewhere, as they could not afford to buy any bigger plots. Villagers said Yaysagyo Township township and district authorities had inspected the river bank collapse last week and ordered the implementation of provisionary measures, such as the construction of a retaining wall made with bamboo and reeds. The villagers added, however, that the measures had done little to prevent further erosion. "Water levels are getting high as rains in the upper region of the river are heavy this year. So the water flow is quite strong this year, causing land erosion," said Nyein Mar. Erosion and collapse of river banks along the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers is common during the rainy season and riverine communities are frequently forced to relocate. According to U Ohn, an environmentalist working for Forest Resource Environment Development and Conservation Association in Rangoon, the worsening erosion is caused by rampant deforestation and river dredging in central and northern Burma. "Deforestation in the watersheds of the Chindwin and Irrawaddy rivers is the main cause behind this erosion," he said, adding that "The government has allowed companies to dredge sands and pebbles near the river banks without any controls." Riverine communities also contribute to the environmental problem, said U Ohn. "Deforestation is also occurring along the riverbanks because people collect firewood. They also burn vegetation to clear land for farming," he said, adding that villagers should be educated about maintaining vegetation along the rivers. Government policies for river system management have been poorly developed under the past military regime. Currently, international donors are working with the government to develop and fund such management plans. South Korea has pledged support for a three-year, US$4.2 million Irrawaddy River Master Plan that will contains an erosion prevention component, according a 2013 UN workshop presentation by Ministry of Transport's director of water resources Sei Tun. The Mandalay Division government reportedly announced in May that it plans to spend $1.1 million on river bank reinforcement along the Irrawaddy. | |
| Posted: 03 Sep 2013 05:22 AM PDT  Burmese artist Win Tint uses abstract realism to depict Shwedagon Pagoda in his latest solo exhibition in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — When the morning and evening light reaches the golden Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon, peeking past the pillars of rest pavilions on the sacred premises and casting shadows onto the floor, Win Tint captures the scene on his canvas. When the serenity of night falls and the marble-tiled walkways are illuminated with the pagoda's golden reflection, the Burmese artist paints with thick brushstrokes, creating a dreamlike atmosphere. Through his use of abstract realism—with strong lines, vertical and horizontal patterns and impasto brushwork—Win Tint offers a view of Shwedagon Pagoda that might never be apparent to occasional visitors at Burma's most famous religious monument. The result is now on display, through 12 paintings, at his fourth solo art show at Lokanat gallery in Rangoon.
"My works are products of imagination and reality," he says of the paintings at his "Light & Gold" art show. "They are symbols of our Burmese culture in a different form of artistic expression, a combination of light and shade with a touch of acrylic gold paint." Win Tint was inspired by the golden pagoda, but he does not depict the entire spire-like religious monument in his work, nor does he illustrate the men and women inhabiting the holy space. Only parts of the pagoda's surroundings are partly visible. "The absence of human figures allows viewers to concentrate on the paintings," said the painter cum instructor of the State School of Fine Arts in Rangoon. Win Tint's Light & Gold art show is now open to the public at Lokanat Galleries on Pansodan Street in Rangoon from Sept. 2-7. | |
| Inside the Asian Wings, ANA Deal Posted: 03 Sep 2013 04:12 AM PDT  Lwin Moe is the executive director of Asian Wings Airways. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's Asian Wings Airways is selling a 49 percent stake to All Nippon Airways (ANA), Japan's largest airline, for US$25 million. Asian Wings began flying domestically in 2011 and plans to begin international flights soon. The airline's executive director, Lwin Moe, sat for an exclusive interview with The Irrawaddy this week to discuss the deal with ANA. Question: When did you decide to work with ANA, and why? Answer: We had plans last year—we were in discussions with All Nippon Airways for a year. The reason we are going to work with ANA is to prepare for the future Asean open skies policy with all 10 Asean countries in 2015. [The policy aims to boost regional connectivity by lifting restrictions on flights within the 10-nation economic bloc of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, known as Asean.] Q: Did you propose the collaboration? A: Actually, we both learned about each other at that time. ANA was surveying which [airline] would be able to work with them, and we had several discussions. We expected that if we worked with them, we would benefit in 2015, with the open skies policy. We also studied which international airlines would be suitable for us, and finally we made a decision. Q: I heard that ANA plans to buy 49 percent of your shares, leaving you 51 percent. How did you manage that agreement? A: We are following government policy—that's why we have 51 percent. According to law, local investment had to be 51 percent. [This is according to a former law. The new foreign investment law, which was passed earlier this year, allows 100 percent ownership of businesses in some sectors, and up to 80 percent ownership in certain sensitive sectors.] Q: Can you speak in more detail about your plans with ANA? A: We really need to have more detailed discussions with ANA, we need to write down detailed strategies, because so far we have only discussed the share equity and how much they are taking—we only spoke about running regional destination routes, as well as a five-year project plan. In 2018 we will run flights on 10 aircrafts to the most famous regional destinations. But we need to have more detailed discussions. Q: Burma's airline sector is opening up again, collaborating with international airlines, as the country transitions from military rule. What challenges have arisen between the government and international airlines? A: We haven't seen many difficulties between them, but as you know, we needed to negotiate with the relevant ministry, the Ministry of Transport. We had to submit our proposal for what we wanted to do, and we informed the Myanmar Investment Commission that we would work with All Nippon Airways. So we had to wait a little time for permission from the MIC, and we spoke to the chairman of the central bank, too. Q: How much will Asian Wings invest in this project, if ANA will invest US$25 initially? A: At this stage of investment, we will follow our rights in the agreement. ANA's investment is $25 million, that's the amount expected for the next five years, and we recognized that as 49 percent. We are not ready to tell the detailed amount right now. Q: When will projects with ANA start? A: We expect after the first quarter next year. Q: What are the first international destinations that Asian Wings will service, starting next year? A: The first will be Thailand's Bangkok, and some prime areas, such as Malaysia and Singapore. Asean nations offer a good market. Q: How will the Asean open skies policy benefit the local airline sector? A: Actually, the [Burma] Department of Civil Aviation is the responsible department for this, so they know more details than we do. But as a local airline, we need to prepare to maintain our market share, after restrictions are eased for international airlines to work here. We will need to prepare and build a mutual understanding with each other, as they will bring many foreign passengers into the country. There are two main points of the open skies policy. International airlines can bring many passengers to all entry points, so we—the domestic airlines—will have a chance to attract more passengers. That's one benefit. But if these international airlines service local routes—as they probably will—our domestic market share could fall. It's hard to say whether I have a positive or negative view on this issue. Q: The Southeast Asian Games (SEA Games) later this year will be hosted in Burma, as will the Asean Summit next year. Do we have enough airline services here? A: Regarding the SEA Games here, the government asked us to run the Yangon [Rangoon]-Naypyidaw route at that time. We prepared that, we are not hesitant to do that, we will do as much as we can. I heard Thai Airways is going to land directly in Naypyidaw, and MAI [Myanmar Airways International] also. But it is OK if they are going through Yangon to Naypyidaw. Q: What is the new flight schedule this year? A: We are going to run the charter flight to Chiang Mai [in north Thailand] and Bodh Gaya [in India], depending on the market. We are going to buy new ATR aircraft soon. Q: I just want to confirm whether it is true that U Tay Za (one of Burma's best-known tycoons) is behind the Asian Wings company. Is he a major shareholder? A: I can say this company was established and is standing separately. We started as a venture between founder U Than Oo from Sunfar Travels and Tours Company and us, Asian Wings. U Than Oo had 40 percent ownership and we had 60 percent. That has been the situation until now. We plan to call a shareholders meeting after having a detailed meeting with ANA. | |
| Is Burma’s ‘Disconnectivity’ Deliberate? Posted: 03 Sep 2013 01:11 AM PDT  Members of the Myanmar ICT for Development Organization (MIDO) plan out a workshop on Internet security. (Photo: Jefry Tupas / SEAPA) RANGOON — Two years ago, Freddy Lynn was spending most of his time at a public access center in downtown Myitkyina in Kachin State. There he was introduced to a world that he did not learn in his university or hear about in his community that had been slowed down by more than six decades of armed conflict. It was a discovery often interrupted by frequent power outages and news of violent clashes between ethnic groups and the military across Burma. Yet Freddy Lynn knew he should keep at it, because it kept him connected to a world outside Kachin, a northern Burmese state that lies on the boundary of China and India. And unlike his friends who had to have at least 400 kyats (41 cents) per hour to have the same privilege, Freddy Lynn was getting his information about the "outside world" for free, as he worked at the public access center, known elsewhere as an Internet café. These days, the 24-year-old physics graduate from Myitkyina State University is still going online mostly for free. Now in Rangoon doing volunteer work for the Myanmar ICT for Development Organisation (MIDO), Freddy Lynn is one of the measly 500,000 Burmese, out of an estimated 55 million population, who has access to the Internet— somewhat. University professor Ajarn Ubonrat Siriyuvasak, co-founder of the Bangkok-based Media Inside Out, has argued that communication, while it is enshrined and guaranteed in the Constitution of almost every nation around the world, is a human-rights issue. Today, especially among citizens in democratic countries, Internet as a communication platform and a new space for freedom is being seen as a basic need. Burma is a country still struggling to break free from a dark and despotic past. But since opening up two years ago after decades of military rule, many of its citizens, including activists, are now enjoying the space and freedom to express and exchange information with each other—even reaching out to the outside world. Wary observers, however, say this may just be an illusion. The reality, they say, is that the Burmese government continues to deprive its citizens of the right to information and free speech. In a country that has yet to prove it can carry out reforms, communication—and the Internet—is a commodity trapped under the monopoly and control of the state. State and Crony, Inc. The state-owned Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) exclusively handles the communications sector, providing telephone lines to households, business establishments and government offices. MPT also operates the street phone booths across Burma. MPT operates under the Ministry of Communications, Posts, and Telegraphs. The ministry's tasks include the following: to arrange communication services for smooth and easy usage by the public; to satisfy communication needs of commercial, social and administrative infrastructures; to establish communication centers and routes in accordance with work requirements; and to monitor communication services in accordance with laws, rules and regulations. In 2010, MPT allowed Red Link Communications to run fiber optic-sourced Internet connection, which is distributed mostly around Rangoon and Mandalay. Red Link is owned by the sons of the former regime's third topmost military official, Shwe Mann, currently speaker of the Union Parliament. The other Internet players in Burma are Sky Net MPS and Yatanarpon Teleport. While Yatanarpon Teleport is a state firm, Sky Net is owned by business tycoon Shwe Than, a close ally of President Thein Sein. Outside of frequenting Internet cafes or securing a free (if elusive) WiFi signal, connecting to the Net in Burma necessitates having a landline. To secure one, an applicant must only show the government-issued national identification card, pay around $500 and be armed with overflowing amount of patience as the process would usually take around one month to three months. Those who are only renting homes are less likely to be approved. Not surprisingly, a February 2013 report by Radio Free Asia says only 6.7 percent of the population or just nearly four million Burmese have landline connections. Next comes applying for an Internet service connection, which with Red Link would mean an installation fee of $1,000 to $1,500 for fiber-optic Internet. There is also a monthly fee that is around $600 to $700. This may help explain the low Net penetration rate of Burma, where the average monthly worker receives only 80,000 kyats, or $82.47. If one decides to have the landline connected 'Internetly' through the asymmetric digital subscriber line (ADSL), one must pay an installation fee of at least $100, plus a monthly payment of between $50 to $70. A Paucity in Internet Speed Devils But that is only the start to litany of woes for those who want to go online in Burma. One information technology professional who asked not to be identified explained that because communication is under the MPT's control, it could well be "playing god all over Burma, implementing capping—where it can impose a specific limit of speed to a certain users." Another IT professional, Aung Bar Lay, supported this, saying one only needed to experience the varying speed of Internet connection in downtown Rangoon. The speed, he said, can be improved if one is willing to give grease money. In a budget inn along Botataung Pagoda Road downtown Rangoon, for example, the Internet download speed is only 0.13 megabits per second and the upload speed is 0.15 megabits per second. In a restaurant just a hop and skip away, the download speed is 0.55 megabits per seconds while the upload speed is 0.87 megabits per second. The restaurant is owned by a known crony of the military regime. The Internet speed in Burma is way behind that in nearby Thailand and Vietnam, as well as in the Philippines. In mainland Southeast Asia, Burmese Internet speeds even fails to beat that of Vientiane, the capital of Laos, a socialist state that is one of economic laggards in Asia. In a hotel in Bangkok, a speed test shows that the Internet download speed is 0.98 megabits while the upload speed is 1.02 megabits. In Manila, a phone line-based Internet has 0.91 megabits per second upload speed and 5.54 megabits per second download speed. In Vientiane, the download speed is 1.69 megabits per second and the upload speed is 0.60 megabits per second. But in Vietnam, a Communist state that initiates Internet connectivity even in the countryside, the download speed is 31.24 megabits per second while the upload speed is 27.21. While it only takes a split-second to load the "Applause" video of US pop phenomenon Lady Gaga, in Manila and Bangkok (without the video stopping mid-play as the computer downloads data to buffer), one needs at least 30 seconds to get it playing in Rangoon. Factor in the buffer time of about more than a minute, and a Rangoon-based Lady Gaga fan would have to wait almost five minutes for the 3:35-minute video to finish downloading and finally play. In Vietnam, where a citizen only pays 4,000 dong per hour, or about 20 cents, the same video takes just three seconds to load. Communicating in Slow Motion "The speed can be fixed," Aung Bar Lay said. "You only need to have good connections with the government. I have heard people talking about giving extra amount of money under the table just for them to have better Internet connections." Aung Bar Lay believes that the Internet "disconnectivity" all over Burma is deliberate, as the speed is being controlled by the state. "If the government really wants to improve the speed of the Internet, it can," said the IT professional. "It is using fiber optics so it must be reliable and fast." A professor in one of the universities in Rangoon said that while the Burmese government has provided them with Internet connection, the snail-paced speed renders the facility almost useless. The professor, who asked to be identified only as Zey, suspects that the slow connection, which usually turns off students, is yet another form of censorship. "What else can you call that?" she asked. "That definitely is still censorship. We are still being deprived of the right enjoyed by citizens of other countries. We are being censored here." International aid agencies and nongovernment organizations in Burma have commented that that the current communication facilities in the country will affect its growth and image as a free nation. Saying that the Burmese government is only "putting up a show," Canadian Jessica Steven, who works for the grassroots nongovernment organization Burma Partnership, noted that the pace of the Internet and the state of the communication in Burma show exactly what the direction of the country is. And this direction is something worrisome, Steven said. "On the surface it looks open, and in many ways it is more open compared to years ago," she said in an interview in a hotel in Rangoon. "But all the factors are there that would indicate what the real Burma is now and what it intends to be in the future. In reality, nothing is really changed." She said the government is now "wearing this mask of a democratic country, but under the surface it is still the same." Some Burmese journalists agree with this view. Speaking on condition of anonymity, a couple of journalists had few good things to say about the current government, just as they had trouble being positive about the previous one. "Communication is something that remains to be fully given to us," said one of the journalists. "Many might have not seen it or have felt it, but the fact that communication is moving in slow-motion here is something that speaks to the level of freedom of the Burmese people." "How willing and ready the government really is in freeing the country can be gleaned from how it is giving us access to information," commented his colleague. "The facilities are there, the infrastructure are there, but why do we feel like we are still disconnected from each other?" ICT in Shambles Nay Phone Latt, executive director of the Myanmar ICT for Development Organization (MIDO), said the present condition of the information and communication technology in Burma puts the country and its people on the margins. "The world looks like a global village," said Nay Phone Latt, a political blogger who was jailed for four years by the military regime. "But because of the lack of ICT knowledge and infrastructure, some of our villages do not know of the other world. The gap between Burma and the developing countries is so huge." He lamented over what he said was the government's lack of regard for the importance of ICT, which is not even taught in public schools. For Nay Phone Latt, apparently, it is not enough that several private schools are offering courses in computer science. To fill in the gap, Nay Phone Latt's group has been going around Burma conducting workshops on ICT. Most of the participants are from nongovernment and community-based organizations, as well as women's and youth groups. One of MIDO's clients is the opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Nay Phone Latt admitted that their efforts have so far not reached the states of Kachin and Arakan because of the pervading condition of unrest in those areas. The farthest area reached by MIDO was Chin State. The larger the distance between a place and Rangoon, the worse conditions become. Interviewed at his office—with the Internet connection discontinued by the server over a subscription problem—Nay Phone Latt said most of their trainees are first-time computer users. This showed the level of ICT literacy of most Burmese, he said. The training given by MIDO includes basic computer literacy, basic introduction of Internet and the use of search engines, social media, blogging, and social networking. Making Do in the Regions It's a situation that has led Kachin-born Freddy Lynn to constantly think of the disparity between his hometown and Rangoon. "There are opportunities here as communities is better compared to my city," he said. "Transportation is also better here." He said he could only "wish for everybody, particularly the people of Kachin, to be able to touch the world." For sure, those in Kachin State are trying to do this, with or without help from the Burmese central government. While many Burmese do not have access to mobile-based communication, many residents of Kachin easily get it, and cheaply—from China. A Chinese SIM (subscriber identity module) pack can only cost 20,000 kyats, or $20.60, in 2008, while an MPT-distributed SIM cost around 2,913,000 kyats or $3,000. With the Chinese SIM, Kachin residents can make calls within Kachin State and even overseas. But they cannot make calls or send text to Rangoon. And while Chinese-SIM users can access the Internet, they cannot log onto Facebook, as it is banned in China. "We can see and we will be in touch with other people, we will be able to see what is happening around the world, through the Internet," Freddy Lynn said, stressing how vital getting online is, even to his people. "ICT is very, very important." That conviction most probably helps drive him in his volunteer work at MIDO. Yet for all the idealism of the likes of Freddy Lynn and Nay Phone Latt, another challenge lies in how the communities they have taught would be able to use what they have learned given the lack of equipment and infrastructure. The absence of computers, for instance, was the main problem of teachers in the Irrawaddy village of Alal Yay Kyaw, which can be reached after a half-day boat ride from the town of Maw Kyung. Luckily, the leader of the teachers found a donor who gave them three sets of computers. These, however, are run only at night—when the community generator set is turned on. In Chin State in western Burma, the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has shelled out $831,630 for the Chin Consultation Process and IT for Chin Schools. The fund will be used to provide computer centres and Internet connections to 30 Chin High Schools in different villages in Chin. At a meeting with donor agencies in Rangoon on 20 August, Dr. Sui Khar, assistant secretary general of the Chin National Front (CNF), said the assistance, as with the other kinds of aid given to Chin by the Norwegian government, will "not only be political but will also promote the livelihood of the people." Peace and the Net Dr. Sui Khar's group is a political and armed group in Chin State and a key ethnic armed group in Burma. The group has entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese national government and is now a recipient of two "small" projects from international donors. At the meeting, Dr. Sui Khar also noted that "communication is very important" and underscored that "these projects are all linked to the establishment of sustainable peace in the future." Internet connection, in fact, is crucial to one of the projects of the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI), which initiates projects in areas where ceasefire between armed groups and the Burmese government is being observed. MPSI has set up what it calls the "Ethnic Peace Resource Project," an online database resource center. The project aims to provide information on the peace situation around Burma, giving details of the peace process, ceasefire agreements and projects related to MPSI engagements with ethnic armed groups. But MPSI consultant Allan Smith said the database's function is hampered by the fact that Internet connection all around Burma is slow, if nonexistent. (And just like MIDO, Smith's group has conducted computer and Internet workshops in "disconnected" areas, such as villages of Loikaw, the capital of Kayah State.) Charles Petrie, chair of MPSI, said Internet in Burma is something that "needs to be developed." "It is an untapped potential," he said. "And that is one of the things that needs to be developed and we want to explore." Petrie is a former United Nations official who was kicked out of Burma in 2007 after writing a searing report on the human rights abuses perpetrated by the military junta. He said the Internet, if given much attention, could be a "significant platform, a driver, and we have not used it yet." In the context of what they are doing in Burma, Petrie said an efficient communication services would be useful "in order to create transparency." "In terms of peacebuilding, I don't think we have done enough," he said. "We are yet to explore how it can be used enough." Plans and Predictions Officially, of course, the Burmese government is all ready for that kind of exploration. In December 2011, Thein Sein told the ministers of telecommunications and information technology from the Association of Southeast Asian Nation (Asean)-member countries that the "government is expanding basic infrastructure, including ICT for national development." "The government is also establishing more transparent and visible democratic system as well as implementing market economic system for our country," Thein Sein said at the gathering of Asean ministers in Burma's remote capital, Naypyidaw. The Asean Economic Blueprint underscores the importance of a "secure and connected information infrastructure" that is needed "for sustaining the region's economic growth and competitiveness." In addition, the regional plan gives "equal emphasis" to "improving trust and confidence in the use of the Internet and security of electronic transactions, payments and settlements." In 2015, Burma will be the chair of Asean. Last June, the government awarded licenses to two foreign companies to provide telecommunication services in Burma. The two companies—Norway's Telenor and Qatar's Ooredoo—edged out 11 other telecom companies, including Singapore Telecommunications, KDDI Corporation, Digicel, Axiata, Bharti Airtel, MTN, Viettel, Orange, and Millicom International Cellular. But IT professional Aung Bar Lay said the entry of the two telecommunications companies is not yet a reason to celebrate. "As long as the government will not change the policy here, it will be the same," he said. "No matter how many players are in the market, it will be the same. It would appear that there are many choices, but it will always be the same." Will the government give up control over the telecommunications sector? “No," he said. "The government will not let go.” MIDO's Nay Phone Latt meanwhile challenges the government to allow telecommunications services to be run by independent companies. He also said that an independent commission must be created to oversee the business of telecommunications in Burma. "Some of the military people, they are afraid of freedom of expression," said Nay Phone Latt. "I say there is no need to be afraid. Freedom of expression is very important in a democracy. They can also take advantage of it. They can be a player in a free society." Facebook Equals the Net For the moment, though, such concerns are way above the heads of many urban Burmese. At the Maha Bandoola Garden in downtown Rangoon one drizzling Saturday afternoon, lovers claim the freedom to be together—away from the crowd. Ar Kar, an 18-year-old physics student at the Dagon University, and his girlfriend, were among them. Asked what he thought about Internet freedom in his city, the young man appeared surprised. But speaking through an interpreter, he said, "I think things are normal here. I think there is nothing wrong here." His girlfriend just smiled and refused to comment. Ar Kar said he has never used the Internet to surf for information or read news. But he said he is free to use the Internet however he wants. "I only need to have 250 kyats [26 cents] and I can do whatever I want," he said. Asked to elaborate, Ar Kar explained that he used the Internet only because of social networks and to communicate with other people. He said most of his friends use the Internet this way as well. Because he does not have phone, Ar Kar said, he goes to the Internet cafe to check on his girlfriend, or to set a date with her, just as he had done earlier that rainy day. BizNet, an Internet café in Rangoon, indeed usually teems with young Burmese around the age of Ar Kar. The default browser for all 15 computers displays Facebook. Several years ago, people had to register to be able to use the Internet in Burma. Internet cafe operators also had to take photos of the users as part of the regulation imposed by the MPT. A check with BizNet showed that this policy is no longer being followed. "Set lote par, register lote yan ma lo par (Go ahead. There is no need to register)," said the woman at the counter. On one wall of the Internet cafe, though, is a prominently placed poster that reads: "Dear all customary, We are prohibit and restricted for all political website and adults site. Thanks, BizNet." This article was produced for the 2013 Southeast Asian Press Alliance (Seapa) fellowship program. Jefry Tupas, who is one of the founders of NewsDesk (newsdesk.asia), is one of the 2013 fellows. This year's theme is Freedom of Expression Challenges to Internet Government in Southeast Asia. | |
| Burma’s Ex-Censor-in-Chief Turns to TV Posted: 02 Sep 2013 10:53 PM PDT  Tint Swe speaks to The Irrawaddy at MRTV's Rangoon bureau. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — In the breast pocket of Tint Swe's green plaid shirt is a silver-colored pen. Laughing, he says the ink doesn't run red—a reminder, he hopes, that Burma's censorship board is a thing of the past. Notoriously, when newspapers sent copy to be scrutinized in advance at Tint Swe's old bailiwick at the Press Scrutiny and Registration Department (PSRD), the drafts would come back with red ink lining and dotting the pages, like freshly gobbed betel nut spatters on a Rangoon street. "Now I have this assignment, I no longer have need for the red marker," says the director-general of Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV), Burma's national TV and radio broadcaster, with a boyish grin breaking into a chuckle as he finishes. Up until August last year, Tint Swe and his teams of censors vetted newspapers for anything deemed subversive—be that references to opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to even the most subtle criticism of the military regime—making accurate reporting impossible and leaving Burma close to the bottom of most of the world's press freedom league tables. Anything deemed too edgy came back with a red line through it, often with notes on the side explaining why, or vilifying the would-be transgressor But that's all in the past, Tint Swe says. "The year before censorship was abolished in 2012, I stated that censorship is no longer appropriate for local conditions and is not in line with international standards." So he doesn't miss the old days and his previous job? "Well, it's natural to remember what one used to do, for many years," he says. "But I was very pleased that censorship was finally abolished in Myanmar." Nowadays, incongruous as it sounds, the former censor czar is trying to transform MRTV from a propaganda organ to a public service broadcaster, a project he hopes will be done by early 2015 and in time for the national elections scheduled for that year. A public service media bill has been submitted to Parliament, but discussion of the measure has not yet taken place As of mid-August, Burma's Parliament had passed 68 bills since early 2011, a frantic agenda that—despite criticism in some quarters that reforms are stalling or moving too slowly—suggests that lawmakers are in some cases glossing over proposed laws, resulting in rushed or flawed legislation. An example came just three weeks ago, when MPs acknowledged to the country's interim Press Council that a controversial publications bill—opposed by the Council—was passed by Burma's Lower House without sufficient debate or discussion. "The [legislative] agenda is very busy," says Tint Swe. "But I am hopeful the public service media bill can be discussed soon, in the next session of Parliament." If Burma is to maintain its transition to a free press and, more broadly, a parliamentary democracy with an unshackled fourth estate, MRTV's makeover is needed. After acknowledging that as a state broadcaster, MRTV has to date functioned as a government mouthpiece, Tint Swe adds, "We are slowly transforming to a public service media, and public service broadcasting is a noble task." But asked if MRTV is free to report on topics such as the war in Kachin State between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), or on the various recent attacks on Muslims by Buddhist mobs, the former censorship head is more circumspect. "Concerning conflict, we have the right to cover, but we have to report according to the journalistic ethic, which means not promoting hate speech or rumor or inflammatory remarks," he says. The response is redolent of a proposal made in August by the Ministry of Information—of which Tint Swe's old censorship body was once part—when Minister Aung Kyi pitched a "social responsibility" norm to Burma's Press Council, suggesting that this would-be standard should get some fine-tuning in the coming months before being implemented as a code of practice for Burma's media. But there are also hopes that, just as censorship is passe in Burma nowadays, dilemmas about covering ethnic conflict in Burma will, in time, be a relic of the past. Burma's government has long been criticized for an arrogant Burman nationalism—the sharp edge of which was dealt by the Burma Army in brutal, decades-old campaigns in ethnic minority regions—but it has now signed 14 ceasefires with ethnic militias. That said, fighting continues in Kachin State, and the plethora of ceasefires are by no means guarantees of long-term peace. But if MRTV's newest initiative is anything to go by, Burma's government might be better placed to win ethnic minority trust than at any other time since the murder of independence hero Aung San, who pledged autonomy to several of Burma's larger ethnic minorities in a 1947 agreement, shortly before his death. "We have three new channels almost ready to air," says Tint Swe. "A Parliament channel, a farmers channel and a national races channel." Initially these will be available in Rangoon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw, but they will subsequently be rolled out to 21 towns and cities across Burma, where only about a quarter of the population have electricity, leaving the bulk without access to TV. As with Aung Kyi's "social responsibility" pitch, the term "national races" evokes a country such as Malaysia, where the appellation "race" is used in situations where most other countries would use "ethnicity" or similar. But, says Tint Swe, there will be regional news as well as cultural, religious and social programming aired on the new channel, with filming and reporting done from Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, Arakan, Shan and Wa areas by newly recruited and trained teams of journalists. "Each group will have an hour every day, and in cases such as the Chin or the Kayin [Karen], where there is more than one local language, it will be divided into blocks," he says. He says each regional team will be free to find news and make programming as they see fit, within the law. "They will have editorial independence so they can air their stories, to best show off their culture and traditions. We welcome that," he says. | |
| Study Finds Dire Work Conditions on Thai Trawlers Posted: 02 Sep 2013 10:49 PM PDT  Burmese workers load a fishing vessel in Ranong, southern Thailand. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) BANGKOK — Some workers are forced onto Thai fishing boats by their families, others by unscrupulous employment brokers. Nearly half the workers make less than $160 a month in exchange for back-breaking labor. Some might not see any money at all. And their employers get away with it, because Thailand — the world’s No. 3 seafood exporter after China and Norway — either lacks comprehensive laws to protect poor migrants from exploitation or fails to enforce existing laws, such as those prohibiting the employment of children younger than 15 in fishing. Researchers from the International Labor Organization and the Asian Research Center on Migration at Chulalongkorn University questioned nearly 600 workers in four provinces along Thailand’s coasts for a study, released Monday, on the state of the country’s fishing industry. They found conditions on trawlers so bad that Thais, who have better opportunities elsewhere, are rarely found working on one. More than 90 percent of the workers interviewed came from Myanmar or Cambodia, where poverty is widespread and jobs scarce. Many workers were smuggled into Thailand, arriving without valid work papers that might grant them legal protection. A small number of workers were younger than 15, separated from their parents. While most workers said they accepted the job willingly, virtually none was given a written contract that spelled out the conditions of the job or how regularly they would be paid. Nearly 40 percent of the workers said "deductions" were taken from their pay but they didn’t know why. Others said they were lied to about the true nature of the job until it was too late to escape. Physical violence, nonpayment of wages, and the withholding of food were among punishments meted out to workers who did not submit. In one case, a Laotian man who traveled to Bangkok in search of work was recruited to work on a vessel. He was told the salary was good and that he would return to shore every 15 days. When he found out that he would have to work for two years before returning to shore, he refused to get on the boat and was severely beaten by the captain. After five months, the ship docked and he managed to escape. Max Tunon of the ILO’s TRIANGLE project, which aims to prevent exploitation of migrant workers in the Mekong region, said the organization is urging Thailand adopt standards and protection measures that conform to ILO standards. Thailand should require boat operators to maintain crew lists, to provide reliable payment of salaries and a written work contract in a language that the worker can understand, and to set minimum rest hours. The Thai government is setting up seven centers to oversee recruitment and training as well as registration of vessels, which Tunon called "a positive step as long as there is sufficient oversight of these centers." There has been some international pressure to clean up the industry. The European Union enforces restrictions against the sale of seafood involving forced labor. The United States prohibits importation of goods produced by forced labor. But the strongest pressure for change in the industry may actually come from consumers themselves, the study said. "There are already indications that consumers are increasingly putting pressure on such large distribution companies, demanding that they cut their ties to suppliers with links" to forced labor and human trafficking, the study said. A recent petition demanding Wal-Mart, the world’s No. 1 retailer, adopt higher standards for purchasing seafood products collected 100,000 signatures. But more must be done, especially to protect workers on "long-haul" boats that leave shore for six months or more, said Dr. Supang Chantavanich, director of the center at Chulalongkorn University that co-authored the study. "When a boat goes very far," she said, "it is beyond the protection of the law." | |
| Diplomatic Row Disrupts Philippine President Visit to China Posted: 02 Sep 2013 10:45 PM PDT  Three Philippines Armed Forces vessels perform a maritime operation exercise in Manila Bay. (Photo: US Navy) MANILA — Philippine President Benigno Aquino III canceled a trip to a Chinese trade fair after Beijing demanded that he first withdraw a legal complaint over disputed territories in the South China Sea, Filipino officials said Monday. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and two other diplomats relayed conditions for Aquino to attend the annual China-ASEAN Expo, which opens Tuesday in the southern city of Nanning, Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman Raul Hernandez told a news conference. Hernandez declined to detail the conditions, but said these were "absolutely inimical to our national interest." The Chinese side asked that the conditions not be publicly disclosed, he said. They were discussed by Wang and Philippine Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario in Beijing on Wednesday. Because of the conditions, Aquino decided to call off his publicly announced trip to the trade fair, Hernandez said, adding the Philippines will instead send a delegation headed by its trade secretary. "The president stood firm in the defense of the country’s national interest," Hernandez said. Two Philippine officials told The Associated Press that China wanted Manila to withdraw a U.N. arbitration case over disputed islands in the South China Sea. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to reporters. Chinese officials have also cited a new standoff between China and the Philippines over the Second Thomas Shoal, which is called Ayungin Shoal by Filipinos and Ren’ai Reef by the Chinese, the Philippine officials said. China has asked Manila to remove a navy ship that ran aground on the shoal years ago, but the Philippine officials said the area was well within their territorial waters. China was concerned that allowing Aquino to visit after the Philippines brought its territorial disputes to U.N. arbitration in January — which Beijing calls an "unfriendly act" — may not be welcomed by the Chinese public and media, the officials said. Asked to comment Monday, Chinese Embassy spokesman Zhang Hua did not react to their statements, but urged the Philippines to work with China "to overcome difficulties and disturbances and make real efforts to get the China-Philippine relationship" back on track. He said China welcomes Southeast Asian delegations, including from the Philippines, to the trade expo. The Philippines is this year’s "country of honor" at the trade fair, which takes place in China every year to highlight trade exchanges between Beijing and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The prime ministers of China allies Cambodia and Laos, along with those of Thailand and Vietnam have confirmed their attendance to the trade expo, which was first held in 2004 to promote the China-ASEAN free-trade area. Myanmar, another China ally, will send its vice president, Philippine officials said. The Philippines and China have been embroiled in increasingly antagonistic territorial disputes. Last year, China seized a shoal near the northwestern coast of the Philippines, and this year it demanded that the Philippine navy withdraw from Second Thomas Shoal farther south. The Philippines incensed China in January by challenging Beijing’s massive territorial claims in the strategic South China Sea before a U.N. arbitration tribunal, which has convened to look into Manila’s complaint despite China’s stance to ignore the move. China claims virtually the entire South China Sea and its island groups on historical grounds. The Philippines, Vietnam, Brunei, Malaysia and Taiwan have rejected that, sparking fears the disputes might spark Asia’s next major armed conflict. | |
| Political Feud Threatens Bangladesh Stability Posted: 02 Sep 2013 10:41 PM PDT  Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's (pictured) ruling Awami League is involved in a bitter political feud with the Bangladesh National Party. (Photo: Reuters) Political tensions and confusion are mounting in Bangladesh over the next general election, which must be held by Jan. 24, 2014, with growing calls for general strikes and rallies as protest blooms. Under Bangladesh’s parliamentary system, the parliament must be dissolved at the end of its current five-year term on Oct. 25, with a general election required in the ensuing three months at the latest. Sheikh Hasina Wazed, who heads the currently ruling Awami League, has been involved in one of the world’s bitterest and longest-running political feuds with Begum Khaleda Zia, the head of the Bangladesh National Party. The two have traded the prime ministership at virtually every election for two decades, with their rivalry all but paralyzing government in the poverty-stricken nation of 156 million people. As their feud has preoccupied both opposition and government, development has largely stalled. A staggering 81 percent of the population was reported living on less than US$2 per day in 2011. There is growing international concern that the country will once again descend into electoral chaos, especially in the wake of riots and police retaliation earlier this year that killed scores in the worst political violence in recent history when the government hanged Islamist opponents of the government from the civil war that ended 42 years ago. The United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has tried to mediate between the coalitions, telephoning both women on Aug. 23 to discuss the situation. Hasina reportedly assured the UN official that the election would be free and credible and would be held as per the provisions of the Constitution. Khaleda Zia, however, told Ban her party expects an independent Election Commission to conduct the polls under a caretaker government, or her Bangladesh National Party wouldn’t take part. However, the opposition leader agreed to Ban that there was no alternative to dialogue to resolve the present political crisis. Concerns have also been raised by various countries and international agencies including the United States, the United Kingdom, China and the European Union, with all urging the parties to go for dialogue and to seek compromise. After the most recent election five years ago, the Awami League sought to improve its chances of remaining at the head of the government by amending the Constitution in June 2011 to eliminate a requirement for the government to resign in favor of a nonpartisan government to conduct the general election. With a comfortable combined 262-member plurality in the 350-member National Parliament, Hasina pushed through the constitutional amendment over the objections of the opposition. The unicameral legislature does not have an upper house to act as a check on its power. The Bangladesh National Party and its 18-party opposition coalition have reacted with fury, calling a month-long general strike earlier this year that brought the country to a halt, demanding that the caretaker government provision be restored and that power be handed over to a nonpartisan government to conduct the election. Although the hangings of the Islamists drew considerable public approval, the Awami League’s popularity apparently has been falling, with Khaleda’s BNP winning mayoral elections in what had been considered the League’s safest constituencies. Sheikh Hasina has made it clear that her government wouldn’t give way to a caretaker government, declaring that the polls would be held under the incumbent regime. Despite the amendment, the Bangladesh National Party is continuing its demands. The BNP is also demanding that the government table a non-party neutral government bill in the next session of parliament beginning on Sept. 12 to settle the issue. Khaleda has asserted that "elections to a parliament cannot take place without dissolving another parliament." Terming the Bangladesh Election Commission a worthless puppet of the government, Khaleda argued that the nation cannot expect a fair election under its jurisdiction. The opposition has issued a series of other demands, saying that if they aren’t met, they would boycott the polls altogether. Given past political history, the prognosis for a peaceful election isn’t bright. In 2007, the Awami League boycotted the general election over a variety of complaints, stirring widespread violence and rioting. Finally the military intervened. Ultimately the caretaker government ordered the arrest of both women and charged another 160 politicians, party workers, civil servants and businessmen with corruption. Two years of political paralysis ensued before both women were freed and once again resumed their feud. Eventually, the Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, 73, the founder of the Grameen Bank and its family of companies, stepped into the fray, briefly attempting to form an independent political party called Nagarik Shakti (People’s Power), then quickly dropped the idea. That earned him the enmity of Sheikh Hasina. He was eventually removed by the government from the managing directorship of the internationally recognized bank, which pioneered the provision of micro-loans to the poor, almost all of them women. Earlier this year, the government sought to break up the Grameen bank into 19 smaller entities and bring it under the supervision of the government despite the fact that the government now only holds a 5 percent share. An international outcry apparently has forced the government to back away from that plan. After announcing he had abandoned politics, Yunus has now added his voice to calls to restore the caretaker government provision to the constitution. "There’s no scope to have a free, fair and peaceful election without a non-party neutral government," Yunus said recently. He also sought to emphasize the need for all political parties of Bangladesh to participate in the forthcoming general election. Yunus’s statement is regarded as a major political stand. Although removed from the bank, Yunus remains an influential leader for its 8.4 million borrowers, most of them women. Yunus, who is otherwise reluctant to make any political statement, has lamented that even after 42 years of independence, Bangladesh is "yet to achieve the capability to hold a free and fair election." Insisting on a sustainable peace in the country, Yunus urged all political parties to resolve various poll-related issues. Yunus’s statement sparked rejoinders from top Awami League leaders including Abdul Latif Siddique, a minister in Hasina’s cabinet, who said Yunus would have jailed had Siddique been prime minister. He argued that Yunus should be punished since the parliament and the Supreme Court have both ruled out the caretaker. Finance Minister Abdul Maal Abdul Muhith described Yunus as a covert politician though he prefers not be seen as one. Responding to Asia Sentinel via e-mail from Dhaka, Prof Yunus reiterated that he would not join in active politics. "No, I don’t have any plan to join in politics," he said. "We want peace and that begins with the holding of a peaceful election. The people of Bangladesh will pay a heavy price in case of disturbances during the election. Hence we will vote the party which can bring peace to Bangladesh." Nurul Huda, a Dhaka-based political commentator, argues that though the Awami League-led coalition claims success in curbing terrorism and corruption, the voters have rejected the party in recent by-elections in five major cities. "If we carefully look into the results of elections held this year to five city corporations, the opposition parties have recorded sweeping victories. It shows that the urban voters have not endorsed the performances of Hasina government," Huda said in an interview from Dhaka. Even after successful completion of the city polls, the Bangladesh election commissioner, Kazi Rakibuddin Ahmad, recently said the forthcoming national election would be a major challenge to the constitutional body. It is difficult to see a compromise that would result in a workable election. |
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