The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Suspected Murder of Young Girl Risks Raising Tensions in Arakan
• On World Toilet Day, Calls for Better Sanitation in Burma
• ‘Dutch Firms Want to Share Their Experience Here’
• Telenor Still Negotiating With Burma Govt Over Telecoms License
• Mon Group Rejects ‘Unacceptable’ Govt Ceasefire Proposal
• Police to Sue Letpadaung Farmers After Violent Clashes
• Orwell’s ‘Burmese Days’ Wins Govt Literary Award
• Candle Protestors on Trial in Rangoon
• Breaking the Rules – 101
• Dramatic US Humanitarian Effort in Philippines Aids Asia ‘Pivot’
• Indonesian Leader Deplores Statement by Aussie PM
• Nepal Votes to End Political Gridlock
• Indonesia’s Graftbusters Battle the Establishment

Suspected Murder of Young Girl Risks Raising Tensions in Arakan Posted: 19 Nov 2013 07:35 AM PST Police patrol the streets of Sittwe during inter-communal violence in October 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Police in Arakan State's Kyauktaw Township said they have discovered the lifeless body of a five-year-old girl in a paddy field near the village of Apaukaw on Tuesday morning. They suspect that the girl was murdered. Aung Myint Oo, chief of Kyauktaw Township police station, told The Irrawaddy that the girl, named Nge Nge, had died after suffering serious wounds to her head. The girl came from a family in the Arakanese Buddhist village of Kyar Nyo Pyin village and was found in a paddy field of nearby Apaukaw village, he said, adding that she lived with her grandparents as her parents were migrant laborers in Thailand. Aung Myint Oo said police were investigating the case and the reasons for the murder were unknown, adding, "We do not hear of any dispute of her family with the neighbors." The gruesome murder of the girl raises concerns over a flare-up of violence in strife-torn Arakan State, where tensions between Muslim and Buddhist villages remain high after last year's deadly inter-communal clashes. In the past, accusations of rape and murder of Buddhist women by Muslim men have led to mob attacks on the Muslim minority in Arakan and other parts of Burma. A villager in Apaukwa told The Irrawaddy that the girl had disappeared on Monday night after going to a village shop to buy some snacks. The villager, who declined to be named, said local Arakanese residents already believed that the girl was raped by a Muslim man. Among Burmese-language users of social media network Facebook, rumors of the murder spread quickly on Tuesday, as did premature accusations that a Muslim man had been responsible. Aung Myint Oo said police investigations had just begun and it was too early to conclude whether the young girl had been raped. "We cannot confirm it [the rape allegation], and we are awaiting a medical report from the local hospital," he said. "We don’t know who the murderer is, but we are investigating it urgently." Asked whether the incident could give rise to inter-communal violence in Kyauktaw Township, the officer said, "The situation here is normal." Soe Nyein, an Arakan State lawmaker representing Kyauktaw Township said, "It is sad and true that the girl was murdered, but we do not know yet the exact reasons for killing such a little girl." Two waves of deadly inter-communal violence between Arakanese Buddhist and Rohingya Muslims broke out in June and October last year, leading to the deaths of 192 people. About 140,000 people, mostly Muslims, were displaced by the violence. The first eruption of violence occurred in southern Arakan State's Taunggop Township, where a Buddhist mob attacked a bus of Muslim pilgrims in order to avenge the supposed rape and murder of teenage Buddhist girl by a Muslim man. Kyauktaw Township was affected by the second outbreak of violence in October. The post Suspected Murder of Young Girl Risks Raising Tensions in Arakan appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

On World Toilet Day, Calls for Better Sanitation in Burma Posted: 19 Nov 2013 04:46 AM PST A public toilet in downtown Rangoon's Maha Bandoola Gardens. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON —The state of toilets and sewerage in Burma should be improved both to attract foreign visitors and to improve sanitation, observers said. Tuesday is designated by the United Nations as World Toilet Day. The day's slogan this year is "We Can't Wait," and the official website says the purpose of the day is "urging changes in both behavior and policy on issues ranging from enhancing water management to ending open-air defection." Years of stunted development have left Burma's cities lacking in all kinds of infrastructure, not least that which deals with the country's excretions. The Yangon City Development Committee now operates some pay-to-use toilets instead of the old underground toilets, which were built more than 50 years ago. But the many open sewers infuriate locals, who also have to deal with a rundown network of pipes, an unreliable water supply and a poor drainage system. According to a 2011 presentation by Khant Zaw, director of Burma's Department of Development Affairs, Rangoon is served by sewerage that feeds into a waste treatment plant. Few improvements have been made in the city since the presentation was drawn up. It says Rangoon's sewerage is designed to serve only 350,000 people, and the rest use septic tanks or pit latrines, where waste goes straight into the ground. Some estimates have the city's population at 6 million. The city processed 111,840 gallons of sewage per day, the presentation said. The capital Naypyidaw and Mandalay use only septic tanks and pit latrines, according to the presentation. Ko Ko Zaw, a resident of Rangoon's Pazuntaung Township who works for a car rental service, said in public spaces, like the jetties along the river, people simply urinate on the street. "There's a bad smell around the jetties in Rangoon because, at night, people always break the rules," he said. "They don't even go to the toilets in the city center. It's such an uncivilized act." However, Ko Ko Zaw said, bad sanitation is a nationwide problem that should be addressd with more public toilets. "There are no clean toilets along the highways," he said, specifying that he was not referring to the newer Rangoon-Naypyidaw road, which has frequent toilet stops that are maintained. Jefery Tupas, a journalist from the Philippines who visited Rangoon in September, said the city's sanitation did not leave a good impression. "I am kind of squeamish when it comes to public facilities," he said, adding that the common sight of murky, foul smelling floodwaters was a particular put-off. "I think the government must remedy the sewerage system and the waterways, one of the things that must be ensured by developing nations is waterways, canals and sewerage systems." Anucha Mum, a Thai citizen who recently visited to Burma said even in Buddhist temples around the country he was unimpressed by the cleanliness of the toilets. "Toilets in temples must be improved, they are dirty and unhygienic, all need to be cleaned," he said. The Asian Development Bank recently launched a US$50,000 pilot project on sanitation in Burma, but much work needs to be done to bring sanitation in the country to a decent standard. The post On World Toilet Day, Calls for Better Sanitation in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘Dutch Firms Want to Share Their Experience Here’ Posted: 19 Nov 2013 04:16 AM PST Foreign Trade Minister Liliane Ploumen speaks during an interview at the new Netherlands Economic Mission in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) The Netherlands Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation Liliane Ploumen made a two-day visit to Burma earlier this week. She discussed Dutch business investment with government ministers, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and civil society representatives. The minister was accompanied by a trade delegation that included representatives of Dutch companies such as East West Seed, international electronics firm Philips, consumer goods giant Unilever and global beer brewer Heineken, all of which have announced plans to open facilities in Burma. Ploumen also opened the Netherlands Economic Mission in Rangoon. At the new diplomatic mission, she discussed plans to promote responsible investment and reflected on Burma's democratic transition. Question: Why are you visiting Burma now, and what is the purpose of the visit? Answer: This visit comes at a stage when the transition has been under way for a while and we've already had an opportunity to make some political contacts. So, this is a good moment to visit here with private investors and companies, and to further strengthen political contacts. A number of big Dutch firms are very active in this region and are also looking into opportunities in Myanmar. … I think there could be a good match between the expertise that the Netherlands has to offer and some of the issues that Myanmar is dealing with, such as water management. Earlier this year, my colleague [Minister of Infrastructure] Melanie Schultz was here and she signed a memorandum of understanding with the government [to cooperate on water management]. Dutch firms in the water sector have a lot of experience with projects in the region, such as in Vietnam [where Dutch firms are helping develop the Mekong Delta Plan]. They want to share their experience here as well. Q: Can you give some examples of Dutch firms that are active in Burma and explain how they operate here? A: Yes, there is for example Unilever; this is an Anglo-Dutch firm. They are active here because they think this is an interesting market that is opening up and of course, soon there will be a growing middle class. This is also a company that set a target of doubling its revenue while at the same time halving its ecological footprint. This is the type of business model that we think is important. Heineken is a similar type of company. They are planning to research local sourcing of resources needed for the production process [for a planned brewery, which it will co-own with Alliance Brewery Co Ltd] and they want to engage with the local agriculture sector. They also do this for example in the Congo—which is not an easy country to work of course—and there they've achieved 90 percent local sourcing and they invested in farmers' cooperatives. East West Seed is a Dutch firm that sells vegetable seeds. This firm is also coming to Myanmar with a long-term vision. Farmer don't change that quickly, they are attached to their traditional growing methods. That's why it's good to cooperate with farmers in order to increase their production, and East West Seed does that. They're not only here to sell products but also to invest locally. Q: The US government has warned American firms against partnering with local 'crony' companies that dealt with the previous military regime. Is the Netherlands government asking Dutch firms to do the same? A: Dutch firms all have to follow guidelines of the OECD [Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development] that set out how firms should conduct their business responsibly. The firms that are here on this trade mission are firms that are among the best in implementing these standards, they make well-informed decisions. So in that regard, the [Dutch] government can leave it to our business community to assess how they want to invest here. Q: What are your thoughts on the way that Burma's democratic transition is progressing? A: Experience in other countries has shown that at the start of a democratic transition, everyone is very excited—and you have to be, because you need to be ambitious—but the road is always long. The next milestone will be the elections in Myanmar in 2015, which is not far away. Elections encourage [society] to shape the democratic process, while having [free and fair] elections is also a goal by itself. I don't have any reason to be pessimistic, but problems remain in Myanmar, that is obvious. The goal of democracy is to build a country where everyone feels like they are part of the country and where everyone has rights. In that regard there is still a long way to go in Myanmar. Q: One ongoing problem in Burma is the issue of anti-Muslim violence, and in particular the dire situation of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Arakan State. What are your thoughts on these issues? A: Myanmar is a very ethnically diverse country and that makes it more important—and harder—to ensure that everyone feels that they are really part of the country. There are serious problems concerning the Rohingyas and the way that they are viewed [in Myanmar]. It seems to me that it's enormously important to facilitate reconciliation and conflict-resolution initiatives involving people on the ground, although ultimately there needs to be a political solution. The post 'Dutch Firms Want to Share Their Experience Here' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Telenor Still Negotiating With Burma Govt Over Telecoms License Posted: 19 Nov 2013 03:20 AM PST Telenor CEO Petter Furberg speaks at a press conference at Traders Hotel in Rangoon on Tuesday. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's much-anticipated foreign-offered mobile telecommunications services are unlikely to be available before August 2014, as negotiations continue over finalizing network operator licenses and related telecoms rules. "We are in discussions with the government about the draft license and we expect that to complete by the end of this year," Telenor Myanmar CEO Petter Furberg said during a press conference in Rangoon on Tuesday. After the license is awarded, Telenor says it will launch its mobile network within eight months, beating the deadline set out by the Burma Government, which also stipulates that awardees have five years to offer voice services across 75 per cent of the country and data services, such as mobile internet, across half of Burma's terrain. In June 2013 Naypyidaw announced that Norway's Telenor and Qatar's Ooredoo won a hotly-contested tender for two 15 year telecommunications licenses. Ooredoo has said it will issue SIM cards just six months after the start date of the forthcoming licenses. The chance to sell SIM cards and airtime in Burma drew initial interest from over 90 companies—all drawn by the chance to operate in a country where it is thought around 90 per cent of the 50-60 million population does not have mobile network access. At that stage, the formal license awarding was expected by September, but was subsequently held up by parliamentary debate over Burma's new Telecommunications Law. And though the measure has since been passed, ongoing negotiations over the related telecoms rules, which were posted on the Ministry of Communications and Technology website on Nov. 4 and are open for public comment until Dec. 2, have also slowed up the license awarding process. The rules cover issues such as competition in the sector, numbering, and the arrangements around connecting calls and messages between rival networks. "We are in consultation with the government over regulations and will submit our comments within the timeframe specified by the Government," CEO Furberg said, declining to comment on what aspects of the regulations Telenor would be raising, as these are currently being discussed internally by the company. Ooredoo and Telenor will not be the only two foreign companies offering network services in Burma, however, with the Burma government recently soliciting partnership applications from some of the losing bidders in the initial license race. Asked by The Irrawaddy if Telenor could to be at a competitive disadvantage against any hook-up between current mobile network provider Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT) and its would-be foreign partner, Furberg, clad in Burmese traditional dress, said that "we have always anticipated that this market would have a number of competitors. We welcome competition and are ready to fight for customers in the Myanmar market." Telenor announced Tuesday it was seeking Burmese business partners to act as distributors and franchisees once the licenses are granted and operations begin—mainly to sell SIM cards and top-up vouchers—and hopes to have 100,000 retailers within five years of launching its network. "Telenor is committed to ensuring a widespread retail presence," said Sharad Mehrotra, Telenor Myanmar's Chief Marketing Officer. "We are looking for young local entrepreneurs from all over Myanmar," he added. The post Telenor Still Negotiating With Burma Govt Over Telecoms License appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Mon Group Rejects ‘Unacceptable’ Govt Ceasefire Proposal Posted: 19 Nov 2013 03:08 AM PST Troops belonging to the Mon National Liberation Army, the armed wing of the New Mon State Party, salute during a ceremony marking Mon National Day on Jan. 30, 2010. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — An ethnic Mon rebel group in southern Burma, the New Mon State Party (NMSP), has rejected a draft put forward by the Burmese government on a proposed nationwide ceasefire agreement, according to a party spokesman. Nai Hong Sar Bon Khine told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the NMSP opposed nearly half of the draft agreement's points. "We have many points of disagreement with their draft," he said. "Especially points such as requiring us to disarm, or allowing their police to have responsibility for law enforcement in areas under our control, these are unacceptable," Nai Hong Sar Bon Khine said. The Burmese government handed the draft proposal to 17 ethnic armed groups at peace talks in Myitkyina, Kachin State, early this month. The coalition of ethnic groups in turn submitted its own draft for the government peace team's consideration. The government's 11-page document contains 25 points detailing Naypyidaw's vision of how to begin the process of achieving a lasting peace in Burma, which has been plagued by civil war for more than 60 years. Over the weekend, leaders of the NMSP held a meeting at their headquarters in Ye Township, Mon State, to analyze the government draft. Mon leaders agreed at the meeting to remove points that they did not agree with and added new points that the group felt were necessary. Nai Hong Sar Bon Khine, who is also a NMSP central committee member, said his group's leaders suspected that the Burmese government wanted all ethnic armed groups to disarm, though this is not directly stated in the draft proposal. The NMSP will send its edits to the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, according to the group's spokesman. The NMSP is a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) and the Mon group, like the coalition as a whole, has indicated that it will push for the adoption of a new Constitution that grants Burma's ethnic minorities greater autonomy. "Our policy is to have a new Constitution," Nai Hong Sar Bon Khine said. "Until we have a new one, we cannot have political talks. This depends on their [the government's] intentions. If they have good intentions, this peace process will be successful. If not, we will have a bad situation again." The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), made up of ethnic Palaung fighters based in northern Shan State, has also said it opposes any ceasefire deal that would require them to disarm. Maran Seng Aung, who is a member of the Kachin Peace Creation Group, said the content of government's proposed ceasefire was little changed from terms and conditions demanded by Burma's former military regime. "We found that there is no difference from the [government's] past demands. But, we believe that we can negotiate through this draft. We do not think that they will only rely on this draft and refuse to change it," Maran Seng Aung said. The post Mon Group Rejects 'Unacceptable' Govt Ceasefire Proposal appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Police to Sue Letpadaung Farmers After Violent Clashes Posted: 19 Nov 2013 02:59 AM PST Protestors against the Letpadaung copper mine face off with riot police on Friday. (Photo: Han Win Aung / Facebook) RANGOON — Sagaing Division police have filed a lawsuit against protestors at the Letpadaung copper mine in Monywa District after several officers were injured during clashes with protestors on Friday. In recent weeks, farmers have set up several protest camps near the Chinese-backed project. On Friday, they tried to establish another camp but farmers found their way blocked by police barricades that were set up between Southern Moegyopyin village and the Pathein-Monywa Highway. A group of about 100 riot police tried to disperse the farmers and clashes ensued. According to farmers, officers fired rubber bullets into the crowd, injuring seven protestors. Government mouthpiece The New Light of Myanmar reported on Sunday that about 150 protestors first attacked riot police by throwing stones and using slingshots, adding that police responded by firing "38 shots with the use of anti-riot shotgun and rubber bullets and detonated 18 fire crackers." The newspaper said nine policemen were injured, while two police vehicles sustained damage to the front windscreen and rearview mirrors. The paper said five protestors were injured in the clashes. A police inspector called Kyaw Min Naing filed a lawsuit at Salingyi Township police station against the protestors for allegedly injuring officers, the paper said. "We are preparing to open a case for destroying police vehicles and hurting the policemen. Firstly, we are investigating to find out and grab the ones who did that. So now we can't say exactly how many persons will be sued," said Tin Htun, deputy superintendent of Monywa District police station. "Actually, they [the farmers] started to attack the police. In order to protect themselves from life-threatening violence the police had to react, but we did it within the bounds of the law," he told The Irrawaddy. U Sandar Thiri, a Buddhist monk who participated in the protest, said both sides were responsible for Friday's clashes. He added, however, that the farmers were rising up against authorities because they were fighting against an illegal land-grab by the mining company. "If the police are planning to sue the farmers, the farmers must also have chance to sue them back for not protecting the farmers, and for oppressing them and for being goons for Wanbao mining company, which neglects the rights of local residents," he said. Over the weekend, police held talks with the protestors and agreed to remove some of the barricades in the area. "They've removed all the barricades that were located near our villages," said Win Kyaw, a resident from Southern Moegyopyin village. "But, there are still many more barricades that are far from our villages, so we are watching with caution. "They [the authorities] never keep their word, so we can't trust them as they are still deployed in the nearby area. Who knows, they could arrest or attack us again one day," he said. Hundreds of farmers near the Letpadaung mine have protested against the project during the past two years. The farmers feel they have been inadequately compensated for loss of land to the project, while many have also complained about pollution from the mine. Recently, a controlled explosion at the mine reportedly caused damaged to an old Buddhist pagoda in the area and the incident reignited local protests, which have demanded that the religious structure be protected. The mine is a joint venture between China's Wanbao mining firm and the Burmese military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (UMEHL). After a bloody crackdown on protests in November last year, the project was suspended and investigated by a parliamentary commission led by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. In July, a new contract agreement was signed between Wanbao, UMEHL and the government, which stipulates that Wanboa and UMEHL will receive 49 percent of the profits, while Burma's government gains 51 percent. The deal represents a huge increase in government revenues. The new contract also states that the project will allocate US $1 million for corporate social responsibility and $2 million for environmental preservation annually, in addition to increasing compensation to affected farmers. Local villagers, however, continue to feel that the huge mine is negatively affecting their livelihoods. The post Police to Sue Letpadaung Farmers After Violent Clashes appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Orwell’s ‘Burmese Days’ Wins Govt Literary Award Posted: 19 Nov 2013 01:22 AM PST The award-winning Burmese-language translation of George Orwell's novel "Burmese Days," which was published in 2012 by Law Ka Thit publishing house. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON—Nearly eight decades after George Orwell's "Burmese Days" first hit bookshelves, the book has won the highest literary award in the country where it is set: Burma. The Burmese Ministry of Information announced on Sunday that the unabridged Burmese translation of the British writer's first novel was the winner of the 2012 National Literary Award's informative literature (translation) category. The annual official award is given to books in 16 different categories. A translation of Russian writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky's "Crime and Punishment" won this year's award for creative literature. The translator, Maung Myint Kywe, told The Irrawaddy he considers "Burmese Days"—set in a small British colonial outpost in Upper Burma—a scathing portrait of the imperious attitudes of both the British and Burmese. His intention in translating the book, which was first published in 1934, was partially for young people to learn about how the Burmese were discriminated against under British rule, he said. "But Orwell is unbiased, even though he himself is British. He has fairly portrayed how bad the British were, as well as we Burmese, too," said the translator, whose other work includes translations international best-sellers and self-help books. "I thought the Burmese should read it, and so I translated it," said the 79-year old translator, who is as old as the first edition of "Burmese Days." Htay Maung, the leader of the 10-member panel that awarded the prize, said the "Burmese Days" translation was picked from a field of almost 170 entries. The entire panel voted for "Burmese Days," he added. "Because we all believed that, contrary to other books on Burma by the British, the novel is quite balanced," he said. "Plus, the Burmese translation style is OK and conveys the meaning of the writer well." George Orwell spent five years in Burma from 1922 to 1927 as a police officer in the Indian Imperial Police. "Burmese Days" is a portrait of the dark side of the British Raj, as well as a tale from the waning days of British colonialism. The book tells a tragic story of a British teak merchant who is disenchanted by the superiority of British officials to local Burmese, as well as Indians. It takes place in Kyauktada, a pseudonym for Katha in Sagaing Division—a riverside town where Orwell served as a police officer that now draws tourists following in the footsteps of the writer. Orwell is not unknown among Burmese readers. His 1949 masterpiece "Nineteen Eighty-Four" has long been famous in Burma thanks to its descriptions on official deception, secret surveillance and the manipulations of an authoritarian state, which are considered a vivid reflection of Burma's military dictatorship. Burma's former dictator, Snr Gen Than Shwe, was also frequently referred as "Big Brother," the name given to the party leader in the novel who is the subject of an intense personality cult. Burmese versions of the British novelist's internationally famous works have been introduced in Burma since the 1950s. "Animal Farm," a satirical retelling of the rise of Joseph Stalin in the Soviet Union with farmyard animals, was translated and published in Burma in 1951. "Burmese Days" was also translated in the 1950s and 1960s. But, according to Maung Myint Kywe, all editions were pulped. Last year, a new Burmese version of "Nineteen Eighty-Four" hit bookstores. "I wanted to publish those books for a long time but I could only do it in the last year," said Win Tin of Law Ka Thit publishing house, who published the translations of both "Burmese Days" and "Nineteen Eighty-Four" in 2012. He said the easing of literary censorship last year allowed him to publish those books, since criticism of the Burmese in "Burmese Days" and the satirical view of dictatorship in "Nineteen Eighty-Four" would not have made it past the former regime's censors. "I feel glad one of the books I've published has won the highest prize in the country," he said. "But I'm wondering: what's wrong with 'Nineteen Eighty-Four'? "They both are good books." The post Orwell's 'Burmese Days' Wins Govt Literary Award appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Candle Protestors on Trial in Rangoon Posted: 19 Nov 2013 01:16 AM PST Protestors march on a street in Rangoon on Nov. 6 to show their opposition to a planned increase to electricity rates. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Four of eight people who allegedly organized a candle-lit protest against a proposed increase in electricity prices are on trial this week, charged with staging an unauthorized demonstration in Rangoon. Activists in Burma's commercial capital took to the streets on Nov. 6 to protest the government plan to increase electricity rates, with more than 100 people wielding candles and carrying posters denouncing the proposal in a march through five Rangoon townships. The demonstrations were prompted by an announcement from the Yangon City Electricity Supply Board (YESB), which said late last month that households consuming more than 101 units of electricity per month would be charged 50 kyats (US$0.05) per unit, a price rise of about 40 percent. The eight people—Si Thu, Kyaw Nay Win, Tin Htut Paing, Than Swe, Ba Myint, Thein Aung Myint, Naung Naung and Ze Ya—have been charged with violating Section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law, which requires prior permission from local authorities for any planned protest. The eight activists are being charged by different townships, with some facing Section 18 trouble in multiple townships that the protest march passed through. "At first there were only four people in court but now the number has been increased to eight people," said Si Thu. Si Thu is no stranger to the law, having been charged under Section 18 on 13 different occasions previously. The activist said police telephoned him to inform him of the latest charge, but he has not yet been detained by authorities and is not one of the four on trial this week. A Section 18 violation carries with it a prison sentence of up to one year and a maximum fine of 30,000 kyats (US$30). The planned electricity price hike was postponed last week after Parliament urged Burma's Ministry of Electric Power to review the proposal. "I'm not scared to face the authorities, I'm feeling happy that we could do something for the people—after marching, the electricity price increase plan has been postponed until the next budget year," Si Thu said. Like himself, Si Thu said several of those charged in connection with the candle protest have racked up five or more Section18 charges for prior incidents. "Section 18 should be abolished because it is against the people's rights," Si Thu said. "We will continue [to protest] if there is any government plan that is against the interests of the people." Tin Htut Paing, who has been charged 22 times under Section 18, said he is facing legal action from Kyauktada, Sanchaung, Kyimyindaing and Ahlone townships' authorities for the Nov. 6 candle protest. "My case is still pending, though four people are now facing trail for the candle protest. For the rest of my cases, about 10 are now in the courts," he said. "Due to the ongoing trials, I can't do much at the moment. I am so annoyed at having to go [to court], waste time and money as well," he said. "Section 18 shouldn't exist. It is not in line with democratic reform." Tin Htut Paing, who has also been involved in protests against the Letpadaung copper mine in Sagaing Division and demonstrations urging the release of the country's remaining political prisoners, said he would not shy away from protests aimed at amending the Peaceful Assembly Law. The law was enacted in December 2011, eight months after the nominally civilian government of President Thein Sein took power. The post Candle Protestors on Trial in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Breaking the Rules – 101 Posted: 19 Nov 2013 01:58 AM PST Aye Ko brings a penchant for performance art to Myanmar's contemporary art scene. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) YANGON — In a sleek white suit, a ponytailed Myanmar man carries a metal cage with a dove inside as he enters a performance space in France. In his other hand, an open umbrella is inscribed on top with words like "peace," "war" and "power." He sets both items on the ground and removes a hand-held radio from his pocket to listen, waiting for news, but he hears nothing. The audience is in for a surprise. The man begins wrapping bandages around his head and pulls out a tube of bright red lipstick, which he uses to paint roughly over the bandages now covering his lips. Then he kisses his onlookers, one by one, before returning to the discarded umbrella, which he burns, and the cage, which he opens to free the bird. This is Aye Ko, a 50-year-old artist with a reputation in Myanmar for breaking the rules. A renowned performance artist in the long-isolated Southeast Asian country, he spent years criticizing the military regime through his body-based performances, which took him around the world—from Thailand to Indonesia, the United States and France, where he kissed the unsuspecting onlookers in 2011 as a commentary on his country's prospects for peace. But now, the artist from the Ayeyarwady River port city of Pathein is taking a temporary hiatus from performing until 2015, when Myanmar will hold its national elections and he hopes the political situation—which informs his performances—will become more clear. In the meantime, in addition to working on his paintings and installation art, he's focusing on another task: training a new generation of younger artists who can continue testing the limits after his career is over, in a country where the arts have long been heavily censored and thus largely limited to the traditional. "Museums here aren't interested in contemporary art," says the artist, who learned impressionist and realist painting in the mid-1980s and transitioned to performance art after spending time in prison for participating in the 1988 student-led protests. Confined to his cell, he lacked a canvas but realized he could still create art through his body. "It was the best way to express myself," he says. In Yangon, a number of galleries have sprung up in the past two years, after the quasi-civilian government came to power and allowed freer expression. But after decades of strict censorship and international isolation, contemporary art still lags behind. The country's few diploma schools for the arts—all state-run—are conservative, with the National University of Arts and Culture in Yangon offering bachelor's degrees only in traditional Myanmar arts. "Some teachers want to teach new methods, but the government is afraid," Aye Ko says. "I need to promote the young generation." To fill the gap, he runs a variety of free art education programs at his New Zero Art Space, near the Park Royal Hotel in Yangon. The space, which also serves as a gallery and includes an art library, offers summer art classes for children; a six-month painting course for young adults; and an artist-in-residence program for visiting foreign artists. Last year, a yearlong program covered topics such as documentary art, performance art, installation art, curatorship and gallery management. Among Aye Ko's students is 26-year-old Yadanar Win, a Yangon native who has studied at New Zero since 2009. "This is the first place I learned about art," she says, skimming a fat manual about a major contemporary art event in Singapore. "I liked art when I was younger but we didn't have proper art schools. I went to government schools. I just drew as my hobby." In addition to painting, she picked up performance art three years ago. In a show last September, she dressed in white and approached men in the audience, painting their nails with red polish in a commentary on restrictive gender roles. Aye Ko says performance art is a rather underground movement in Myanmar, and during the days of the former regime, it was a risky endeavor. Artists who performed did so illegally, and many were imprisoned. Today their work is safer, but still not easy. "As the only artist in my family and my environment, I'm struggling, especially with performance art, to gain acceptance," says Yadanar Win. "My mom tries to understand, but the others aren't interested—they think it's weird." Hayy Mann Oo, 24, says her family has been more welcoming of her artistic endeavors. She joined New Zero's curator training last year with seven other students and has since become a proud gallery manager at the space. "To manage New Zero is to manage the contemporary art scene here," she says. Options for art curators are limited in the country, she adds. At the National Museum in Yangon—the main museum for Myanmar art, history and culture—visitors can view folk art and 10 traditional arts, along with Buddhist statues and impressionist paintings. "It's really traditional," she says. "They never allow contemporary artists to exhibit." This is part of the reason why New Zero has gained so much respect among local artists. "As a privately run contemporary art school, New Zero is the only place in [Yangon] for young people," says U Aung Soe Min, co-founder of the popular Pansodan Gallery in Yangon. "New Zero is what we really need here." And students who study at the space are paying it forward. Yadanar Win teaches drawing and painting to 5- to 15-year-olds in New Zero's summer program, and she offers private lessons during the year at children's homes. "There's big demand, but I don't charge much," she says. "I really just want to share art with people." This story was first published in the November 2013 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Breaking the Rules – 101 appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Dramatic US Humanitarian Effort in Philippines Aids Asia ‘Pivot’ Posted: 18 Nov 2013 09:50 PM PST A survivor of Typhoon Haiyan gestures after receiving aid delivered by a US military helicopter to an isolated village north of Tacloban on Nov. 17, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Damir Sagolj) MANILA/TACLOBAN, Philippines — The US military's response to the devastation wrought by one of the world's most powerful typhoons has been breathtaking. About 50 US ships and aircraft have been mobilized in the disaster zone, including 10 C-130 transport planes, 12 V-22 Ospreys and 14 Seahawk helicopters air-dropping supplies from an aircraft carrier. The accelerating relief efforts underscore a fast-expanding US-Philippine military alliance that could grow even stronger in the wake of the catastrophe as the United States pursues its "pivot" toward Asia. As US ships deliver food, water and medicine, they are also delivering goodwill that could ease the way for the United States to strengthen its often-controversial military presence in one of Southeast Asia's most strategic countries. "It is not that the United States used assistance to promote rebalancing, but that rebalancing enabled the US to respond so decisively," said Asia security expert Carl Thayer. The Philippines is one of Washington's closest allies in Asia and a crucial partner in President Barack Obama's strategy to rebalance US military forces toward the region to counter the rising influence of China. The United States sent the nuclear-powered USS George Washington aircraft carrier to lead relief efforts after Typhoon Haiyan killed at least 3,900 people on Nov. 8, leaving many survivors dazed and without food and water for days. By coincidence, and heavy in symbolism, the carrier is moored off the coast near where US General Douglas MacArthur's forces landed on Oct. 20, 1944, in one of the biggest Allied victories, fulfilling his vow "I shall return." The US forces are also using an airfield in Guiuan, one of the worst-hit towns in Eastern Samar province, that was a major base during World War II and then abandoned. Now US helicopter crews dump tarpaulins and stacks of food aid, dishing out a round of high-fives to grateful villagers before jumping back into their helicopter and taking off for the next drop. On Monday, the United States announced an additional US$10 million in aid, bringing the total US humanitarian aid to more than $37 million. The United States and the Philippines are in the middle of negotiations to increase a rotational presence of US forces in the country, deploying aircraft, ships, supplies and troops for humanitarian and maritime security operations. The widening military cooperation, which includes the use of bases for temporary deployment, signals rapidly warming security relations after Manila closed big US military bases that had operated for decades in 1992. Manila later allowed the return of American troops for training and joint exercises. The new agreement is expected to expand these activities. A senior Philippine officer said some of the equipment the United States provided had been in place before the typhoon struck. "But, in the future, we'll be better prepared to deal with disasters if our two governments signed the framework agreement on enhanced defense cooperation and increased presence," he said. "The humanitarian cooperation we're seeing between the Philippines and the United States makes the new agreement more relevant." China's response to the disaster was slow off the mark and, some would say, less than generous. The world's second-largest economy initially announced it was giving $200,000 and then raised that by $1.64 million. Only on Sunday, more than a week after the storm struck, did it say it was ready to send rescue and medical teams. Japan has sent three ships with trucks and engineering equipment, while Thailand, Indonesia and Singapore have sent C-130s. China and the Philippines are locked in a bitter dispute over islands in the South China Sea and many Chinese took to Sina Weibo, China's version of Twitter, to say the Philippines should not be given anything in aid. "China has been found wanting in [humanitarian aid] capacity in 2004 and again in 2013," Thayer said, referring to the 2004 Asian tsunami. "If one were looking at a connection between political motivations and humanitarian assistance, Beijing would be a good place to start." Brigadier General Paul Kennedy, commander of Third Marine Expeditionary Brigade, commanding the US operation, said there was no plan for a permanent presence in the Philippines. "I've been coming here for 28 years training, much of it done over disasters, obviously," he said. "It's already a tacit agreement that when a disaster happens, we'll do this. "The United States isn't going to take advantage of the crisis to increase its footprint. It would be taking advantage of someone's appreciation." Asked how long the US military presence would last in Guiuan, he said: "We'll base it on the demand from the Philippine side." Patrick Cronin, an Asia-Pacific security expert at the Center for a New American Security in Washington, said the United States remained focused on helping survivors of the storm. "America's response includes our military, civilian disaster and foreign experts, and non-governmental organization, all pulling together to minimize misery and catalyze reconstruction," he said. "The emergency response opens an opportunity to move forward with long-discussed plans for a modest US rotational military presence in the Philippines." The post Dramatic US Humanitarian Effort in Philippines Aids Asia 'Pivot' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Indonesian Leader Deplores Statement by Aussie PM Posted: 18 Nov 2013 09:27 PM PST Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono talks at a Reuters Newsmaker event in Singapore on April 23, 2013,. (Photo: Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesia’s president stepped up the pressure on Australia on Tuesday over allegations its neighbor tapped calls from his phone, saying the action was deplorable and will lead to a review of cooperation agreements. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in an Indonesian language tweet confirmed by his office said: "I also deplore the statement of Australian Prime Minister who underestimates the wiretapping of Indonesia, without sense of guilt." A later English tweet used the word regret instead of deplore, and said the statement "belittled this tapping matter on Indonesia, without any remorse." Indonesia had already announced on Monday that it was recalling its ambassador from Australia following reports that Australian spies attempted to listen to the president’s cellphone in 2009. Australian Broadcasting Corp. and The Guardian reported that they had documents from National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden showing that the top-secret Australian Signals Directorate also targeted the phones of Indonesian first lady Kristiani Herawati and eight other government ministers and officials. Yudhoyono tweeted that Indonesia wanted an official response from Australia "that can be understood by the public." "We will also review a number of bilateral cooperation agreements as a consequence of this hurtful action by Australia." Indonesian Presidential Spokesman for Foreign Affairs Teuku Faizasyah confirmed the tweets. Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott told Parliament Tuesday he regretted any embarrassment that the spying reports had caused Yudhoyono, but ruled out Indonesian demands for an apology and explanation. "I regard President Yudhoyono as a good friend of Australia, indeed as one of the very best friends that we have anywhere in the world," Abbott said. "That’s why … I sincerely regret any embarrassment that recent media reports have caused him." Without confirming or denying the truth of reports of spying in 2009, Abbott endorsed Australia’s intelligence gathering in that era before he was elected to government. "National security … requires a consistent determination to do what’s best for Australia and that’s why this government will support the national security decisions of previous ones, as we will expect future governments to respect ours," he said. "Australia should not be expected to apologize for the steps we take to protect our country now or in the past, any more than other governments should be expected to apologize for the similar steps that they have taken," he said. Abbott also made similar comments to those already condemned by Yudhoyono as remorsely belittling the tapping controversy. "The first duty of every government is to protect the country and to advance its national interests," Abbott said. "That’s why every government gathers information and why every government knows that every other government gathers information." Indonesian Ambassador Nadjib Riphat Kesoema left the Australian capital Canberra on Tuesday morning for Jakarta, urging the Australian government to come clean on the spying episode. "I think a good explanation will be the best way … to ease the problem," Kesoema told reporters at Canberra airport. The diplomatic spat is the second in less than a month between Indonesia and Australia stemming from Snowden’s revelations linking Australia with U.S. espionage. It’s an early test for Abbott’s government, which was elected in September and is anxious to cement ties with it populous near-neighbor before the uncertainty of Indonesian presidential elections next year. Australia wants to increase cooperation with Indonesia to solve a politically sensitive problem of asylum seekers paying human traffickers to bring them by boat from the Indonesian archipelago to Australian shores. The post Indonesian Leader Deplores Statement by Aussie PM appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Nepal Votes to End Political Gridlock Posted: 18 Nov 2013 09:19 PM PST An official checks the ballot boxes before they are distributed to the polling stations at District Development Committee Office in Kathmandu on Monday. (Photo: Reuters) KATHMANDU — Nepal started voting on Tuesday to elect a special assembly which will draft a constitution aimed at ending years of political instability after the abolition of the monarchy, but the vote could be split and leave Nepal facing further turmoil. Nepal’s neighbors, India and China, have grown increasingly concerned about its prolonged struggle to build a stable republic to replace the centuries old monarchy that was toppled by a 10-year Maoist revolt. The fear is that the small nation of nearly 27 million people dependent on tourism, remittances and aid would weaken further and become a haven for militants and criminal gangs. A previous attempt at writing a constitution after a 2008 election failed with political parties unable to agree on the form of government and the number of states to be carved out of the ethnically diverse country. Nepal had five governments in as many years as power-hungry politicians formed and broke alliances. Soldiers stood guard at Phailamchuli on Tuesday, a polling booth outside Kathmandu, as voters lined up hours early to elect the 601-member assembly that will act as a parliament and establish a government until a charter is ready. "We are giving the politicians a second chance," said Lal Bahadur Lama, 58, as he emerged from the polling station. But some fear further political instability. "The stalemate is not going to end anytime soon," said Bimal Koirala who served as a chief secretary or the highest ranking bureaucrat. "All that the political parties are interested in is to rush to power." The election is being fought by Maoists who joined the political mainstream after signing a peace deal in 2006, the oldest Nepali Congress party, and scores of other parties including a royalist group that wants to reinstate a monarchy. A 33-party alliance led by a breakaway Maoist faction has called for a boycott of the election and at least 30 people have been wounded in small bomb blasts in the run-up to the vote. Streets were deserted on Tuesday as the government ordered all vehicles off the roads for election day. "We have to give a message to the international community that Nepal is able to draft a new constitution," President Ram Baran Yadav said in a statement late on Monday. Counting of votes will begin on Wednesday, but a clear picture is expected to emerge in a week as votes from remote parts of the mountainous nation are counted. The post Nepal Votes to End Political Gridlock appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Indonesia’s Graftbusters Battle the Establishment Posted: 18 Nov 2013 09:08 PM PST Indonesian police general Djoko Susilo walks to his chair during the delivery of his verdict at a courtroom in Jakarta Sept. 3, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesia's Inspector General of Police had just withstood eight hours of interrogation on the night of Oct. 5, last year at the Jakarta headquarters of Indonesia's anti-corruption agency when a commotion erupted outside. Investigators from the Corruption Eradication Commission, known by its Indonesian initials KPK, had accused Djoko Susilo of amassing land, cars, mansions and stacks of cash. His arrest was an unprecedented strike against a police force with a long-held reputation for graft in a country routinely ranked as among the most corrupt in the world. The counter punch came swiftly. At about 9 pm that night, dozens of policemen descended upon the KPK headquarters with one demand: hand over Novel Baswedan, 36, the celebrated investigator who had led the interrogation of Susilo. But the police didn't reckon on a remarkable show of public support. Hundreds of protesters, lawyers, activists and journalists soon arrived to barricade the entrance of the KPK building, summoned by text messages from an anonymous KPK official. After a three-hour standoff, the police squadron left. Nearly a year later, on Sept. 3, Susilo was sentenced to 10 years in prison and the state seized US$10.4 million of his assets. It was a narrow escape for Baswedan, himself a former policeman and now lionized as "supercop" by Indonesian media, and once again, also for the anti-corruption agency. Since its establishment in 2002, the KPK has become, contrary to all expectations, a fiercely independent, resilient, popular and successful institution that is a constant thorn in the side of Indonesia's establishment. Reuters spent six months examining the KPK and their campaign against corruption, gaining rare access to the agency and interviewing senior police officials, politicians, business leaders, members of Yudhoyono's inner circle and the president himself. The KPK has won guilty verdicts in all 236 cases it has fought. Its arrests of cabinet ministers, parliamentarians, central bankers, CEOs, a judge and even a former beauty queen have exposed how widespread and systemic corruption is in Indonesia. It has certainly made big ticket abuses of power far riskier in Indonesia. But its success is becoming more costly. Reuters also found an overwhelmed and underfunded agency that faces mounting opposition from Parliament, police and the presidency. The KPK's popularity has so far been its most effective buffer against such attacks, especially in the run-up to next year's parliamentary and presidential elections. Any attempt to eviscerate the commission would almost certainly cost votes. "The KPK's only friend is the public," says Dadang Trisasongko, secretary general of the Indonesian chapter of global corruption watchdog Transparency International. The international business community is watching this tussle closely. Executives surveyed in the World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Report 2011-12 said corruption remained "the most problematic factor for doing business" in Indonesia. The World Bank has said corruption across the world costs $1 trillion. No one has done a thorough study of the costs in Indonesia, the world's fourth-most populous country and one of the hottest emerging markets with an economic growth rate of 6 percent. The Anti-Corruption Studies Center at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta put the losses to the state at $1 billion over the past five years alone. Gecko Vs Crocodile The KPK has enemies because it is both powerful and effective. Over a third of the agency's 385 arrests since its inception in 2002 have been of politicians. The KPK's powers are considerable: it can slap travel bans on suspects, go on asset-seizing sprees to collect evidence and—the secret behind many high-profile KPK arrests—wiretap conversations without a warrant. But the KPK started small after its creation in 2002. Early targets were mainly mid-level officials, regional leaders and businessmen. That began to change when President Yudhoyono took office in 2004, vowing to deliver "shock therapy" to a graft-riddled system. The KPK moved quickly to prosecute several major graft cases, homing in on politicians. In 2008, the agency ensnared the first member of Yudhoyono's inner circle: Aulia Pohan, a former deputy central bank governor whose daughter is married to the president's oldest son. Pohan was arrested with three other deputies after former central bank governor Burhanuddin Abdullah was convicted and jailed for five years for embezzling $10 million. Pohan was sentenced to four years in prison on charges in the alleged embezzlement scheme, which, according to the prosecution, aimed to bribe lawmakers to influence legislation affecting Bank Indonesia. By the time Yudhoyono ran for re-election in 2009, the agency had expanded from a staff of 100 to nearly 400, with thousands more applying for jobs. Among them was Novel Baswedan, who joined the agency in 2007 after 10 years with the national police, where he had specialized in corruption cases. Baswedan, the grandson of noted Indonesian freedom fighter and one its first diplomats AR Baswedan, said he decided on a career in police work "in order to do good deeds." In his first case at the KPK in 2008, Baswedan nabbed the mayor of the Sumatran city of Medan for misuse of the city budget. The mayor, Abdillah, was given a five-year prison sentence. The agents were having a big impact and capturing the public imagination. For the first time in years, Indonesia fared better on Transparency International's country rankings on corruption perception, leaping to 111th place from 133rd over five years. And that's when the KPK was thrown on the defensive. Many of its agents came from the national police, which is also empowered to investigate corruption cases but is itself riddled with corruption, Baswedan told Reuters in his first interview with the media. "There is a culture of corruption that is so entrenched that it happens everywhere in the police." In 2009, the KPK began investigating a top police detective, Susno Duadji, for allegedly accepting a bribe. Djuadi famously mocked the agency for taking on the police: "How can a gecko hope to defeat a crocodile?" The remark came back to haunt him. He is serving a three-and-half year jail sentence for corruption and abuse of power. Five months later, police arrested two KPK commissioners for extortion and bribery. The charges were dropped after nationwide street protests and a Facebook campaign that gathered one million supporters. The KPK also released wiretap recordings of telephone conversations, which a court later determined showed police officials conspiring to undermine the KPK. The agency came under further pressure later that year when its chairman Antasari Azhar was arrested for masterminding the murder of a Jakarta businessman. Azhar, who pleaded innocent, is serving 18 years in prison. The Supreme Court denied his appeal. Chandra Hamzah, one of the two commissioners arrested in 2009 and now a lawyer in Jakarta, said that period was a defining moment for the KPK. "If the police had been successful in pushing us out then, the KPK would have crumbled. They came very close to doing that." Accountable Only to God The KPK has continued to zero in on Parliament and the police, the two most corrupt institutions in Indonesia, according to Transparency International. Over the past two years, the agency has also targeted senior politicians in Yudhoyono's Democratic Party. Former sports minister Andi Mallarangeng—once a rising star in Indonesian politics—and party chairman Anas Urbaningrum have been declared suspects in a graft case involving construction of a sports stadium in Hambalang, West Java. The KPK accused the two of taking kickbacks during the tendering process. Mallarangeng was arrested in October on charges of abuse of authority and causing state losses. Urbaningrum has not been charged in the ongoing investigation. They both deny any wrongdoing in the case, which the Supreme Audit Agency in September estimated caused state losses of around $41 million. The party's former treasurer, Muhammad Nazaruddin, was sentenced to seven years in jail in January for accepting bribes linked to the construction of an athletes' village for the Southeast Asia Games in Sumatra. Angelina Sondakh, a lawmaker for Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and a former Miss Indonesia, was sentenced in January to 4.5 years in prison for corruption and abuse of power in the same case. Since then, KPK investigators have kept moving into Yudhoyono's inner circle. In August, the chairman of Indonesia's energy regulator SKKMigas, Rudi Rubiandini was detained for questioning on suspicion of accepting a bribe after investigators said they caught him taking $400,000 in cash and a BMW motorcycle from an oil company official. The KPK said he has not been officially charged and the investigation continues. The Anti-Corruption Court in November began hearing the case against the oil company official. Yudhoyono now seldom speaks out in favor of the agency he once championed. A week after the father of his daughter-in-law was convicted of embezzlement in June 2009, Yudhoyono echoed other politicians who claimed the KPK had grown too powerful: he described it as "accountable only to God." At his state of the nation address in August, delivered just three days after the KPK arrested the energy regulator, Yudhoyono gave corruption only a passing mention. Presidential spokesman Julian Pasha told Reuters Yudhoyono's support for the KPK has never wavered. "The way of his thinking on the KPK is still the same. His commitment to support the KPK actually never changed." In early October, the KPK went after what the government calls the "judicial mafia"—a nexus that links police, prosecutors, fixers and judges that purportedly puts a price on practically anything in the legal system. The agency shocked even Indonesians jaded by the country's epic corruption scandals by arresting Akil Mochtar, the chief justice of the Constitutional Court and seizing almost $260,000 in cash. The KPK said the money came from bribes to rig a court ruling over a disputed local election. Mochtar has not yet been officially charged, a KPK spokesman said. The widening investigation, which has led to the arrest of a half-dozen other figures but no other judges so far, is likely to become an issue in next year's elections. The constitutional court was set up in 1999 after the long-ruling authoritarian president Suharto was toppled from power as part of reforms intended to free courts from political interference. Much of its work involves ruling on disputed local elections. The landmark decentralization measures of 2001 gave significant powers to local politicians making the stakes in local elections much higher. Yudhoyono told Reuters earlier this year corruption has proven harder to eradicate than he had thought. "I am still not satisfied," he said. "I am frustrated, I am angry, I am annoyed." He denied, however, that it had risen in his nearly nine years in office. In Transparency International's latest rankings, however, Indonesia has slipped back to 118th place, putting Southeast Asia's biggest economy alongside Egypt, Ecuador and Madagascar. Budget Increase? The KPK's 75 investigators must sift through thousands of public complaints each year to select the roughly 70 or so cases it can realistically pursue. The agency's mandate is to investigate cases of 1 billion rupiah ($88,000) and above, so investigators choose the most high-profile corruption cases in the hope it will be enough to deter others. Its high conviction rate might be the envy of its counterparts elsewhere in Asia, but it's only a drop in the bucket in Indonesia, where graft is simply part of the fabric of everyday life—from backhanders to traffic policemen to "facilitation payments" to get anything done in the country's bloated bureaucracy. The police and attorney general's office handle most of the routine graft cases. The agency is hoping for a giant increase in its budget for an ambitious expansion into provinces, where government funds and international investment has soared under decentralization. This, however, depends on approval by Indonesia's politicians, who have been trying to curb the KPK's reach, not expand it. "As it stands now, the KPK is a law unto itself," said lawmaker Desmond Mahesa, who has led calls in a parliamentary commission to better regulate the KPK and freeze its budget. "We have to tighten our grip and keep an eye on them," he told Reuters. Parliament has already tried to do this. In 2009, when the KPK was getting besieged by the police, Indonesia's Minister for Communication and Information Tifatul Sembiring proposed amending the country's anti-corruption legislation to limit the KPK's wire-tapping powers. The plan was shelved amid a public backlash. "If not for public pressure, we would have gone ahead," says opposition lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari. Pro-KPK parliamentarians such as herself do exist, but are "in the minority," she adds. Some 700 employees are shoe-horned into the eight-storey former bank building designed for half that number. Most of its windowless parking garage has been converted into office space. Outside, tucked between cargo containers used to store mountains of paperwork, are 12 holding cells for suspects considered a flight-risk. Current inmates include a former deputy central bank governor. In 2008, the Ministry of Finance earmarked 225 billion rupiah ($19.8 million) to build a new KPK headquarters with space for up to 1,300 staff. Parliament stalled on approving it. To shame their politicians, Indonesians launched a fundraising campaign called "Coins for the KPK," led by a local NGO, Indonesia Corruption Watch. Civic groups and members of the public set up stalls across Jakarta and collected over $36,000. They even received bags of bricks and cement. Parliament finally approved the allocation in October 2012. KPK Commissioner Adnan Pandu Praja told Reuters he wants the agency's budget to be fixed at 0.5 percent of the national budget—similar to Hong Kong's Independent Commission Against Corruption on which the KPK is modeled—to avoid the annual tussles with lawmakers. Based on the 2013 national budget, that would mean nearly a 15-fold increase to 8.6 trillion rupiah ($745 million) from its current 600 billion rupiah budget. "Like Husband and Wife" While politicians have been mostly in the KPK's cross-hairs, its arrest last year of Inspector General Djoko Susilo was significant: he was the first senior police officer to be arrested while on active duty. The KPK accused him of embezzling $3 million in the purchase of driving simulators while he headed the National Police Traffic Corps. His interrogation at KPK headquarters on Oct. 5 of last year came amid renewed tensions between the agency and the police, who had earlier ordered the recall of more than a dozen officers on loan to the agency—including Novel Baswedan, Susilo's chief interrogator. Yudhoyono later ordered the national police to withdraw the recall orders. To ensure their future independence, Baswedan and other seconded police have since left the force to become full-time KPK staff. Baswedan says some former police colleagues regard him as a traitor. He said he was not surprised when police tried to arrest him at KPK headquarters while he was interrogating Susilo. "On that day, I was particularly anticipating a threat. [The charges related to a 2004 assault case in which Baswedan had already been cleared of any wrongdoing.] Of course, I was worried for my life," said Baswedan, the father of four girls ages 2-9. He and two other KPK agents said they have received death threats via SMS, but he declined to give further details. The police downplay any rift. "We regard the KPK as one of our partners in law-enforcement," said Agus Rianto, deputy spokesperson for the national police. "We are like husband and wife. Even spouses clash sometimes, don't they?" The post Indonesia’s Graftbusters Battle the Establishment appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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