Tuesday, January 28, 2014

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News

To Hopeland and Back VII: Review of draft

Posted: 28 Jan 2014 05:19 AM PST


Day Three (22 Jan 2014)

Today the conference, instead of going over the draft NCA paragraph by paragraph as it had done yesterday, is dividing itself into discussion groups to do an overall review as suggested by some participants.

One highlight of the affair is that 3 Karen groups are forming a single discussion group. So are the 3 Arakanese groups and 4 non-Shan groups from Shan State. The two Shan groups however choose to do it separately (don't ask me why).
SSPP Leaders attending the Law Khee Lar conference, 20-25 January. (Photo: PI)

Several interesting items came out of the discussions, when they were reported in the afternoon. Here are some of them:
  • To conclude the political dialogue 6 months before the 2015 elections. If several topics remain undiscussed, to resume the political dialogue after the elections.
  • Guarantee by the government not to exert pressure on a group in the event that it is unable to join the nationwide ceasefire signing
  • Some armed groups/factions that have accepted Border Guard Force (BGF)/ People's Militia Force (PMF) status under the Burma Army are concerned they will be left out from the peace process (Meanwhile the government is saying they would like to close the list at 16 groups, made up of 14 that have already signed state-level ceasefire and two that are yet to sign it: KIO and PSLF)
  • To consider the NCA null and void if one of the group is attacked without provocation by the government
  • Establishment of new states, including re-designation of the non-ethnic regions as states
My own suggestion to the conference was not to take anything at face value, quoting Sun Zi's not-so-famous saying:

Not to count on opponents not coming, but to rely on having ways to deal with them;
Not to count on opponents not attacking, but to rely on having what cannot be attacked. (Chapter 8, Thomas Cleary version)

Some participants later praised me as a wise man. Greatly embarrassed, I said, "No, I'm not. I'm just a guy who knows a lot of wise sayings spoken by other people. I'm just transmitting them to you."

A Shan, Sai Kyaw Hla, who's been a battalion commander in the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) under Brig-Gen San Aung, took leave after one night stay with us.

I told him the Karens have made themselves proud by giving us fine officers such as Maj Hla Khin and Lt-Col Chit Sway. We hoped he would make Shans proud too.

To Hopeland and Back VII: Back to “Revolution”

Posted: 27 Jan 2014 09:55 PM PST

Day Two: (21 January 2014)

Today the conference is doing the NCCT's job: going through the draft NCA read out yesterday by it. It could have been (it was too) a boring day, were it not for some of the gems (meaning information and suggestions) brought in by some of the participants.

The unexpected biggest debate was on whether "revolutionary" should be added to the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs). The NCCT, assigned with a diplomatic mission, was understandably ready to pass it up as requested by the UPWC. But, equally understandably, the majority of the discussants would not let it give up.

Here are some of their arguments:
  • EAO may well mean we are armed drug traffickers or criminals.
  • We can let it go if the Burma Army withdraws its troops.
  • Revolution means making it right where there is no right. It should therefore be used.
  • We called it a revolution because we were ready to keep at it until the rights given by Panglong are honored
"We could have suggested 'Resistance', 'Liberation' or 'Freedom' as options," one former diplomat said. "But I doubt they would have accepted them."

I also remembered that in 1991, the Tai (Shan State) Revolutionary Council (SSRC) was renamed Shan State Restoration Council, because sympathizers both far and near were saying that "Revolution" had become a bad word in the Western world.

Meanwhile Maj Gen Gun Maw, deputy NCCT chief, reported that the Pa-an meeting with the UPWC had been, for the second time, adjourned to between 20-28 February.

Hkun Myint Tun, President of the PaO National Liberation Organization (PNLO), also reported his meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi in Pa-an on 18 January, 4 days earlier. "I had invited her to the Law Khee Lar conference," he recounted. "Her reply was: her NLD (National League for Democracy) has always stood for federalism. But she wouldn't want to be here just for an a-hla htaing (beauty sitting). That she wanted to know if the conference had some job in mind for her to do."

I remember myself smiling when I heard him saying "a-hla htaing". I'm still smiling when I write it. Because despite her age, she is still mighty good looking. It wouldn't be a bad idea to have her here.

Another debate was on the NCCT proposition that all armed groups must sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) 'simultaneously' which is unquestionably a tall order.
KNU leaders attending the Law Khee Lar conference, 20-25 January. (Photo: PI)

Mahn Nyein Maung, the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army (KNU/KNLA) representative, expressed his doubts about it. "During the NDF (National Democratic Front, the now largely dormant alliance) days, we had made a solemn vow to negotiate with Rangoon together," he reminded the conference. "In the end, each group went to conclude separate deals, leaving the KNU alone to face 170 infantry battalions (in 1994-95)."

Ms Zipporah Sein, the KNU's vice chairperson, did her best later to ease off the embarrassment shared among the participants by downplaying her colleague's comments.

Maybe it helped. Because no one was mentioning it again throughout today's session.
But both the proposition and his comment continued to stick in my mind until it was bed time.

I was still thinking about them when I fell asleep.

To Hopeland and Back VII: From battlefield to the negotiating table

Posted: 27 Jan 2014 09:54 PM PST

19 January 2014

The late prime minister of Thailand Gen Chartichai Choonhawan began his premiership in the 1980's with the slogan:

"From battlefields to the business fields." Since then the kingdom has been on the road to becoming one of Asia's tigers.

This morning Gen Mutu Saypoe, President of the Karen National Union / Karen National Liberation Army (KNU/KNLA), who presides over the conference, appears to be paraphrasing a new slogan by declaring: Now is the time to move from battlefields to the negotiation table."
Mutu Saypoe, President of KNU/KNLA (Photo: KIC)

The Ethnic Armed Organization (EAO) Conference #2, that begins today isa follow-up to the Laiza conference (30 October-2 November 2013) that formed the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT).

Its main job is to finalize the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft, which is the outcome of separate proposals drawn up by the NCCT and the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC). A copy of the UPWC third proposal, delivered on 29 December, was among the handout package given to each conference participant.

One is pleasantly surprised to see that the UPWC's latest draft, unlike its second, no longer demands "the renunciation of the armed struggle". Likewise, it no longer insists that only ceasefire agreements that conform to existing laws would be ratified. No wonder both sides were claiming that they were 80% in agreement.

The difference is that while the UPWC draft has only 13 pages for its 9 chapters (Basic principles, Aims and Objectives, Military matters, Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JCMC), Political dialogue, Trustbuilding, The Day the agreement takes effect, Ratification by the Union Assembly, and General), the NCCT's combined draft has 38 pages (later trimmed down to 29) with 11 chapters and 2 appendices:
  • Basic Principles
  • Aims and Objectives
  • Political roadmap                     (not included in UPWC draft)
  • Military matters
  • Code of Conduct                       (not included in UPWC draft)
  • Nationwide Ceasefire Joint Monitoring
  • Trustbuilding and Waiver of Law on Unlawful Associations
  • Political dialogue
  • Transitional arrangements         (not included in UPWC draft)
  • General
  • Signing of the agreement          (not included in UPWC draft)

Appendix 1. Code of Conduct (COC)

Appendix 2. Vocabulary

I was surprised by the unexpected change of stand in the Kachin Independence Organization / Kachin Independence Army (KIO/KIA) that had hotly debated in Laiza against the signing of the NCA before agreement on the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) was reached. According to it, the roadmap sequence should be Negotiations on FPD, Signing of NCA and Political Dialogue (PD) instead of Signing of NCA, Negotiations on FPD, and PD, as proposed by President Thein Sein.

I was told later, on the sidelines of the conference, that the KIO had changed its mind after international consultants had convinced them that it was the NCA that should logically come first. They later informed the NCCT that as long as the government guarantees that some of their concerns (eg. Creation of a federal armed forces) would be definitely on the agenda during the negotiations for FPD, they would be happy to work alongside the President's roadmap.

So both sides are each taking one step back in order to take two forward, I thought. And each has good news to report to its people back home.

I thought they should keep doing things that way, if the people really come first in their calculations.

I went to sleep soundly that night. The host had provided us with two more blankets each and I was no longer freezing.

To Hopeland and Back VII: Quest for Peace: Lawkheelar meeting (19-24 January 2014)

Posted: 27 Jan 2014 09:51 PM PST

Our 5 men delegation, upon arrival in Mae Sariang, was informed by the Karen liaison officer Kadoe that Thai security had been lenient since the signing of ceasefire by the Karen National Union on 12 January 2012, two years earlier. He therefore asked us to excuse him as he did not expect any problem for us on the way.

He was right. Every Thai checkpoint from Mae Sariang up to Mae Salid Luang, 90 km away, just let us off without any tough questions.

We were then ferried across the Moei, known in Burmese as Thaung Yin, to Le Wa (White Rock) where the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)'s 7th Brigade is located. From there, we were driven along the bank to Lawkheela (Scenic Spot), half an hour's drive away downstream.
Ethnic Army Orgnaizations Conference in Lawkheela, Karen State (Photo: chinlandtoday.info)

The driver told us he had just arrived from Hlaingbwe (170 km and 5 hours drive away) only yesterday.

Thaung Yin, any Thai linguist would tell you, is a corruption of the Thai/Shan word Hsawng Yang (Two Karens).

However I didn't meet anybody who told me what Moei means.

Lawkheela, where the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAO) Conference #2, is to be held is located about 2 miles inland. I was there once in 2001 with the late Chao Tzang Yawnghwe (1939-2004) and Sao Hseng Serk (1935-2007).

We were driven to a long-legged army barracks overlooking the hall where the meeting, scheduled for 3 days (19-22 January) was to be held.

We were to share it with representatives from Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Chin National Front (CNF) and Arakan National Council (ANC) for the next few days. Of course, if you have been following recent events in Burma, you must have heard some of them:
  • Khun Sa (LDU)
  • Nai Hongsa aka Nai Han Tha (NMSP)
  • Dr Khin Maung (ANC)
  • Zin Cung (CNF) and
  • Sai La (RCSS/SSA)
Later I met leaders of other movements at the dinner party held in their honor.

The night was cold and colder as each succeeding night came. According to the weather forecast, it would remain so until 23 January. For all of us, it would be a long night ahead, because each of us were given only one thin blanket.

Suu Kyi’s Shan state trip aimed to get support to amend 2008 constitution

Posted: 27 Jan 2014 09:48 PM PST

CHIANG MAI- January 27. During National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi's three-day tour of southern Shan State, ending on January 26, she explained about the standpoint of her party and constitutional reform at public rallies in four townships, Nam Jarng, Mongnai, Larngkhur and Taunggyi.

Shan youth holding a banner at the rally. The banner reads "We want a genuine federal union" (Photo: Sai Khur)
According to local sources, there were about 2,000 people in the Langkhur rally; half were local people and the other half were followers of NLD.

It was rumored that local people were asked to participate in the rally in exchange for getting electricity provided in their villages. "We don't know who circulated the information," said a local source.

People's questions to Suu Kyi included: "Is lasting peace possible? and "What is your standpoint on 8 states versus 14 states?" In response, Suu Kyi said: "It is not important whether there are 8 states or 18 states. It is the responsibility of the government, so the government will do it."

Most of the questions were asked by her followers; the local people had the chance to raise only a few questions. "Most of the questions were asked by their people; only two of the Langkhur people got the chance to ask questions," said Sai Leang, a Shan youth in Langkhur.

"Her aim is to get support from the people to amend the 2008 constitution. She asked people, do you support amending the constitution? People raised their hands in support of her," said: Sai Leang.
At the rally, when one participant asked Suu Kyi a question, she replied: "Judging by your accent you are Burman, so I would like to caution you. We Burmans living in Shan State, are the guests, and the Shan people are the owners of the house. We have to respect the owners of the house; the owners of the house also should treat the guests nicely."
The NLD flag is hoisted in the middle, while the Shan State flag is hoisted upside down on the right. (Photo: Kham Pang) 

There have been many comments posted on facebook about Suu Kyi's tour in Shan State.
 Some people cordially welcomed her; some people were curious about whether Suu Kyi understood the plight of the Shan State people. A picture was circulated in facebook showing flag on NLD truck. "Why is NLD's flag higher than the Shan State national flag, and why is the Shan State flag hangings upside down?," asked Sai Kham Pang.
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