The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Economic Development Not a Cure-All for Ethnic Conflict: Burma Watcher
- Criminals at Large
- Irrawaddy Business Roundup (January 4, 2014)
| Economic Development Not a Cure-All for Ethnic Conflict: Burma Watcher Posted: 03 Jan 2014 06:04 PM PST  A refugee makes a sheet of leaves for the roof of her house in Ei Htu Hta refugee camp on the Thai-Burma border. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Burmese government officials have expressed hopes that economic development in the country's resource-rich frontier areas might help bring an end to decades-long civil wars with ethnic armed groups. But that approach could be problematic, according to an independent consultant who meets regularly with the government and armed groups. "I think Minister Aung Min understands the need to go beyond an economic agenda," said Ashley South, a consultant for the Norwegian-led Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI), which formed at the request of Burma's government last year to boost international support and build confidence in the peace process. Aung Min is a President's Office minister who is leading the government peace negotiation team. "But that said, I think generally on the government side there is an assumption that the main problem for ethnic communities is underdevelopment and poverty. I think the main idea is that if they can get money and resources and development into ethnic areas, that will address the main grievances of ethnic communities. I think Aung Min is smarter than that, but mostly on the government side, that is their view, and I think it's incorrect." South, who has been following Burmese affairs for the past two decades, was speaking in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai on Friday, at an event focused on the humanitarian situation for Burmese people who have become refugees in Thailand as a result of civil wars in their homeland. Burma's government is currently attempting to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire deal with ethnic armed groups, many of which have fought since the late 1940s for greater political autonomy. As part of the peace talks, leaders of armed groups have been offered stakes in development projects. While government officials have suggested that economic gains in poorly developed frontier areas might decrease interest in fighting among armed groups, some ethnic observers have said that development and aid projects are short-term fixes that cannot replace political dialogue as a means of ending armed struggle. South said livelihoods in some conflict areas have improved, but that key political issues had not yet been addressed in the peace process. "The great challenge in the peace process is how to move to political dialogue," he said. "Another is how to include a wide range of stakeholders, such as civil society organizations and conflict-affected communities." Among those stakeholders are Burmese refugees who fled to Thailand, India, China and other countries to escape the fighting. Over 1 million people from eastern Burma alone have been displaced since 1996, according to The Border Consortium (TBC), a humanitarian agency that has provided aid to refugees on the Thai-Burma border for more than 20 years. Since the Burma government has signed individual ceasefires with a majority of armed groups, the idea of repatriating refugees on the Thai-Burma border has been raised. Funding to refugee camps from international donors has been reduced or cut over the past year, while preparations have been made to help refugees return home. However, most refugees on the border say they do not believe it is safe yet to return home, as the government army remains stationed in or around many of their villages. "The idea of returning home is so problematic," said South. "The IDPs [internally displaced persons] and refugees are not being consulted about the peace process." South also questioned the government army's commitment to the peace process, citing on-and-off fighting in Kachin State and Shan State. Clashes have been ongoing in both states over the past two years, despite peace talks. The post Economic Development Not a Cure-All for Ethnic Conflict: Burma Watcher appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Posted: 03 Jan 2014 06:03 PM PST  Myanmar's former spy chief Khin Nyunt is seen at the polls in Yangon in April 2012.(PHOTO: Reuters) Who should I apologize to?" This was the question that U Khin Nyunt, Myanmar's former spy chief, barked at a reporter who asked him if he was responsible for the treatment of thousands of dissidents by units of his Military Intelligence (MI) after the armed forces seized power in 1988. Rather than countenance any suggestion that he was guilty of crimes against Myanmar's citizens, the ex-general insisted that the real criminals were those opposed to military rule. "They were guilty and that's why they were punished according to the law at that time," he said. Who, then, should answer for all those thousands of political activists who spent years languishing behind bars? Who was responsible for their torture in interrogation centers and the deaths of so many who succumbed to mistreatment and neglect in Myanmar's primitive prisons? Who was it that created and controlled a vast information-gathering apparatus that made every citizen feel like a prisoner? Of course, the whole system that was in place during the long years of military rule was oppressive. But if we confine ourselves to answering just these few questions, the number of people who can be held culpable will be relatively small. Dozens of MI units harassed, intimidated and detained opposition activists and others regarded with suspicion by the former junta. All of these units reported directly to the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI). And the head of this feared organization was Gen Khin Nyunt, who rapidly rose to prominence after the 1988 coup, becoming the third-most powerful member of the ruling military council. From 1988 until his purge in 2004, Gen Khin Nyunt oversaw the arrest of around 10,000 people. Many were subjected to torture and farcical trials that resulted in decades-long prison sentences. Both military and civilian courts were forced to do the bidding of the DDSI. MI units infiltrated almost every organization in the country and maintained networks of spies in almost every neighborhood. Their agents were placed in customs, immigration and police departments, and MI officers even monitored other senior military officials, including top generals.  Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of But the main targets of the police state within a state that Gen Khin Nyunt created were the country's dissidents. "Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt was trying to destroy the [National League for Democracy] by having local authorities intimidate party members, harass their families, and incarcerate those who refused to resign. The intention was to isolate Aung San Suu Kyi and reduce her party's legitimacy," anthropologist Christina Fink wrote in her book "Living Silence," published in 2001. Now a civilian who regards himself as a victim of the former regime—he was sentenced to house arrest after his ouster in October 2004, and released in January 2012—U Khin Nyunt continues to downplay his former role. Last October, respected dissident U Win Tin met the former general who was once his jailer. "Let bygones be bygones," U Khin Nyunt told the NLD cofounder, who spent nearly 20 years behind bars for advocating a peaceful return to democratic rule. Recently, I had a chance to speak with U Win Tin about his experiences in prison. He told me that when he was interrogated in July 1989, his captors put a hood over his head and punched him repeatedly in the face. Even after almost all of his teeth fell out and he had trouble eating, he was denied treatment. "Those guys went overboard," said the 84-year-old, who is still active as a senior member of the NLD. Asked what he thought about U Khin Nyunt's provocative question, he had no trouble providing an answer: "I'll tell you who he should apologize to. He should apologize to former political prisoners, their families and the whole country." Since 1988, at least 160 political detainees have died in custody in Myanmar, including 10 who died while being interrogated, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Among the dead are well-known writer U Thaw Ka, veteran politicians U Sein Win and NLD MP-elect U Tin Maung Win, and student activist Ko Thet Win Aung. U Khin Nyunt's refusal to acknowledge his central role in these and other abuses has complicated efforts to move beyond the pain of the past. "Some former political prisoners have requested acknowledgement and an apology, but Khin Nyunt has asserted that there is no reason to argue about these cases because all was done according to the laws at the time," said Patrick Pierce of the International Center for Transitional Justice. But it is completely disingenuous for someone who was once one of the top generals in the country to act as if he was just following orders. As U Win Tin noted, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the leader of the former ruling junta, was not solely responsible for the many abuses committed under military rule. "Khin Nyunt and his people were more responsible [for the treatment of dissidents]," he said. "It was their intention to let us die." Indeed, some have argued that U Khin Nyunt was the most powerful member of the ruling regime, at least in the years immediately after it seized power. "As a protégé of U Ne Win, [Gen Khin Nyunt] came out as the most influential figure in the regime," wrote Maung Aung Myoe in his book, "Building the Tatmadaw: Myanmar Armed Forces Since 1948." One incident in particular demonstrated the extent of his power: the forced retirement of then regime leader Snr-Gen Saw Maung on April 23, 1992, a move that "strengthened [Gen Khin Nyunt's] position significantly," according to Maung Aung Myoe. Although Snr-Gen Than Shwe assumed the leadership of the regime at that time, he still wielded relatively little actual influence. Over time, Gen Khin Nyunt sought to increase his power behind the scenes by using his position as spy chief to keep the other generals in check. Under his leadership, officers in the MI were feared by those in the infantry, and the normal hierarchy was subverted. "A captain in the intelligence corps never cared about a colonel in the infantry. The commanding officer of a local intelligence battalion, a major, behaved as if he was of equal power as the regional commander, a major-general, in that region," wrote Maung Aung Myoe. When he was in power, Gen Khin Nyunt was incorrectly regarded by some foreign observers and diplomats as a "moderate," and when he was eventually sacked, this was seen as confirmation that he was a "softliner." Nothing, however, could have been further from the truth. The reality was that he had spread his tentacles into every corner of the regime's affairs, and was a central player in all of its often brutal activities. He victimized not only dissidents but also any group that he saw as a threat to the junta's hold on power. Thus he was instrumental in shutting down the country's universities, reopening them only after they had been relocated to remote, ill-equipped campuses where students could no longer organize protests, or get a meaningful education. The people of Myanmar suffered terribly under Gen Ne Win, the dictator who seized power in 1962 and was finally forced to step down in 1988, but many now have worse memories of the years when his protégé, Gen Khin Nyunt, still wore a uniform. For all he has done, U Khin Nyunt and his key subordinates deserve to face justice. Unfortunately, under the current delicate political circumstances in Myanmar, that is unlikely to happen. But until he makes amends to all those whose lives he has ruined, U Khin Nyunt will never find the peace he seeks through meditation and donations to pagodas. If justice doesn't extract its due, karma certainly will. Kyaw Zwa Moe is the editor of the English-language edition of The Irrawaddy. This story was first published in the January 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Criminals at Large appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Irrawaddy Business Roundup (January 4, 2014) Posted: 03 Jan 2014 06:01 PM PST Growing Land Theft in Burma Is Investment Risk, Index Says Burma is listed among the world's 10 worst countries for human rights in a new index from analysts Maplecroft, which said the country's economic resurgence has led to increased land theft for business projects. Burma is ranked 8th out of 197 countries for its poor rights record in the Maplecroft Human Rights Index 2014. "The economies of [Burma], Nigeria (10th), Ethiopia (28th), and Indonesia (30th), present a particularly high risk to business," said the UK-based risk analysis firm. "In such economies, a high rate of deforestation, coupled with the unchecked conduct of security forces and a climate of impunity for human rights violations has led to a high risk of 'land grabs' at the expense of indigenous peoples rights, property rights and minority rights." Employee protections "continue to deteriorate in low-cost sourcing countries, particularly in Asia," the study said. Burma is the only country in East and Southeast Asia listed in the worst top ten, which includes Sudan, Syria, Congo, Pakistan, Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen and Nigeria. "Since 2008, global economic growth and investment has shifted to new markets prompting a demand for low-cost workers, water and land as well as other natural resources, said Maplecroft's head of societal risk and human rights, Lizabeth Campbell. "In many of these markets, human rights violations continue to get worse. Worker's rights are seriously compromised, rural and indigenous communities face grave violations related to land grabs and forced displacement, particularly where their land ownership is not formally documented." Burma's immediate neighbors do not fare much better. China is ranked 15th, Bangladesh 17th and India 18th. Thailand, where migrant workers' treatment is rated to have improved in recent years, is at 48th. 118 Foreign Firms Given Go-Ahead by Burma in 2013 More than 100 foreign companies were given permission to establish businesses in Burma during 2013, according to the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC). The total number granted licenses to set up business or form joint ventures with local firms was 118 for the calendar year, said Eleven Media, citing MIC published figures. Businesses given the go-ahead ranged from cigarette manufacturers to medicines and included brewing, vehicle services, foodstuffs processing, IT services and bamboo fiber products. Despite high-profile promises of investment and large loans from Japan, the three biggest foreign investors in 2013 were China, Thailand and Hong Kong, said MIC. Registering new domestic businesses is to be made easier with the opening of more offices of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration. Branches of the directorate outside Rangoon and Naypyidaw will be established during 2014 in Mandalay, Taunggyi in Shan State and Moulmein in Mon State, said the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development on Dec. 29. Hong Kong Firm Plans Burma Factory for Apartments A major Hong Kong construction company is forming a joint venture in Burma to build a factory producing precast concrete segments for high-rise apartment homes. Yau Lee Holdings is teaming up with the Youth Force Group of Rangoon for the project, said Eleven Media. The partners have yet to find a suitable factory site but hope to acquire a space in the Thilawa special economic zone on the edge of Rangoon, said a statement by Youth Force. "[Burma] is now facing high demand for housing. A precast concrete factory will be aimed at building low-cost housing apartments, which are a basic need for the public right now," according to Youth Force managing director Tin Tun, quoted by Eleven Media. Yau Lee said it has worked on building projects in mainland China, Singapore and the United Arab Emirates as well as Hong Kong. It has also branched out into hotel investment. Railways for Sale as Rangoon-Mandalay Route Gets Japan Upgrade Aid Some of Burma's railway network, including the heavily used Rangoon-Mandalay line, will be sold off to private businesses, reports said. Plans to privatize some lines were outlined by the Ministry of Rail Transportation as the government prepares to sign a US$200 million loan agreement with Japan to pay for the refurbishment of the Rangoon-Mandalay line. Other lines likely to be privatized include the Rangoon circular system and the Rangoon-Myitkyina route, said the ministry without giving any timetable. The Japanese loan, from the state-owned Japan International Cooperation Agency, could be finalized by March, said the Myanmar Times, quoting the agency's chief representative to Burma, Tanaka Masahiko. Track and train modernization would cut the journey time between Rangoon and Mandalay by half, Masahiko said. Solar Power Lanterns go on Sale to Help Villages Off the Grid Solar lanterns that can provide electricity in remote locations unconnected to the power grid are to be sold across Burma from this month. The lanterns, consisting of a 3.5-watt solar panel and rechargeable battery, will be sold by Panasonic in corner shops and supermarkets, said Eleven Media quoting the Japanese company. They will retail for the equivalent of about US$50. The lanterns, which store energy from the sun during the day and provide light and power for other uses at night, are designed to provide a safer alternative to kerosene lamps, said Panasonic which during 2013 donated several thousand solar lamps for distribution to rural schools, health clinics and businesses. Burma's development is being slowed by an acute electricity shortage with only 25 percent of the population linked to a limited-use transmission grid. The post Irrawaddy Business Roundup (January 4, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
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