The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Proposal to Halve Prison Terms for Unauthorized Protest Draws Criticism
- Group Offers Plan to Ease Burmese Migrant Workers’ Legal Woes
- Park Project Near Thai King’s Tomb Draws Critics in Mandalay
- From Jade Land to a Wasteland
- Photo of the week (Feb 21, 2014)
- ‘Pre-Negotiation’ Meeting Called as Burma’s Ceasefire Talks Falter
- Angry Farmers Call off Protest at Bangkok Airport
- Pan-Ethnic Network Launches to Promote Multilingual Education in Burma
- Manufacturing Could Start in Burma’s Thilawa Zone in Mid-2015
- Is Burma Serious About Media Freedom?
- Indonesia Hopes to Cash In on Manta Ray Tourism
- Obama to Host Dalai Lama in Meeting That Angers China
- Angry and Unpaid, Thai Farmers Poised for Bangkok Airport Protest
| Proposal to Halve Prison Terms for Unauthorized Protest Draws Criticism Posted: 21 Feb 2014 05:35 AM PST  A farmer calls through a megaphone at a protest in Rangoon in January calling for the return of seized land around the country. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Opposition politicians and human rights activists have criticized a proposal, put forth by ruling party lawmakers, to amend Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law and reduce the punishment for carrying out an unauthorized protest to 6 months imprisonment. They called for the complete removal of the controversial article, which currently carries a one-year sentence and is routinely used to imprison and threaten activists and demonstrators across Burma. On Wednesday, the Judicial and Legal Affairs Committee of the Lower House, which is dominated by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), submitted a bill with amendments to the Peaceful Assembly Law. The bill softened the wording of some articles carrying punishments and reduced Article 17's maximum prison terms for violence and unrest during demonstrations from two year to one year imprisonment. It halved Article 18's punishment for an unauthorized protest from one year to six months, while also reducing punishment for an offense under Article 19 from six months to three months imprisonment. The proposal is due to be discussed in the Lower House before Feb. 23, but drew mostly negative reactions from opposition MPs and activists. Phay Than, a Lower House MP for the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP), said that in a democratic country there should be "no need to ask for government permission for a protest", adding that he would suggest to the Lower House to remove all criminal punishment for holding an unauthorized protest. Ye Htun, a Lower House MP from the Shan Nationalities Development Party, was more positive about the bill. "The authoritarian tone has been removed [from Article 18] … If there is enough and concrete reason to demonstrate [nobody] can deny it," he said, adding that he was glad to see that prison terms under the article were halved. Burma's civil society groups have been campaigning in recent months for a complete removal of Article 18, which has been used to detain dozens of protesters last year, many of them poor farmers who are rising up against the rapid increase in land-grabs by politically well-connected companies. Activists said that halving the prison terms for Article 18 was insufficient and called for the complete removal of punishments. "Article 18 should not exist at all," said well-known activist Naw Ohn Hla, who is facing numerous court cases in which Article 18 has been used against her. She added that the article violated freedom of assembly and freedom of expression as protected by the Constitution. Tun Kyi, of the Former Political Prisoners Group, said more than 100 people are currently facing charges under Article 18, while 33 people are locked up because of the criminal clause, adding that the detained are political prisoners who should be set free. Activist Tin Htut Paing from Generation Youth said, "Article 18 is used to suppress the public. We will work to abolish this law. It is impossible [for Burma] to become a democracy without abolishing this law." The post Proposal to Halve Prison Terms for Unauthorized Protest Draws Criticism appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Group Offers Plan to Ease Burmese Migrant Workers’ Legal Woes Posted: 21 Feb 2014 05:04 AM PST  A policeman marks the arm of an underage Burmese illegal migrant worker awaiting deportation in Ranong province, south of Bangkok. (Photo: Reuters / Chaiwat Subprasom) RANGOON — The Burmese Migrant Workers Rights Network (MWRN) has called for urgent action by the Thai and Burmese governments to ease the legal plight of Burmese migrant laborers in Thailand, many of whom are facing deportation or financially ruinous overstay fees due to a system that the network says is broken. At a press conference on Friday, the MWRN offered five steps to be implemented by the respective governments, aimed at eliminating punitive immigration policies and streamlining the reregistration of millions of Burmese migrant workers in Thailand. Among the recommendations, authorities are urged to set out a clear and convenient procedure for extending migrant workers' stay permits and renewing their passports, without having to enlist the assistance of often exploitative brokers or agents. The MWRN also called on the responsible authorities to make information—including on reregistration requirements and processing times for each step in the process—more widely available to the public. Centers to extend visas and renew passports should be available not only on the border but also at locations in Thailand with dense migrant worker populations, the MWRN said. The two governments agreed last year to establish border centers to handle migrant laborer processing, including issuing documents for Thai residency and work eligibility, and handling renewal procedures. Political turmoil in Thailand for the last several months, however, has delayed the centers' opening. Workers whose visas have expired should not be fined for overstaying, the network said, due to processing delays—such as that caused by the domestic political upheaval in Thailand—that have been beyond the migrant laborers' control. It also urged the Burmese government to negotiate with Thai officials to revoke a 1,000 baht (US$30) deportation fee that will soon be charged to each Burmese migrant worker who overstays his or her visa. "The Burmese government should negotiate immediately with its Thai counterpart not to collect the [deportation fee], which will start in March," said Sein Htay, secretary of the MWRN. The group says a new plan from the Burmese government to issue permanent passports could create more problems for migrants. "For migrants from [minority] ethnic groups and rural areas, it is not easy to have an ID card and household registration certificate, which will be required in issuing permanent passports," Sein Htay told The Irrawaddy. Most Burmese migrant workers in Thailand hold purple-colored "temporary" passports that allow entry to Thailand only, but since December, the Burmese government has been issuing its red, permanent passports to Burmese nationals seeking to work in Thailand. Upwards of 3 million Burmese migrants work in Thailand. More than 1.7 million migrants passed through a national verification (NV) process from June 2009 to August 2013, and in doing so were issued the temporary passports with six years' validity. A separate agreement between the two governments allowed temporary passport holders to apply for a two-year Thai visa and work permit that was extendable for two additional years. Under the original agreement between Burma and Thailand, migrant workers would be required to return to Burma for three years following the expiration of their Thai visas, before being eligible to return to the Kingdom. In discussions that have followed, various proposals have been floated to allow for a more simple process to return to Thailand after a visa's expiration, most recently a plan that would allow Burmese nationals to cross the border back into Burma for just one night before they were able to return to Thailand. The two governments have yet to reach a finalized deal on altering the arrangement. "The current system is not convenient for workers and puts them in a situation where they can be taken advantage of. The process needs to be easy and convenient for employers and employees," Sein Htay said. The MWRN says the lives and livelihoods that migrant workers in Thailand have established—including social security and life insurance packages, car registrations and bank accounts—could be at risk if they are required to again submit to an NV process as part of the requirement that they apply for a new permanent passport. "The national verification process is not needed anymore since they have already passed through one," Sein Htay said. There are about 100,000 Burmese workers whose four-year visas have already expired and who are subject to a daily overstay fee of 500 baht per day, the MWRN said on Friday. The MWRN is a network of 3,000 members advocating on behalf of Burmese migrant workers' issues. The post Group Offers Plan to Ease Burmese Migrant Workers' Legal Woes appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Park Project Near Thai King’s Tomb Draws Critics in Mandalay Posted: 21 Feb 2014 04:28 AM PST  The remains of the Thai king's tomb and a monastery compound are seen in this photo taken on Feb. 21, 2014 in Amarapura, Mandalay Division. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Archeologists and historians are opposing plans by the Mandalay city administration to develop an outdoor park near the remains of an 18th century town and a Thai king's tomb. While constructing a fence for the park, workers unearthed a royal road that ran about one meter away from the tomb of former King Uthumphon at Linzin hill in the town of Amarapura. "They destroyed the center part of 150 feet [45 meters] of the ancient brick road," said Win Maung, an author, architect and member of an excavation team that has worked to conserve the Thai king's tomb. "All the bricks were pulled from the road and thrown away." He the nearly five-kilometer road had been built to connect a monastery near the tomb to a royal city. "According to historical records and maps, along with our current excavation work, we have found the monastery, the road and many remains of the ancient buildings of Amarapura. We don't want the MCDC to destroy this heritage, but to maintain it," he added, referring to the Mandalay City Development Committee. Archeologists have filed complaints about the park development to the Ministry of Culture's department of archeology since February, when the fencing process began. Speaking Friday in Mandalay, the deputy minister of culture said it was unclear whether the ministry had authority to take action. "The problem is, it is still not clear whether it's our responsibility, or if it's the responsibility of MCDC or other government officials. However we are keeping our eyes on the MCDC project and will oppose it if the work seriously affects historical heritage," Than Swe told reporters at a press conference. Rather than a recreational park, historians and archeologists want to reserve the area for an archeological park and a Thai cultural village. The Thai-Burma excavation team planning to undertake conservation works on the Thai king's tomb has requested four acres for this purpose, but has been granted about one-fourth of that area. "We want to ask through what means and how long will it take for the ministry to keep an eye on the MCDC works. Will they take action only after everything has been totally destroyed?" Mickey Hart, a historian leading the excavation team, told The Irrawaddy. "Actually, our aim to turn the area into a park is the same as MCDC's. The only difference is that ours would be an archeological and historical park, which would later be handed over to the ministry and which would of course benefit the area's heritage as well. We would like to achieve conservation with MCDC and the responsible authorities, to find a better solution to preserve the heritage." A well-known monk, Sitagu Sayadaw, has joined the chief abbot of the Mandalay divisional monks' association in pledging to help raise the issue with the ministry and MCDC. Meanwhile, the excavation team says their work on the tomb has been delayed, with only a small portion of the project completed after one year on the job. "Disturbances by several departments of authorities, including delays with the permit to do the excavation works and many other restrictions, mean that only 20 percent of the work is done," Hart said. "We just hope we will not face such restrictions again." A 100-member group of Burmese and Thai archeologists and historians have worked on the excavation of the tomb since February 2013. An urn containing human bones, some pieces of yellow robes from a Buddhist monk, and artifacts have been discovered during the process, as have the remains of a large monastery building buried beneath the tomb. According to Burmese history records, Uthumphon was originally brought to Mandalay Division in the 18th century as a prisoner of war. He was captured by the third king of Burma's Konbaung Dynasty, Hsinbyushin, who invaded the ancient Thai capital of Ayutthaya in 1767 and returned to his own capital, Ava, with as many subjects as possible. The Thai king, who was in monkhood, died in captivity and was buried at Linzin Hill. The post Park Project Near Thai King's Tomb Draws Critics in Mandalay appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Posted: 21 Feb 2014 04:21 AM PST  A vast wasteland of denuded hills and mountains has been created by jade mining around the once-verdant hinterland of Hpakant. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) HPAKANT, Kachin State — "They eat up the hills like they're devouring cakes. Hills three or four hundred feet high are completely flattened, or even turned into holes 300 feet deep. Where there used to be mountains, now there are lakes," said U Cho, a resident of Hpakant, a town in Kachin State famed for its jade mines. Like many others in the area, U Cho is a jade dealer. But even he struggles to comprehend the scale of the destruction wrought by the jade mines here. "They use dynamite to blast away whole mountains. The mountains collapse just like the World Trade Center on 9/11. With modern technology, a mountain can be reduced to flat land within one month," he said. Located about 220 miles (350 km) north of Mandalay, Myanmar's second-largest city, Hpakant is the source of the world's highest-quality jade. Surrounded by hills and mountains that produce jade and gold, the area is so rich in mineral wealth that residents say they used to be able to find jade even when they were building house foundations or digging wells. But the extraction of the region's earth-bound riches has utterly transformed the landscape, leaving devastation in its wake. Around the villages of Lonekin, Ma Mot and Sai Taung, for instance, the mountains have been replaced with massive tailings piles, and effluent from a muddy artificial lake pollutes the U Ru stream that runs right through the heart of Hpakant town. "In the past, you could see the rocks at the bottom of the U Ru stream, it was so clean. Now the water is murky and toxic because of the jade mining. It is dying," said U Maung Than, another Hpakant resident.
Mung Myit, another local jade merchant, also jumped into the conversation. "When we were young, our grandparents told us that the hill and mountains here were full of big trees," he said. "They even heard tigers at night, and the air was so cool that you had to use a blanket when you went to bed, even in the hot season." The wages of peace Although those days are long past, things didn't really begin to heat up in Hpakant until 20 years ago, when the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), an ethnic armed group, signed a ceasefire agreement with the then ruling military junta, opening up the region to large-scale exploitation. Since then, at least 500 companies have registered to mine in Hpakant. In addition to a combined workforce in the hundreds of thousands, the new operators brought heavy machines with them to make the job of tearing down mountains that much easier. One of the biggest players in this enormous enterprise is the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (UMEHL), a military-run conglomerate that dominates many sectors of the country's economy. Some generals or their families are also believed to be privately involved; for instance, locals say that Daw Kyaing Kyaing, wife of ex-dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe, has a company here. But Chinese businessmen, working though local proxy companies or in partnership with state-owned businesses, are widely seen as the ones in control of the jade trade. That should come as no surprise: China has been importing jadeite, or hard jade, from Myanmar since the 13th century. Today, about 90 percent of the world’s jadeite is mined in the Hpakant area, and most of it is sold to China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. As a symbol of virtue and excellence, it was much in demand for use in products commemorating the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Despite its enormous value, however, only a fraction of the money spent on Myanmar's jade ever gets recorded. In September of last year, Reuters reported that the country produced more than 43 million kilograms of jade in the 2011/12 fiscal year, but generated only US$34 million through official exports—a far cry from the $8 billion that it was worth, according to a report by the Harvard Ash Center cited by Reuters. Fueling the fire Under the terms of the 1994 ceasefire agreement, the government and the KIO shared control of Hpakant equally—an arrangement that paved the way for a full-scale assault on the region's mineral wealth, but did little to lay the groundwork for a lasting peace. At a time when many now engaged in peacemaking efforts are arguing that increased investment in ethnic minority areas will help to ease tensions, it is interesting to note that since 1988, an estimated 65 percent of all foreign direct investment (FDI) in Myanmar have been poured into three of the country's most conflict-ridden states. According to a report published by the Netherlands-based think tank Transnational Institute in February 2013, Kachin State ranked first, receiving $8.3 billion, or 25 percent, of the FDI in Myanmar over this 25-year period, followed by Rakhine State ($7.5 billion) and Shan State ($6.6 billion). In the case of Kachin State, the impact of this investment has been largely detrimental, not only to the environment, but also to the prospects for a lasting peace. "There are many reasons for going to war, and we can say that business interests are one of them," said Gen Gun Maw, deputy chief of staff of the KIO's armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), explaining what led to the collapse of the Kachin ceasefire in June 2011. Since fighting resumed in the state, the KIO has lost much of its influence in Hpakant, where large-scale mining has been suspended as a result of the ongoing conflict. However, local residents say the town is still full of both KIA and government spies and is regarded as a "brown zone," where clashes between the two sides could break out at any time. Casualties of investment While the government and the KIO were dividing the spoils of a lucrative industry that both profited from through concession fees and taxes, local people lost far more than they gained. As with elsewhere in the country, many were forced off their land to make way for big companies, often with little or no compensation. "Many inhabitants of this area have very painful feelings, but they can't do anything about it because the companies coming in all have permission from the government," said Sutdu Yup Zau Hkawng, head of the Jade Land Company, one of the leading mining companies in Hpakant. Despite the fact that companies operating here are required to pay three types of tax (10 percent of a winning bid on a concession; 10 percent of the value of any jade discovered; and 10 percent of earnings from sales at government jade emporiums), little if any of this government revenue is ever used to improve the lives of people living in the region. Located about 48 miles (77 km) from the state capital of Myitkyina and accessible only by four-wheel drive vehicles during the rainy season, Hpakant looks more like a small, isolated village than the center of a multi-billion dollar industry. Even the phone lines here don't work much of the time. "Hpakant is a place where people go to make money and bring it elsewhere. Not even the local authorities are interested in developing the place," said veteran journalist Bertil Lintner, author of many books on Myanmar, including "Land of Jade: A Journey from India through Northern Burma to China." According to economist Sean Turnell, a long-time observer of Myanmar's economy, jade was the country's largest source of foreign earnings two years ago and likely remains a close second to natural gas now that the Shwe gas fields have come on line via a newly built pipeline to China’s Yunnan Province. He noted, however, that the nature of jade as a resource made the jade-mining industry even less transparent than Myanmar's notoriously opaque energy sector. "Jade is an important asset via which wealth can be effectively stored and transferred across borders. Along the way, tax is easily avoided. In a sense, it is an underground financial market, which exists largely because [Myanmar] still lacks a more formal and effective one," he said. A crime- and drug-fueled town Ironically, the collapse of the ceasefire and the suspension of full-scale mining operations have given local prospectors and other small-time operators a chance to profit from an industry that under normal circumstances excludes them. Using primitive hand tools, they scour mountains stripped bare by heavy machines, searching for the precious green stones. But this kind of mining isn't just difficult, dangerous work; it is also illegal and subject to regular crackdowns. Like everything else in this lawless town, however, that doesn't prevent anyone from doing it. "When the government soldiers come, we just flee," said Khaing Maung Doe, an ethnic Rakhine jade prospector. "They usually come twice a day, so we just stop what we're doing and run. If we don't we'll be arrested and charged." Those unlucky enough to get caught aren't long getting back into the game, however. All they have to do is pay a "fine" of about 50,000 to 100,000 kyat ($50 to $100)—usually directly to the arresting guard—and they're back in business. Even in a country where corruption is pretty much the norm, Hpakant stands out for the sheer amount of graft that goes on here. Crime—from theft, prostitution and gambling to drug trafficking and murder—is rampant, but even when reported, the local authorities rarely if ever take action. Massage parlors and gambling dens line the main road of Ma Mot, a village just west of Hpakant, while in Sai Taung, located on the other side of the U Ru, there's a place where heroin addicts can openly shoot up. "Hpakant is the second Hong Kong," said U Win Htun Htun, a local jade dealer. "You can get everything you want here—girls, methamphetamines, heroin. Half the people here are drug addicts." U Shwe Thein, the chairman of a local branch of the opposition National League for Democracy, said he had made proposals for tackling Hpakant's drug problem, but they fell on deaf ears. "I proposed a campaign to eliminate drugs, but the authorities said they could only try to reduce drug use," he said. "Even though heroin and other drugs are sold by individuals, I feel the authorities are behind the sale, as they are the ones running the town." He added that this situation has left local people feeling completely powerless. "They are like children without parents. They don’t know who to turn to when they are abused." Worst of all, he said, the rest of the country seems oblivious to what's happening in Hpakant. "It's worse here than in Letpadaung," he said, referring to the site of a controversial Chinese-backed copper-mining project in Sagaing Region that has attracted nationwide attention. "We've lost our mountains one by one, but nobody seems to care." This article first appeared in the February 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post From Jade Land to a Wasteland appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Photo of the week (Feb 21, 2014) Posted: 21 Feb 2014 04:10 AM PST
The post Photo of the week (Feb 21, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| ‘Pre-Negotiation’ Meeting Called as Burma’s Ceasefire Talks Falter Posted: 21 Feb 2014 03:56 AM PST  Ethnic armed groups sit down for a conference in late October in Laiza, Kachin State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Leaders of Burma's ethnic armed groups will hold a side meeting with government peace negotiators in Rangoon early next month ahead of the long-awaited next round of official talks, scheduled to take place in the Karen State capital of Hpa-an. Renewed fighting in Kachin State this month has cast doubt on the Burma government's claim it can get a nationwide ceasefire signed in April, and ethnic leaders say the current demands of the government side, led by President's Office Minister Aung Min, are not acceptable. Khun Okkar, the joint-secretary of the ethnic alliance group the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), told The Irrawaddy that he had received a letter this week from Aung Min saying a "pre-negotiation" meeting would take place in the first week of March. The Hpa-an meeting, at which government officials hope a date for a nationwide ceasefire agreement will be set, has been repeatedly delayed since it was first scheduled in December. Ethnic groups twice requested more time to study demands from the government side in a draft agreement handed over in November by Lt-Gen Myint Soe, the commander of a government's bureau of special operations that oversees military operations in Kachin State. However, Khun Okkar said the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), a group representing 14 ethnic groups in the talks toward a nationwide ceasefire, had been trying to meet with government negotiators—for a side meeting ahead of the Hpa-an meeting—for some time. "We are ready to meet them. We have even selected our representatives already who will join the meeting," he said. "We asked them to meet two times already, but they could not meet us." A key sticking point appears to be a demand in the government's draft agreement that calls for the ethnic armed groups to come under Burmese military command, and to submit to the government a full account of the troops, arms and munitions under their control. Nai Man, a community leader in Moulmein, Mon State, said that in meetings this week the head of the NCCT Nai Hong Sar, who is also the joint chairman of the New Mon State Party, told Mon leaders that the demands were too much for the ethnic groups. The ethnic negotiators are asking the government to compromise before the peace process can progress, Nai Man said. "The meeting in Hpa-an can't happen unless the ethnic side gets the result they want," he said. The United Nations human rights rapporteur for Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, met with Aung Min and visited Kachin State during his last visit to Burma, which concluded this week. During a press conference Wednesday, Quintana said Aung Min told him that the nationwide ceasefire would be signed in April. However, Quintana reported that Kachin leaders told him they had doubts about the peace process, and that human rights abuses by the Burma Army were ongoing in northern Burma. The UN envoy said he had "received allegations of more recent human rights violations following military clashes in Kachin State and northern Shan State, including cases of rape, arbitrary detention and torture during interrogation." On Feb . 12 the Burma army made an incursion into rebel territory, seizing a Kachin Independence Army outpost in Bhamo Township. The attack has sparked doubts among Kachin leaders about the government's sincerity in the peace process. San Aung, who is a peace broker from KIO side it was vital that trust is not damaged between the Kachin and the Burma Army during the peace negotiations. "I am worried the attack from the government troops to his Kachin could make the peace process fail," he said. The post 'Pre-Negotiation' Meeting Called as Burma's Ceasefire Talks Falter appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Angry Farmers Call off Protest at Bangkok Airport Posted: 21 Feb 2014 03:48 AM PST  Rice farmers rest by their tractors on a main highway where they spent a night in Ayutthaya province on Friday. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK – Angry farmers driving hundreds of tractors called off a threatened protest at Thailand’s main airport Friday, offering a reprieve to the country’s embattled prime minister and to travelers fearing a repeat of a major 2008 blockade of the airport. The farmers canceled the protest at Bangkok’s Suvarnabhumi Airport after striking a last-minute deal with Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, who agreed to make long-delayed payments on last year’s rice crops by next week. They vowed, however, to stage the protest next week if the payments are not made. The farmers’ protest is one of many headaches for Yingluck, who appears increasingly powerless against a wider anti-government movement pressing for her resignation. Protesters have camped out with virtual impunity for weeks at major intersections of Bangkok and near the Government House compound. Yingluck has been forced to work out of a variety of alternate offices since December. The anti-government demonstrators, who have been protesting for three months, draw most of their support from the urban middle and upper classes and residents from the south who are loyal to the opposition Democrat Party. They want Yingluck’s elected government to make way for an interim, appointed government to implement what they say are necessary reforms to fight corruption. Yingluck faces a possible impeachment vote over accusations by the National Anti-Corruption Commission that she improperly handled an expensive rice subsidy program. Under the program – a flagship policy of Yingluck’s administration that helped win the votes of millions of farmers – the government bought Thailand’s staple grain at above-market prices. But the program has accumulated losses of at least $4.46 billion and has been dogged by corruption allegations. Thailand’s farmers have been paid 65 billion baht ($2 billion) for last year’s crops, but are still owed 110 billion baht ($3.39 billion). Friday’s deal did not cover payments to farmers nationwide, but just to those from the central province of Uthai Thani who headed to Bangkok on hundreds of tractors this week and threatened to park outside Suvarnabhumi Airport. They had said they didn’t intend to block the airport, but Suvarnabhumi officials said the presence of hundreds of tractors was bound to cause disruptions. "I’ve talked to (Yingluck) and we agreed that the government will urgently pay 3 billion baht ($92.2 million) to the Uthai Thani farmers next week," protest leader Chada Thaised was quoted as saying by Matichon newspaper. "If the promise is not kept, we will come back," Chada said. It was unclear how the debt-ridden government would secure money for the farmers. The farmers have previously blocked main highways in several parts of the country, and earlier this week breached razor-wire barricades outside one of Yingluck’s temporary offices. The threatened protest at Suvarnabhumi Airport has deep resonance in Thailand, with anti-government demonstrators shutting down the facility for more than a week in 2008, stranding hundreds of thousands of travelers. The post Angry Farmers Call off Protest at Bangkok Airport appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Pan-Ethnic Network Launches to Promote Multilingual Education in Burma Posted: 21 Feb 2014 02:36 AM PST  Members of different ethnic organizations gather at an education conference from Feb. 12-14, where they decided to form a new pan-ethnic education network to promote mother tongue-based teaching in Burma. (Photo courtesy of MINE / Karen News) RANGOON — A new pan-ethnic education network has formed in Burma to push for education reform that would allow young children to learn in their mother-tongue languages at government schools. The Myanmar/Burma Indigenous Network for Education (MINE) represents more than 10 ethnic groups around the country and launched on Friday to coincide with International Mother Language Day. The network is calling for classes to be conducted in minority languages for young children, and in Burmese and English later on. About 60 percent of Burma's population identifies as an ethnic minority, but all classes at the government's public schools are currently conducted in Burmese, the language of the ethnic Burman majority. Many ethnic minority students speak other languages at home and say they struggle to understand their teachers. "Based on our discussions with experts and professionals in the field, we believe that if children can be educated in their mother tongues, they will absorb the information and learn best," Saw Kapi, a spokesman for MINE and director of the Salween Institute for Public Policy, told The Irrawaddy. "However, as they progress to grades four, five and six, we want to begin introducing a second language, Burmese, and then a third language, in most cases English." The pan-ethnic network comprises 22 organizations, including the Mon National Education Committee, the Karen Education Department, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) Education Department, and the Rural Development Foundation of Shan State. Other members represent the Karenni, Wa, Pa-O, Akha, Lahu, Palaung and Naga ethnic groups. In addition to mother-tongue teaching, the network is calling for more control over curricula at the local level—with lessons on ethnic cultures and histories, as well as texts written in ethnic languages. "We plan to engage with the Ministry of Education, most likely through the CESR process," said Saw Kapi, referring to the government's Comprehensive Education Sector Review. "We will look to meet with a variety of government bodies both at the national and state levels." The CESR is a two-year review of the school system to identify priority areas for reform, and is expected to conclude later this year. As part of the review, officials have met with ethnic groups and are considering the possibility of introducing mother-tongue teaching. But multilingual education comes with a number of challenges, including the need to revise textbooks and perhaps reduce class sizes, which would require more teachers. There might also be problems deciding which of several local languages to teach at a particular school. While a majority of students at a school in Mon State might be ethnic Mon, others might identify with another ethnicity and may not have grown up speaking the Mon language at home. Solutions may vary for different schools. "We want these decisions to be made at the local level, not the ministerial level," said Saw Kapi. If 80 percent of students at a particular school are Mon, he said, school administrators might decide to offer three classes—two classes in the Mon language and one class for students who would prefer to learn in Burmese. "But the key is, we do not want the central government or the Ministry of Education telling us what to do and what curriculum to use." The pan-ethnic network was formed as a result of an education seminar hosted last week by the Karen Teacher Working Group (KTWG). The seminar was led by Dr. Joseph Lo Bianco, a professor of language and literacy education at the University of Melbourne. Mother-tongue teaching has already been introduced in some parts of Burma, typically in areas outside state control, where ethnic rebel groups have operated during decades of conflict with the government. In these areas, ethnic education groups—including the Mon, Karen and KIO education departments—established their own non-state schools that teach ethnic minority languages and histories in primary school. "We have our own curriculum before high school, and we teach our Kachin-language literature in every grade," said Naw Zet of the Kachin National Education Committee, referring to schools in areas of Kachin State that are controlled by the KIO. "We also have summer Kachin literacy classes for the whole community, including children, juniors and adults." However, these schools are not recognized as legal by the government and receive no state funding, while students who attend them sometimes struggle to matriculate to government-run universities. Most schools in the country are run by the government. At some of these schools, teachers may volunteer to promote ethnic languages outside of school hours, but they receive no state funding. Other students study ethnic languages over the summer at monasteries or other religious institutions. "In the parts of Karen State which are controlled by the Burmese government, there is no Karen language taught [in schools] and no Karen history," said Naw K'nyaw Paw, secretary of the Karen Women Organization (KWO), another member of MINE. "These schools provide all instruction in Burmese and teach a version of Burmese history which is clearly from their perspective. They are taking one ethnicity and teaching it to Karen children, excluding our culture, language and history." She said ethnic groups would be more likely to persuade the government to change the system by banding together as a single network. "We are all looking to preserve our culture and language. These are central to who we are," she told The Irrawaddy. "The Burmese government has divided ethnic groups in the past by claiming we all want different things. We want to be abundantly clear that we are united on this central issue facing our communities." Multilingual education has been promoted in many countries in the Asia-Pacific region, which according to Unesco is home to about 2,300 different languages. While some countries have adopted mother tongue-based education systems with dozens of languages taught in primary schools, others have adopted smaller, experimental mother-tongue programs. Multilingual education has been widely debated in some countries, such as East Timor, where the government suggested the idea but faced resistance from critics who said the teaching style would be difficult to implement and could threaten national unity. The post Pan-Ethnic Network Launches to Promote Multilingual Education in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Manufacturing Could Start in Burma’s Thilawa Zone in Mid-2015 Posted: 21 Feb 2014 01:41 AM PST  A police officer stands on guard near national flags of Burma and Japan during the commencement ceremony of the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project outside Rangoon on Nov. 30, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — About 40 foreign manufacturers are interested in setting up in the Thilawa economic zone being developed with Japanese help outside Burma's main city, Rangoon, and commercial operations could start in mid-2015, a Burmese official said. Burma has opened up since a quasi-civilian government took office in 2011 after decades of military dictatorship and foreign firms are looking to benefit from cheap labor and a virgin market in thriving Southeast Asia. Set Aung, vice-governor of Burma's central bank and chairman of the committee overseeing the economic zone, said the potential investors were producers of clothing, foodstuff, electronic appliances, toiletries and car parts. The first phase of the zone involves an industrial park covering 400 hectares (988 acres) out of the total 2,400 hectares earmarked for the project. "The first phase is estimated to cost about $180 million and about $50 million has already been invested for inside infrastructure projects," Set Aung said. Burma and Japan are jointly developing the special economic zone on the southwest outskirts of Rangoon. It will eventually have a deep-sea port, roads, bridges, a power plant and waste water treatment plants. Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings Public Ltd. Co., a consortium set up by nine Burmese companies, owns 41 percent of the shares in the zone and the Thilawa SEZ Management Committee, a state entity chaired by Set Aung, has the remaining 10 percent held on the Burmese side. On the Japanese side, the MMS Thilawa Development Co. Ltd., a consortium grouping Mitsubishi Corp, Marubeni Corp and Sumitomo Corp, has 39 percent and the Japan International Cooperation Agency 10 percent. Set Aung said shares in Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings, the local consortium, would be offered to the public in the first week of March. They will be sold through five private banks as well as at outlets near the project area so that residents there will be able to participate easily. It was unclear if there would be any way to trade in the shares and full details of the offer were not available. The post Manufacturing Could Start in Burma's Thilawa Zone in Mid-2015 appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Is Burma Serious About Media Freedom? Posted: 20 Feb 2014 09:27 PM PST RANGOON — Burma has made great strides in the area of media freedom in the past three years. It is one of the most dramatic and dynamic transformations in the Asean region—with Burma moving from a tightly government-controlled media environment to one of the freest press industries in the Southeast Asian bloc. Western-based media freedom monitoring organizations have expressed astonishment over this remarkable development. However, recent events suggested that there could now be a serious roll-back on this new found liberty inside Burma A case in point was the recent arrest of four journalists and the chief executive of a Rangoon-based weekly newspaper, the Unity Journal, which published a report alleging that Burma was building a chemical weapons facility in central Burma. The government accused the journalists of violating the 1923 State Secrets Act. Court proceedings have already started, and they could face lengthy prison sentences. Local journalist associations have condemned the government actions, which they deemed a threat to media freedom and their investigative efforts. They said the government should have handled the incident more professionally and respectfully. The manner in which the government has responded to press reports of late shows a growing unease among Burmese officials over the country's lively, new media landscape. If this trend continues, it will further curb freedom of expression and have far-reaching repercussions for the ongoing reform process. In the long run, Burma's backsliding on media reforms could also affect numerous media projects initiated by the government, including various programs to turn state-own broadcasting entities, such as state-owned newspapers and television channels, into public media. Mutual trust between the government and the media community are now at the lowest point since reforms started in 2011. They need to be strengthened as a free, independent media is essential to the success of the reform process initiated by President Thein Sein's government. Thanks to the rapid opening-up of the media Burma has been able to install a fresh image of normalcy in a short span of time, moving away from its longstanding reputation as a backward pariah state. Furthermore, the proliferation of new print and broadcast media also The latest press freedom index released in February by the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders ranked Burma as the freest country in Asean after Thailand, Brunei, Indonesia and Cambodia, much to the chagrins of remaining Asean members. The index was the most positive It is now doubtful if such optimism will hold over an extended period of time. Several well-known media monitoring organizations, which will soon release their annual findings and rankings, are busy reevaluating how sincere Burma is about its much-celebrated media reforms. In the past few months, Naypyidaw has shown distaste for media investigations, especially on issues related to corruption, lack of In anticipation of the upcoming elections in 2015, reports on political maneuverings and posturing among politicians are now making daily headlines. As prominent personalities jockey for influence, frequent media exposure of these political fights could weaken the government’s grip on power and hurt its popularity. Burma's journalists are young, unruly and eager to inform the public and push their new freedom to its limits. But to do so, they must improve their skills and professionalism in reporting, especially on sensitive issues related to ethnic conflict, national security and so on, as well as bettering their engagements with the authorities. Regional media organizations are also linking up with Burma's media partners to exchange news and information, as well as providing training. As the current Asean chair, Burma’s new media freedom is a regional showcase as no other Asean member has introduced such a drastic liberalization of the press in decades. All reforms in the region began as economic reforms before they were extended into political and social fields. As Burmese authorities and the media are still on a learning curve together, it is necessary to strike a balance between full government control and total media freedom. Media openness has generated goodwill and resulted in positive outcomes for Burma as a whole. Therefore, any effort to curb the present media freedom, even temporarily, will have adverse effects on the country’s future. Kavi Chongkittavorn is a Thai journalist and his views do not necessarily reflect those of The Irrawaddy. The post Is Burma Serious About Media Freedom? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Indonesia Hopes to Cash In on Manta Ray Tourism Posted: 20 Feb 2014 09:16 PM PST  A scuba diver takes a picture as a four meter giant manta ray swims just outside Hanifaru Bay of the Maldives' remote Baa Atoll. Photo: (Reuters / Tan Shung Sin) JAKARTA — Indonesia is now the world's largest sanctuary for manta rays, after officials were persuaded by evidence that the gentle giants known for delighting tourists are worth more alive than dead. The government on Friday announced that manta rays within the archipelago's 5.8 million square kilometers (2.2 million square miles) of ocean will be protected from fishing and export. It will take time and cooperation at multiple levels to enforce the ban on poaching in the biggest global shark and ray fishery. Conservationists point to simple economics as an incentive. According to a study published last year in the online journal PLoS One, a manta ray is worth up to US$1 million over the course of its long lifetime, thanks to tourists willing to pay generously for a chance to swim with the curious creatures that glide gracefully through the water by flapping their wide wings, almost as if flying. They are worth only $40 to $500 dead. Government officials were "so surprised that the tourism value is very high. That's a very powerful argument," said Tiene Gunawan, marine program director at Conservation International Indonesia. "Indonesia is such a big, big, big country. When looking at the size of the water, it's huge. And I think we should start small and make some kind of pilot for this enforcement." The regulation was passed Jan. 28. Conservation groups are working to teach fishermen about the value of keeping the mantas alive, while business people, the military, water police and local officials are being engaged to assist. In some areas, including a well-known spot near the resort island of Bali, locals are already seeing profits from taking snorkelers out on their fishing boats, or working at larger dive resorts where mantas are a top attraction. In Indonesia alone, manta tourism brings in an estimated $15 million each year, according to the PLoS One report. "Indonesia now has the second-largest manta ray tourism industry in the world," Agus Dermawan, director of the country's Marine Conservation Directorate, said in a statement. "Given the huge area of reefs and islands in our country, if managed properly, Indonesia could become the top manta tourism destination on the planet." Two types of rays exist in Indonesia, the manta and the mobula. Both are killed for their plankton-filtering gills, which are used for medicinal concoctions, mainly in China. Mantas are also frequently caught accidentally by fishermen, but they are not part of a major targeted industry in Indonesia as in other countries, such as Sri Lanka, Gunawan said. Increased demand has led to a sharp drop in manta numbers in recent years, raising international concern. Multibillionaire Virgin Group boss Richard Branson has sounded alarms though the "Manta Ray of Hope" conservation project. And last year the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora imposed new trade regulations for the species. "Enforcement and community education are always necessary in order for this or any law to have a real impact, but passage of the law is a critical step," Mary O'Malley, lead author of the study from the San Francisco-based nonprofit WildAid, said in an e-mail. She said her organization also plans to launch a campaign in China to address demand there. Mantas are among the world's largest fish and can reach up to 8 meters (26 feet) from wingtip to wingtip. Found in the tropics, they can live up to 50 years, but do not mature until age 8 to 10 and typically give birth to a single pup only every two to five years. This slow reproduction rate means fishing cannot be sustained over the long haul, and mantas are classified as vulnerable to extinction on the International Union for Conservation of Nature's Red List of Threatened Species. Mantas are smart and capable of migrating more than 1,000 kilometers (621 miles), and each has a unique pattern of spots on its belly. Unlike stingrays, they have no barbs and are harmless to humans. Even though they are beloved by divers and snorkelers, due to their size, friendliness and graceful beauty in the water, much remains unknown about their population numbers worldwide. In addition to Indonesia, manta fishing is banned in Australia, Ecuador, the European Union, Mexico, New Zealand, the Philippines, Yap, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the US states of Hawaii and Florida. The post Indonesia Hopes to Cash In on Manta Ray Tourism appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Obama to Host Dalai Lama in Meeting That Angers China Posted: 20 Feb 2014 09:11 PM PST  President Barack Obama will meet with Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama on Friday in a meeting that is straining US-China relations. WASHINGTON — President Barack Obama will meet with Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama on Friday at the White House. The meeting could strain already tense relations between the U.S. and China. The exiled leader, who is in the U.S. for a speaking tour, is famed for his peaceful struggle for greater Tibetan autonomy that China bitterly opposes. The last time he met with Obama, in 2011, China said it damaged Chinese-American ties. China was similarly angered when the two met in 2010. Friday’s meeting was likely to draw further protest from Beijing. China’s Foreign Ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment. In the past, Chinese authorities have denounced the Dalai Lama as a separatist and blamed him for instigating self-immolations by Tibetans inside China. Obama was to host the Nobel laureate for a private, morning meeting in the White House’s map room. Traditionally, when Obama meets with presidents and prime ministers, he hosts them in the Oval Office and allows reporters to witness a short portion of the meeting. The decision to hold the meeting elsewhere and to close the meeting to reporters could signal an attempt to avoid the appearance of a formal meeting between two heads of state. The White House said Obama is hosting the Dalai Lama in his capacity as a respected religious and cultural leader. The White House reiterated late Thursday that the U.S. recognizes Tibet as part of China and doesn’t support Tibetan independence. At the same time, officials said they were concerned about tensions and deteriorating human rights in China’s Tibetan areas, urging Beijing to resume talks with the Dalai Lama or his followers without preconditions. "The United States supports the Dalai Lama’s ‘Middle Way’ approach of neither assimilation nor independence for Tibetans in China," said Caitlin Hayden, a spokeswoman for the White House’s National Security Council. Relations between the U.S. and China are already on edge over Beijing’s increasingly aggressive steps to assert itself in the region, including in territorial disputes with its smaller neighbors. China’s emergence as a leading global economic and military power has strained ties with Washington, and the two also have clashed over cyber theft and human rights. The Dalai Lama has lived in exiled in northern India since fleeing China in 1959. He is widely respected around the world for his advocacy of peace and tolerance. China accuses him of being a separatist agitator. The spiritual leader is a frequent visitor in the U.S. During his current three-week visit, he also has public speaking events in California and Minnesota. On Thursday, he delivered a message of compassion and care for humanity while addressing free market mavens at a right-leaning Washington think tank. Reuters reported on Friday that China urged the United States on Friday to scrap plans for U.S. President Barack Obama to meet exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama later in the day, warning that the planned meeting would "seriously damage" ties between the countries. The White House National Security Council said Obama would meet the Dalai Lama at the White House in a show of concern about China's human rights practices. Obama’s planned meeting with the Dalai Lama is a "gross interference" in China’s internal affairs, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said in a statement on the ministry’s website. The post Obama to Host Dalai Lama in Meeting That Angers China appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Angry and Unpaid, Thai Farmers Poised for Bangkok Airport Protest Posted: 20 Feb 2014 09:04 PM PST  A farmer waves a Thai national flag on a combine harvester during a protest on the outskirts of Bangkok on Feb. 6. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thousands of Thai farmers threatened to head for Bangkok’s main airport in their tractors on Friday in protest against non-payment in a controversial rice subsidy scheme, heaping pressure on Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra to step down. The rice program was among the populist policies pioneered by Yingluck’s billionaire brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, a former prime minister central to a conflict that has divided Thais for years and triggered protests, violent at times, that have paralyzed parts of the capital for weeks. It was not immediately clear what the farmers planned to do at the airport or how long they would stay, but the convoy evoked memories of 2008 when anti-Thaksin protesters blockaded Bangkok’s airports and held crippling rallies against two Thaksin-backed governments. "We are not sure where we will set up camp, but we will not leave the capital until we are paid for every grain of rice sold," former member of parliament Chada Thaiseth said on Thursday. Media said the farmers from the central plains expected to negotiate with Yingluck and would give her until midday (0500 GMT) before heading for the huge, hi-tech airport built on a snake-infested swamp north of Bangkok. The rice program is critical to Yingluck’s support base in the poorer north and northeast. Generous subsidies for farmers were a centerpiece of the platform that swept her to power in 2011, but have left Thailand with vast stockpiles of rice and a bill it is struggling to fund. Opposition leaders say the scheme is riven with corruption and losses to the taxpayer, estimated at 200 billion baht ($6 billion) a year, have fuelled protests against her government. Yingluck and her government are being investigated by an anti-corruption panel for alleged irregularities in the subsidy scheme. Four protesters and a police officer were killed on Tuesday when police attempted to reclaim protest sites near government buildings that have been occupied for weeks. The protesters are seeking to unseat Yingluck and stamp out what they see as the malign influence of Thaksin, regarded by many as the real power behind the government. On Thursday, they targeted businesses linked to the Shinawatra family, sending some stock prices lower. "If you love your country, stop using Shinawatra products and do everything you can so that their business fails," protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban told supporters on Wednesday. The protests are the latest instalment of an eight-year political battle broadly pitting the Bangkok middle class and royalist establishment against the mostly rural supporters of Yingluck and Thaksin. Demonstrators accuse Thaksin of nepotism and corruption and say that, prior to being toppled by the army in a 2006 coup, he used taxpayers’ money for populist subsidies such as the rice scheme and easy loans that bought him the loyalty of millions. The post Angry and Unpaid, Thai Farmers Poised for Bangkok Airport Protest appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy Magazine To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610 | |
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.