The Irrawaddy Magazine

---

• Questioning Oslo’s Embrace of Burma
• With New Hotels, Naypyidaw Could See a Glut of Rooms
• Shan Man Allegedly Beaten by Soldiers for Links to RCSS
• Chin Group Says Burma Census Ethnicity Question Caused Confusion
• Burma Soldiers Allegedly Raid Shan Rebel Office
• Thai Police Fire Teargas at Protesters Bent on Toppling ‘Thaksin Regime’
• Putting Compassion Into Action
• KNU and 88 Generation to Collaborate on Burma Charter Reform, Peace Efforts
• Families of South Korea Ferry Dead March on Presidential Palace
• China’s Oil Rig Move Leaves Vietnam, Others Looking Vulnerable
• Thai Graft Agency Rules Against Ex-PM as ‘Red Shirts’ Head for Bangkok

Questioning Oslo’s Embrace of Burma Posted: 09 May 2014 06:15 AM PDT Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama is respected across the world for his struggle for the rights of his people and one of the most famous recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize, which is handed out in Norway every year. But during his three-day visit to the country this week, leaders in Oslo were faced with a dilemma: human rights or salmon. This time, salmon won and the exiled leader was unable to meet with Norwegian government officials. The conservative-led government in Oslo has decided to patch up its relations with China. These relations had suffered after the Nobel Committee awarded the peace prize to jailed Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo in 2010, even though the committee is an independent body appointed by parliament. Norway supplied 92 percent of all Chinese salmon imports in 2010, valued at US $83 million, but, according to media reports, this share has since dropped to just 29 percent after China, angered over the peace prize, imposed import restrictions and cancelled talks on a free trade agreement. The snub of the Dalai Lama angered domestic opposition and international human rights group, but Prime Minister Erna Solberg defended the government's position. "It has been a difficult situation that we have not been able to work internationally with China for four years. Before 2010 we had a running dialogue with China about human rights issues. Norwegian experts were helping the Chinese to develop a better justice system. After 2010 we haven’t been able to do this," she told international media. Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org. But China is not the only country that has benefitted from Norway's recent decision to take a more pragmatic, although less principled, stand on human rights. In Burma's capital Naypyidaw, officials of President Thein Sein's nominally-civilian government have been enjoying a good relationship with Oslo during the rocky democratic transition in the country and Norwegian businesses have been warmly welcomed by the government. Norway's Telenor was one of two foreign firms awarded a license to develop the telecom sector in Burma, Asia's last frontier in mobile and internet expansion, while Norwegian state-owned firm Statoil received a license to explore one of Burma's most promising offshore oil and gas blocks. The close relationship between Oslo and Naypyidaw should come as a surprise, perhaps, as Norway was long one of the staunchest supporters of Burma's democratic opposition movement and of the ethnic refugees stranded on the Thai-Burma border. Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and Norway also funded Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), allowing the opposition radio and television station to broadcast from Oslo. In the late 2000s, this position began to gradually change and—even before the democratic transition initiated by the military regime began in 2011—Oslo signaled a willingness to move closer to the repressive military regime. In January 2009, Norway's then-Minister of International Development, Erik Solheim, visited Burma and afterward called for a review of Oslo's Burma policy and putting more emphasis on economic engagement and less on international isolation. In January 2012, then-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jonas Gahr Støre, paid a two-day official visit to Burma. Oslo subsequently indicated it would no longer urge Norwegian companies to refrain from trade and investment in Burma. In private conversations, Norwegian diplomats claimed that Oslo had "foreseen" the democratic reforms and this prompted the move towards a more pragmatic stance. Some even questioned the governing capabilities of the National League for Democracy and its leader Suu Kyi, but noted that the officials in Thein Sein's government were able reformers. Norway continued to take the lead on Burma's international rehabilitation and worked with Japan to move the international community at the Paris Club of creditors to clear Burma's foreign debt. Last year a staggering sum of around $6 billion was written off. Thein Sein duly thanked Norway for its early support of reforms and helping squash Naypyidaw's huge foreign debts. Burma's peace process, aimed at ending decades-old conflicts with an array of ethnic armed groups, could also count of Norwegian support. About $5 million was poured into the government's Myanmar Peace Center, while a $2 million dollar scheme, the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative, would facilitate the return of refugees to their ethnic areas. The project proved controversial among local aid organizations working with conflict-affected ethnic groups, who said it lacked transparency, failed to consult them and risked channeling aid into ethnic areas before genuine peace is established. Norway still believes it can play a role in the peace process and Norwegian official said his government "can influence the ministers and the government in Burma" through its close ties. But for some of Norway's earlier friends from Burma—the democracy movement, rights groups and ethnic organizations—the success of Oslo's new approach is less clear. Among Burma's democrats and dissidents many quietly wonder if Norway had a change of heart. Some question the need for an oil-rich nation like Norway to seek business deals in Burma. A prominent Kachin ethnic rebel leader told me that they consider the Norwegians approach to the peace process "Taw Tha Htay," an expression meaning a wealthy person from a remote area with limited understanding. Yet there is no need to be pessimistic. Clearly Norway can still play an important role in promoting peace and democratic reform in Burma—in 2012 it invited Suu Kyi to pick up her 1991 Nobel Peace Prize—but for those working outside the current government, the question has become how? Now that Burma's democratic transition is entering a crucial phase and doubts are increasing about the intentions of the government and the military, Oslo should take a stronger stand in support of Burma's pro-democracy forces. Norway should make it clear what its goals are in engaging with Burma's government and whether it will support its old Burmese friends in the opposition. These are questions that many Burmese who are still fighting for greater freedom feel they have a right to ask. The post Questioning Oslo's Embrace of Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

With New Hotels, Naypyidaw Could See a Glut of Rooms Posted: 09 May 2014 05:52 AM PDT The massive "Star World Hotel" in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW — Hoteliers expected guests in Burma's capital for this weekend's Asean Summit to occupy more than 3,000 rooms. Early signs are, however, that fewer people will actually show up, and hotels will be left with empty rooms. Ahead of Burma's 2014 chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, some worried that infrastructure may not be in place to provide accommodation for the delegates, observers and journalists attending the regional bloc's many meetings. Burma's former capital, Rangoon, has a chronic shortage of rooms, and hotel building has been slow to keep up with the soaring pace of tourist and business visitor numbers. But hotels have shot up in Naypyidaw, the new administrative center built by the former military regime that is mostly deserted most of the time. According to the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, there are now 52 hotels open in the city. On Saturday and Sunday, leaders and foreign ministers of the 10 Asean nations, and more than 400 journalists, are expected to converge on Naypyidaw's specially constructed Myanmar International Convention Center 1. Kyawt Kyawt, assistant front office manager of Royal Kumudra hotel, which is run by Burmese tycoon Zaw Zaw's Max Myanmar Group of Companies, said the guests would be spread out of over the city's many hotels. "International delegates are staying in Hotel Zone 3, close to the National Guest House [and to the Asean Summit venue]. In this zone, number 1, only journalists and other regular business guests stay," she said. "Even though we expected that there will be many international guests coming here during the summit and that rooms would be in short supply, that hasn't really happened. There are more rooms than the number of guests now." Hotel room rates in the capital, which has only three-star hotels with on average between 80 and 100 rooms, start from US$30 for a double room, for local guests. In Hotel Zone 3, rooms cost at least $100 per night. Kyaw Zin Oo, deputy manager of Taw Win Naypyidaw Hotel, also said there were not as many guests as expected this week. The hotel would be only about 60 percent full for the summit, he said. "Rooms are free even at this time. We have experienced that there were many rooms free even during SEA Games [in December], that's why we don't think it will rooms be in shortage for the summit," said Kyaw Zin Oo. But more hotels are being built in the city, raising the possibility of a long-term glut of rooms. "Now there are more than 50 hotels running. When the hotels under construction open, there will be about 70 hotels here," he said. The post With New Hotels, Naypyidaw Could See a Glut of Rooms appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Shan Man Allegedly Beaten by Soldiers for Links to RCSS Posted: 09 May 2014 05:47 AM PDT Ethnic leaders and government ministers are seen at a trust-building meeting in Lashio, Shan State, in August 2013. SNLD chairman Khun Htun Oo is fourth from left, while Minister Aung Min from the President's Office is third from left. (Photo: Nang Seng Nom / The Irrawaddy) A member of the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) who was abducted by soldiers earlier this week and allegedly beaten in the jungle has been accused of communicating with an unlawful association. Aike Kein, chairman of a village-level SNLD branch in Kengtung Township, was taken from his home by government soldiers on Monday at about 8 pm, said Sai Lone, head of the SNLD in eastern Shan State. "Four or five soldiers from Kengtung-based infantry unit No. 245 detained him by force and kept him for three days," Sai Lone told The Irrawaddy, adding that they transferred Aike Kein to the police early on Friday morning. A police officer in Kengtung confirmed that the SNLD member was in police custody and had been charged with violating the Unlawful Association Act. "The case is still under investigation," the officer told The Irrawaddy, declining to elaborate. Aike Kein has been accused of communicating with the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), according to SNLD leader Sai Lone. "We are confused. If the RCSS signed a ceasefire agreement and is participating in the peace process, is it still an illegal organization?" he said. The Unlawful Association Act was used by the former military regime to punish any group or individual who was involved with insurgents. It outlaws any connection with, support for or participation with associations deemed illegal by the government. Since peace talks began in 2011, most major ethnic armed groups have signed ceasefire deals with the government. As a result, few people have been prosecuted for communicating with unlawful associations. However, in Kachin State, where fighting continues to rage between government troops and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Unlawful Association Act is still used regularly against local people. One day after Aike Kein was detained, the RCSS’s liaison office in Kengtung was also raided by military intelligence officials. Aike Kein says he was tortured by the soldiers who abducted him, according to Sai Lone, who met with him at the police station on Friday. "The left side of his forehead was wounded, his face was dark from inflammation, and his chest ached because the soldiers kicked him. He was brought to the jungle on the first day of his abduction," Sai Lone said. "Aike Kein said the soldiers asked him to hand over a gun, which he did not have," said Sai Lone. "He said he was not given meals for three days." Aike Kein was returned to his village at 11 am on Tuesday, Sai Lone said, citing reports of his neighbors in Namlin Meng Ean village. They said the soldiers searched his home and took a small amount of rice when they could not find anything else of value. Local SNLD members are offering legal assistance and support for Aike Kein's family. SNLD leaders in Yangon have also been urged to speak with the government's peace negotiators about the arrest. The post Shan Man Allegedly Beaten by Soldiers for Links to RCSS appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Chin Group Says Burma Census Ethnicity Question Caused Confusion Posted: 09 May 2014 04:59 AM PDT A volunteer collects census data in Arakan State. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Ethnic Chin organizations have raised yet more concerns with Burma's nationwide census, which has drawn numerous complaints, particularly over its question on ethnicity. Most data collection was completed last month for the United Nations-backed census, the first such exercise in Burma for more than 30 years. One question asked by volunteer enumerators was on ethnicity, a sensitive subject in Burma, where the official list of 135 ethnic groups is highly controversial. The Chin National Action Committee on Census (CNACC), a civil society group formed by Chin political parties and NGOs, issued a statement Friday compiling its observations on the census-taking process. Burma's list of ethnicities includes the Chin nationality, under which a bewildering 53 "subgroups" are listed. In the statement, CNACC requested that in the census everyone identifying under a Chin subgroup be counted together as ethnic Chin. It urged the government not to use this year's census for a future revision of the number of Chin subgroups. Instead, the statement called for a public consultation to accurately record the different Chin tribes. The Chin State government and Burma's Union Parliament should come up with a transparent plan, together with concerned ethnic representatives and stakeholders, to draw up new list, CNACC said. Chin ethnic leaders have long contested the official categorization, but an alternative list of Chin subgroups or tribes is not agreed upon. In the existing list, they say there are spelling errors and groups referred to twice by different names. "In the 41 questions in the census questionnaire, 40 questions have no problem. In the 8th question, on ethnicity, Chin was classified as 53 different ethnicity categories," CNACC coordinator Salai Isaac Khen said at a press conference Friday. "Actually, there is only one Chin ethnicity and the subgroups. But the rest 52 subgroups have the same status [as the ethnicity]. Each subgroup is a 'race,' and they shouldn't have ethnic status." CNACC monitoring teams outside of Chin State—ethnic Chin also live in significant numbers in Arakan State, Magwe Division, Sagaing Division and Rangoon Division—found that some respondents were not asked their ethnicity, or religion, at all. Some respondents who asked to be put the Chin ethnicity, under the code "401" on census forms, were instead put into subgroups, monitors found. Other irregularities recorded included data collection starting earlier than the official census start time, midnight on March 29. Some enumerators were allegedly threatened with fines worth US$500 for not completing data collection on time. The statement also noted that recording ethnicities heightened tensions in Chin State between ethnic Chin and Zomi people, who refute their categorization as a subgroup of Chin. Salai Isaac Khen said many respondents also did not understand the questions well as the census was conducted in Burmese. "The official language use in Chin State is not Burmese. It's Chin," he said. Salai Ceu Bik Thawng, general secretary of Chin National Party said the question on ethnicity sowed confusion among many Chin. "The names of the 53 subgroups are spelled wrong [in Burmese], most of the locals do not know which they belong to. The spelling in English is even worse," he said. "For 99 percent of Chin, most of them do not understand what the 53 subgroups are. Normal enumerators, primary school teachers, had no idea what code to choose." An estimated 100,000 Chin are said to be living abroad and were not counted in the census. About 500,000 Chin people live in Chin State, according to historical estimates, which is less than half the total number of ethnic Chin. The post Chin Group Says Burma Census Ethnicity Question Caused Confusion appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma Soldiers Allegedly Raid Shan Rebel Office Posted: 09 May 2014 04:38 AM PDT Military intelligence soldiers search the RCSS office on Tuesday. (Photo: Taifreedom.net) Burmese soldiers have allegedly raided the liaison office of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) in Kengtung Township, Shan State, according to Shan rebel leaders. The rebel group's office was raided on Tuesday evening by soldiers from the military intelligence unit, police officers and township authorities, rebel leaders say. RCSS chairman Yawd Serk sent a letter of complaint on Thursday to President's Officer Minister Aung Min, who is vice chairman of the government's peace negotiation team. RCSS leaders said they were not given a reason for the intrusion. They said the incident could lead to further mistrust, potentially damaging the peace process between the government and ethnic rebel groups. The raid was allegedly led by Maj. Ye Nay Lin, head of the military intelligence branch in Kengtung. The soldiers were holding guns while they went through the office, according to RCSS members. Lt-Col Sai Sa Mong, coordinator of the RCSS liaison office, said he was summoned on Tuesday evening to meet with Maj. Ye Nay Lin at the military intelligence office. "I was told to wait for him at their special branch office for about an hour, but in the meantime they went to our own liaison office," he told The Irrawaddy. In the aftermath, Sai Sa Mong called the military intelligence office to inquire about the reason for the raid, but was told he would need to return and ask his question in person before receiving an answer. The military intelligence office in Kengtung could not be reached for comment on Thursday. But Minister Aung Min has received the RCSS letter of complaint, according to one of his advisers at the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC). The adviser, Hla Maung Shwe, said he was not yet sure how the minister would respond. "I won't meet with Minister Aung Min until the day after tomorrow, so I don't know now," he said. Col. Sai La, a spokesman for the RCSS, said he worried the raid could lead to mistrust between the government and ethnic rebel groups during ceasefire negotiations. He said the RCSS had signed a preliminary ceasefire deal with the government and was working with other ethnic armed groups to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire accord. "In the letter, we demanded that the UPWC [the government's peace negotiation team] explain the incident that occurred in Kengtung on May 6," he told The Irrawaddy. "This incident might damage our trust-building process. It makes the RCSS members and the public doubt the peace process." Since agreeing to a ceasefire in late 2011, the RCSS's army and government troops have clashed more than 100 times. However, the RCSS has opened six liaison offices in Shan State. The liaison offices offer local residents a platform to share their concerns about farmland issues, drug eradication and other difficulties. In a separate incident, earlier this week a local party member of the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) was detained by government soldiers for questioning in Kengtung after allegedly communicating with the RCSS, which is still considered an illegal association due to its decades of armed struggle against the government. Additional reporting by Kyaw Kha. The post Burma Soldiers Allegedly Raid Shan Rebel Office appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Police Fire Teargas at Protesters Bent on Toppling ‘Thaksin Regime’ Posted: 09 May 2014 04:27 AM PDT Police fired teargas and water cannon at anti-government protesters at a police compound housing a government security group in the north of Bangkok May 9, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thai police fired teargas on Friday at royalist protesters bent on bringing down a caretaker government after a court threw Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra out of office and an anti-graft agency indicted her for negligence. Yingluck’s Puea Thai Party still runs the interim government and is hoping to organize a July 20 election that it would probably win, but the protesters want the government out, the election postponed and reforms to end the influence of Yingluck’s brother, former premier Thaksin Shinawatra. Protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban, speaking to supporters in a city park, urged them to rally outside parliament, the prime minister’s offices and five television stations to prevent them being used by the government. "We will sweep the debris of the Thaksin regime out of the country," said Suthep, a former deputy premier in a government run by the pro-establishment Democrat party. Thaksin, a former telecommunications tycoon, is vilified by his enemies in the royalist establishment as a corrupt crony capitalist. But he won the unswerving loyalty of legions of rural and urban poor with populist polices when he was prime minister from 2001 until he was ousted in a 2006 coup. He lives in exile to avoid a 2008 jail sentence for abuse of power but has been the guiding hand behind his sister’s government. By mid-morning, Suthep had led one group of flag-waving protesters to Government House, the official offices of the prime minister but which have been empty since January. He said protesters would camp outside overnight. Trouble flared at another protest site when police fired teargas at a crowd of several hundred trying force their way into a police compound housing a government security group in the north of Bangkok. The Erawan Medical Centre, which monitors hospitals, said four protesters were taken to hospital after inhaling teargas. "That puppet Yingluck is gone but our work is not over," Pornprasert Chernalom, 39, who owns a small business in Samut Sakhon province, west of Bangkok, said earlier. "The illegitimate Thaksin cabinet remains in power. Our next step is to give power back to the people." Some protesters held pictures of Thaksin and Yingluck with their faces crossed out. Others held banners that read: "Love Thailand, eradicate the Thaksin regime". Tens of thousands of the Shinawatras’ "red shirt" supporters, angered by Yingluck’s ouster, are also on their way to Bangkok for a rally on Saturday. They are clinging to the hope that the interim government will win the July election and bring the Shinawatras’ party back to power. Economic Impact The prospect of rival protesters in the capital over the weekend has raised fears of trouble. Both sides have armed activists in their ranks. Twenty-five people have been killed since the anti-government protests began in November. About 21,000 police and troops have been deployed in the capital, authorities said, but there was little security presence on the streets on Friday. More trouble would deepen worry about Southeast Asia’s second-largest economy which is already teetering on the brink of recession amid weak exports, a year-long slump in industrial output and a drop in tourism, presided over by a caretaker government with curtailed powers. Consumer confidence fell to its lowest level in more than 12 years in April. The anti-graft agency indicted Yingluck for negligence on Thursday – a day after the Constitutional Court threw her out of office – in connection with a rice-subsidy scheme under which the state paid farmers way above market prices for their crops. The scheme, a flagship policy of Yingluck’s administration, was aimed at helping her rural supporters. But the government could not sell much of the rice it quickly stockpiled and was unable to pay many farmers. If Yingluck is found guilty by the Senate, she could be banned from politics for five years. Several other members of the family and about 150 of Thaksin’s other political allies have been banned for five-year terms since 2007. Yingluck dissolved parliament in December and called a snap election but the main opposition party boycotted it and anti-government activists disrupted it so much it was declared void. Yingluck and the Election Commission agreed last week a new ballot should be held on July 20, but the date has not been formally approved. Thaksin or his loyalists have won every election since 2001. The anti-government protesters say Thaksin buys elections. They want to change the electoral rules before new polls to try to stop his party winning again. The post Thai Police Fire Teargas at Protesters Bent on Toppling 'Thaksin Regime' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Putting Compassion Into Action Posted: 09 May 2014 03:35 AM PDT A patient is comforted by Sitagu Sayadaw in a clinic in the Irrawaddy delta. MAE SOT, Thailand — In the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis—which struck six years ago on May 2, 2008—the Burmese junta blocked international aid to victims of the disaster. In this piece, originally published by The Irrawaddy in July 2008, a prominent Buddhist monk urged the Burmese people to help millions of victims who were continuing to struggle in the Irrawaddy delta. "How did you feel when you heard that people were homeless, that monks had lost their monasteries and had nowhere to stay? Over 130,000 people were killed and 2.4 million suffered badly. How did you feel?" The monk who asked these questions paused and looked at his audience of around 3,000 people at the Tawya Burmese monastery in the Thai border town of Mae Sot, opposite Myawaddy. He continued: "If you felt concerned and afraid for them, that's good. It means you have compassion." But before anyone could take too much satisfaction in that thought, he added: "That's good, but it's not good enough." The speaker was Dr. Ashin Nyanissara—better known as Sitagu Sayadaw [abbot]—one of Burma's most respected monks. He was in Mae Sot in late June to give a dhamma talk on compassion—and to ask the local Burmese community, estimated to be tens of thousands strong, to support relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta, where millions still struggle in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. Since the cyclone struck on May 2-3, Sitagu Sayadaw has been rallying his followers to come to the assistance of their compatriots in the delta and the former capital, Rangoon, which also suffered substantial damage. His message was simple: Compassion is important, but it doesn't amount to much unless it is accompanied by action. "If you lack compassion, you will be an irresponsible person," the 71-year-old abbot told his attentive audience, who were seated both inside the monastery's main building and outside on the ground. "But compassion in mind and in words alone won't help the refugees in the cyclone-affected area," he added. "Such compassion won't bring food to people in need." Back in Burma, he has been busy practicing what he preaches. Soon after the cyclone hit, the Sitagu International Buddhist Missionary Center, founded by the abbot in 1980, began transporting relief supplies to affected towns and villages in the Irrawaddy delta by road and on boats. "We visited villages from Bogalay to Amar. Then we crossed the river to Ka Don Ka Ni," he said during an interview, pointing to a map of the area in a back issue of The Irrawaddy. "After that we went back to Bogalay, visiting villages on the other side of the river." What he witnessed in the disaster area affected him profoundly and moved him to take further action. "When I saw my own people and monks suffering terribly, I felt like my heart was being stabbed by hundreds of needles," he said. Less than a week after the disaster, the Sitagu International Buddhist Missionary Center established emergency relief centers and clinics in Ka Don Ka Ni, Amar, Set San and Kunthi Chaung, which were among the worst-hit villages in the delta. Over the following month, it also donated aid to 1,344 monasteries in the region. Each monastery received metal sheets for repairing roofs and between 100,000 and 1 million kyat (US $85-850) in cash, according to a detailed list of expenditures compiled by the missionary center. The center also donated cash and various necessities, including food, medicine, clothing, mosquito nets and cooking utensils, to refugees in 900 villages in six townships. More than 300 trucks were used to distribute the supplies. With funds supplied by domestic and international donors, the center also provided $150,000 in cash and medical equipment—from operation beds to ultrasound and ECG machines—to three government hospitals. One local NGO worker returning from Bogalay attested to the help that refugees had received from Sitagu Sayadaw and to their respect for the abbot. He also contrasted the commitment of the missionary monks with the contribution of others who have taken part in the relief effort. "Volunteers can rarely be seen two months after the cyclone," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity. "The only force left is the monks." Although the authorities have forced many refugees to leave the monasteries that provided them with food and shelter in the weeks after the cyclone, the monks have continued to play a major role in distributing aid. Unlike other volunteers, who are often barred from entering the disaster zone, monks, especially respected ones like Sitagu Sayadaw, are still free to travel to the area to carry out relief work. A number of other prominent monks, including Mizzima Gon Yi Sayadaw and Dhamma Sedi Sayadaw from Mandalay Division and Shwe Nyawa Sayadaw from Rangoon, have also been active in aiding cyclone refugees. They have not only received donations, but have also delivered aid directly to those most in need. A senior monk from Shwe Nyawa Monastery said that a group of monks, physicians and volunteers from his monastery has been traveling around Laputta Township in a two-tiered ship outfitted with medical equipment and supplies. Their mission, he said, is to assist sick and injured cyclone victims and perform religious rites for the deceased. Private donors have given generously to these projects, which have reached many refugees who have yet to receive any aid from the government or international relief agencies. Indeed, many people prefer to make their donations through monasteries, which command greater trust and respect than official institutions. This has been especially true since September 2007, when monks led protests against the ruling regime on behalf of ordinary people suffering from deepening economic hardship. Despite the growing willingness of people to contribute to social projects, Sitagu Sayadaw said that most Burmese still lack an adequate understanding of the meaning of compassion. As the abbot explained in an interview with The Irrawaddy, most Burmese are more interested in religious merit than social merit. This, he said, reflected the beliefs of Theravada Buddhism, which traditionally emphasizes the importance of meditation as a means of acquiring merit. Mahayana Buddhism, on the other hand, focuses on serving others as a part of spiritual practice, he said. "Meditating in a room with the doors shut won't help the [cyclone] victims suffering over there. But most Burmese who traditionally believe in Theravada don't appreciate the need for compassionate action," he said. "That is why I am talking about it to people every day. It is essential to make social merit stronger." Sitagu Sayadaw said that the government was not alone in responding too slowly to the suffering caused by the cyclone: The whole country failed to put its compassion into action. "We can't blame the government alone," he said. This assessment may seem surprising given the role of volunteers and private donors in the relief effort. But these people represented only a small fraction of the country's population, the abbot said, adding that the country's people failed to mobilize on the scale that the disaster required. Although Burmese privately profess the need for compassion, the society as a whole has never evolved a mechanism to prevent unnecessary suffering, he said. "When we talk about underdeveloped countries, we mean that they are underdeveloped materially, spiritually and intellectually," the abbot said. "Such countries suffer a lot when disasters strike. In fact, our whole country and its whole system are underdeveloped." The key to developing the country, he said, is to build what he called a "compassionate common platform." To do this, each person must learn to think beyond narrow self-interest and recognize that the needs of others are equally important. "Look at the word 'success.' If you take out 'u' [you], there can be no 'success,'" he explained. "But most Burmese think, 'I can do everything myself. I don't need you.'" This is true both in the lives of individuals and in the histories of nations, he said. "The suffering in Burma, the killing in Iraq and Afghanistan, the killing fields in Cambodia—all of these have come from selfishness. All man-made disasters are driven by that selfishness. "People need to think about what others need and what they can do for them. Only then can they work together for the common good." The abbot criticized his fellow Burmese for their lack of teamwork, which he said showed they could not see beyond their own needs. "Teamwork is not traditionally valued in Burma. This is why the country is always facing collapse," he said. "Burmese people worship heroes," he said, pointing to the country's historical reliance on charismatic figures as sources of national unity. "When King Anawrahta (1044-77) was gone, his empire collapsed. After King Alaungpaya (1760-64) died, the same thing happened again," he said, noting example after example of the same pattern in Burmese history. The democratic opposition is also in danger of falling victim to this trap, he added. "Look at the National League for Democracy. Without Aung San Suu Kyi, it could just disappear." Instead of leading the country toward democracy, the leaders of the movement have succumbed to the Burmese propensity to go their own way rather than compromise, he said. "The pro-democracy movement has disintegrated into thousands of small groups since 1988, because pro-democracy groups have not been able to find a common ground. That is one of the fundamental reasons we Burmese are suffering today." By teaching people to see the bigger picture, religious leaders can repair some of the damage done by the blind pursuit of self-interest. But they can only achieve this if they reach out from their churches, temples and mosques to work together for the sake of the people, the monk said. In Burma, a further obstacle to this vision of a social movement guided by religious principles is the ruling regime's distrust of any form of organized activism. But Sitagu Sayadaw remained cautiously hopeful. "If the government understands that religious leaders are working for the welfare of the country, it will allow them to work together. But if they think those religious groups will attack or criticize the government, it will not. "And then we will never have harmony," he said. Aung Thet Wine and Kyi Wai contributed to this article from Rangoon. The post Putting Compassion Into Action appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

KNU and 88 Generation to Collaborate on Burma Charter Reform, Peace Efforts Posted: 08 May 2014 11:11 PM PDT Zipporah Sein, the Karen National Union's vice chairwoman, speaks to leaders of the former students group 88 Generation Peace and Open Society in Rangoon on Wednesday. (Photo: 88 Generation Peace and Open Society / Facebook) RANGOON — The 88 Generation former students' group and the Karen National Union (KNU) have agreed to cooperate in pushing for reform of Burma's 2008 Constitution, while also working toward an end to civil conflict in the country, a leader of the rebel group said. Zipporah Sein, the KNU's vice chairwoman, led a delegation from the group—the political wing of the Karen National Liberation Army—that met with the former students, now known as 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, in Rangoon on Wednesday. "The Constitution plays an important role in the whole country's reformation. It is a fact that we have to cooperate. As the Constitution is not a law that we want, it should be amended." Zipporah Sein said. She said 88 Generation leaders and the KNU would also work together, along with civil society organizations (CSO), to make sure efforts to secure peace in Burma are successful. 88 Generation leaders have also agreed to collaborate with the opposition National League for Democracy, and a series of rallies is being held around the country as part of a joint campaign to remove the armed forces' effective veto over constitutional amendments. Leader of the former students' group Min Ko Naing said reforming the military-drafted Constitution and the peace process were the two most important issues in Burma. "The main crisis happening in our country is the constitutional crisis and the peace issue. All agree that the Constitution needs to be reformed. We all agree that the peace issues, country development issues and democracy issues cannot be worked out with the 2008 Constitution," he said. Susanna Hla Hla Soe, director of the Karen Women's Action Group, said that Zipporah Sein spoke with members of the Karen community in Rangoon about the ongoing talks toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement. "In her meeting with the Karen community, she explained about the current peace process to the Karen public. The community responded that they want an authentic and genuine ceasefire agreement. They pointed out what is happening in Kachin right now after 17 years of ceasefire," she said. The Kachin Independence Army's ceasefire with Burma Army broke down in 2011, and clashes have occurred in Kachin State and northern Shan State in recent weeks. "Some also reminded [Zipporah Sein] that the KNU should not get involved in business activities because they might not be able to concentrate on politics. And they want unity between Karen armies," she added. After departing from KNU territory on the Thai-Burma border on April 30, Zipporah Sein met with Karen communities in Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State. In Rangoon and Pathein, Irrawaddy Division, she also met with local Karen to discuss unity among the ethnic group, to prepare for a conference in 2015 that will include Karen political parties, armed groups and community-based organizations. During her current trip, Zipporah Sein will also meet with the Karen community in Pegu Division's Kyauk Gyi town after May 10. She has met with President's Office Minister Aung Min, the government's chief peace negotiator, Shan Nationalities Democratic Party leader Khun Htun Oo and plans to meet with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The post KNU and 88 Generation to Collaborate on Burma Charter Reform, Peace Efforts appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Families of South Korea Ferry Dead March on Presidential Palace Posted: 08 May 2014 10:43 PM PDT A mourner cries next to yellow ribbons dedicated to missing and dead passengers of sunken passenger ship Sewol, after paying tribute at the official memorial altar in Ansan May 2, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) SEOUL/INCHEON, South Korea — Parents of children killed when a passenger ferry sank last month led a somber march on South Korea's presidential palace in the early hours of Friday morning, where they demanded to meet with President Park Geun-hye. Clutching memorial portraits of their children, family members and grieving parents were prevented by riot police from nearing the palace, and instead sat in the middle of the road where they sobbed, wailed and shouted in anger. "Listen to us, President Park. Just give us 10 seconds!" one family member said, using a portable address system. "Why are you blocking the way?" said another. "President Park, hear our voices!" Seated on the ground in the middle of the night, they wore beige blankets and huddled in rows on the cold floor. One mother, overcome with grief, quietly sobbed as she stroked a portrait of her dead son. Park's government has faced continued criticism for its handling of the disaster from the families of the ferry victims, many of whom believe a faster initial response could have saved many more lives. South Korean prosecutors are seeking the arrest of members of the family that owns the ferry operator, and may also seek the extradition of a son of the reclusive head of the family from the United States, an official said on Thursday. The Sewol, overloaded and travelling too fast on a turn, capsized and sank about 20 km (12 miles) off the southwest coast on a routine journey from Incheon on the mainland to the southern holiday island of Jeju, killing hundreds of children and teachers on a high school outing. Only 172 people have been rescued and the remainder are all presumed to have drowned. An estimated 476 passengers and crew were on board. However, some of the crew, including the captain were caught on videotape abandoning ship while the children were told numerous times to stay put in their cabins where they awaited further orders. They paid for their obedience with their lives. Heartbreaking new video released by families on the march showed students laughing as they tried, and failed, to scramble up a vertical floor. Earlier footage recovered from the students' mobile phones shows them playing around as the ship started listing, even joking about the sinking of the Titanic, when they had plenty of time to jump overboard. Only two of the vessel's 46 lifeboats were deployed. Investigation Broadens The prosecutors' pursuit of a son and a daughter of Yoo Byung-un, the head of the family that owns Chonghaejin Marine, the ferry operator, broadens the criminal investigation into the tragedy. The government has also started the process of stripping the company of its license to operate ferries. It was not clear whether Yoo Byung-un, who ran the defunct commercial empire that was the precursor to the sprawling business interests that include Chonghaejin, might be called in for questioning. Yoo's son Hyuck-ki, who is believed to be in the United States, has failed three times to respond to a prosecution summons, an official said. Other aides to Yoo are also believed to be abroad and have ignored summonses. "Since it is an important issue that has drawn public attention, we will do our best [to ensure] their attendance and forcible extradition," said Kim Hoe-jong, second deputy chief prosecutor at Incheon District Prosecution Service. Prosecutors arrested several officials of the ferry operator and its affiliates, including Chonghaejin's chief executive, on charges of negligence causing death and the sinking of a vessel on Thursday. All 15 of the surviving crew members, including the 69-year-old captain, have been arrested and face charges of gross negligence amid accusations they abandoned the vessel without performing emergency escape procedures. Yoo's sons, Yoo Hyuck-ki and Yoo Dae-kyun, are majority owners of Chonghaejin Marine through an investment vehicle. The prosecution is working with the US' Federal Bureau of Investigation and Department of Homeland Security for possible extradition of Yoo Hyuck-ki, the prosecutor said. Prosecutors have also raided the shipping company's offices and financial regulators are investigating borrowings of the company and of businesses that are part of a wider holding firm. Son Byoung-gi, a lawyer who has spoken for the family previously, did not immediately comment. South Korea, Asia's fourth-largest economy and one of its leading manufacturing and export powerhouses, has developed into one of the world's most technically advanced countries, but faces criticism that regulatory controls have not kept pace. Nearly 450,000 people have paid tribute to the victims at the altar set up near the school many of the children attended. The post Families of South Korea Ferry Dead March on Presidential Palace appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China’s Oil Rig Move Leaves Vietnam, Others Looking Vulnerable Posted: 08 May 2014 10:37 PM PDT Security personnel stand next to snowmen at the entrance of China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) office tower in Beijing, March 20, 2013. CNOOC operates the controversial oil rig near the Vietnamese coast. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG — China’s decision to park its biggest mobile oil rig 120 miles off the Vietnamese coast has exposed how vulnerable Hanoi, and other littoral states of the South China Sea, are to moves by the region’s dominant power to assert its territorial claims. The Communist neighbors are at loggerheads over the drilling rig in contested waters, each accusing the other of ramming its ships in the area in the worst setback for Sino-Vietnamese ties in years. While Hanoi’s dispute with Beijing over the Spratly Islands, for example, involves fellow claimants the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei, it is only Vietnam that contests China’s expanding occupation of the Paracels. For years now Hanoi has tried to open talks with Beijing over China’s moves on the islands, insisting that they are Vietnamese territory. While the countries have put aside historic suspicions in recent years to demarcate their land border and the Gulf of Tonkin, negotiations stop dead at the Paracels further south. Whenever the Vietnamese raise the issue, the Chinese say there is nothing to discuss because the Paracels are under Chinese occupation and sovereignty and not in dispute, according to diplomats close to regular Sino-Vietnamese negotiations. And although officials on both sides now say they want talks over the intensifying stand-off at sea, where dozens of rival patrol ships flank the rig, the Chinese are determined to keep the question of sovereignty off the table. Wu Shicun, president of the National Institute for South China Sea Studies, a Chinese government think-tank, said Beijing was not about to back down over what it calls the Xisha islands. "I think China will keep moving ahead with its plan (in Xisha), no matter what Vietnam says and does," Wu told Reuters. Chinese oil industry sources say hydrocarbon reserves under the rig’s current location remain unproven, and point to political, rather than commercial, interests driving its placement on May 2 by China’s state-run oil company CNOOC. Much of the South China Sea is considered potentially rich in oil and gas, but it remains largely unexplored. 'Worst Fears Realised' Hanoi strategists have been closely watching the construction and initial deployments of the rig, HD-981, over the last two years. "It’s been one of our worst fears that it would eventually be used against us," said one Vietnamese diplomat. "But the timing has caught us by surprise." Vietnamese diplomats say they will be pushing for support when regional leaders gather in Myanmar for a weekend summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). But analysts say there is no guarantee of long-term regional or international support for Vietnam, even as the U.S. slams China’s "provocative" act and urges Sino-Vietnamese negotiations on sovereignty. Vietnam has a range of budding military relationships, including with the United States, but it has rejected formal alliances, unlike Japan and the Philippines, long-time Washington allies locked in their own worsening territorial disputes with China. "China does seem to have moved at the point of maximum vulnerability for Vietnam," said Carl Thayer, an expert on the South China Sea at the Australian Defence Force Academy. "There is a risk some other countries will simply say it is not their problem," he said. "The Paracels (are) not the Spratlys." Ian Storey, a Singapore-based regional security analyst, said he did not believe Vietnam was in any mood to back down either, despite the pressures of facing its historic foe. "We can anticipate several more months of high tensions, which I believe could lead to the most serious crisis in Sino-Vietnamese relations since the 1979 border war," said Storey, of Singapore’s Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Legal Tangles Storey added that there was no easy path for negotiations to sort out overlapping exclusive economic zones (EEZs), as China and Vietnam have done in the Gulf of Tonkin – one theoretical way out of the current crisis. "It is a quite a legal knot." Vietnam formally protested over China’s placement of the rig, saying it was 120 nautical miles from its coast and within its EEZ under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. The convention gives countries the right to fish and tap oil and gas resources within such a zone, which must remain otherwise open to international shipping, including warships. China’s Foreign Ministry spokesman responded by saying that the rig was "completely within the waters of China’s Paracel Islands", while Chinese analysts noted it was within 17 miles of the southwestern Paracel island of Triton. International legal experts said the problem of overlapping zones was just one of many legal complications in the Paracels saga, reflecting a tangled Cold War history. Whatever strengths either China or Vietnam bring to their claims, each has flaws too, some dating back to China’s occupation of the islands in 1974, according to international lawyers. Vietnamese officials have recently sought advice from international legal scholars about joining a United Nations arbitration case brought by the Philippines against China’s claims in the South China Sea. But Vietnamese strategists have yet to show full trust in the international legal system, and have expanded Hanoi’s military strength in recent years, including purchasing state-of-the-art warships and Kilo-class submarines from long-time patron Russia. The goal, military officials have said, is not to try to compete with China’s military, but to deter Beijing from using force. They say they will not fire first, but are prepared to fire back. Tran Cong Truc, a former head of Vietnam’s border committee, said Vietnam was a "peace-loving country, but don’t wake the dragon". The post China’s Oil Rig Move Leaves Vietnam, Others Looking Vulnerable appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Graft Agency Rules Against Ex-PM as ‘Red Shirts’ Head for Bangkok Posted: 08 May 2014 10:33 PM PDT Thailand’s Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra greets her supporters as she leaves the Permanent Secretary of Defense office in Bangkok May 7, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thailand’s anti-graft agency indicted former Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra for negligence on Thursday, a ruling that came a day after a court threw her out of office and could kill off any hopes she has of staging an electoral comeback. Thousands of her loyalists were converging on the capital as the National Anti-Corruption Commission’s announced its decision to press ahead with charges related to a financially ruinous state rice-buying scheme. The blows delivered on successive days by the commission and Thailand’s Constitutional Court are the latest twists in a struggle for power between Thailand’s royalist establishment and Yingluck’s brother, ousted former premier Thaksin Shinawatra. "The committee has investigated and there is enough evidence to make a case … We will now forward it to the Senate," the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) president, Panthep Klanarongran, told reporters. If found guilty by the Senate, Yingluck could be banned from politics for five years. Several other members of the family and about 150 of Thaksin’s other political allies have been banned for five-year terms since 2007. Yingluck’s removal from office by the Constitutional Court on Wednesday for abuse of power followed months of sometimes deadly protests in Bangkok aimed at toppling her government and ending elder brother Thaksin’s influence. Thaksin, a billionaire former telecommunications tycoon who has won the unswerving loyalty of legions of Thailand’s rural and urban poor, lives in exile to avoid a 2008 jail sentence for abuse of power, but he looms over politics. The Constitutional Court, which removed two previous pro-Thaksin prime ministers in 2008, ruled that Yingluck and nine of her cabinet ministers had abused power in 2011 over the transfer of a security agency chief. However, the court left the Shinawatras’ ruling party in charge of a caretaker administration intent on organizing a July 20 general election, which Yingluck’s party would likely win. Rice Scheme The rice subsidy scheme that is the focus of the anti-corruption commission case was a flagship policy of Yingluck’s administration, aimed at helping her rural supporters, under which the state paid farmers way above market prices for their crops. But the government could not sell much of the rice it quickly stockpiled and was unable to pay many farmers. "The scheme incurred huge losses and had weaknesses and risks at every level from the registration of farmers to the sale of the rice," Commissioner Vicha Mahakun told reporters. Activists from both the pro- and anti-government sides are planning big rallies in Bangkok in the coming days, raising fears of clashes. Twenty-five people have been killed since the protests began in November. "This is the first time both sides will protest near each other and each have hardcore elements, which is extremely worrying," said political analyst Kan Yuenyong at the Siam Intelligence Unit think tank. Grenade attacks and sporadic gun battles have become increasingly frequent as the crisis has dragged on. There were four grenade or small bomb blasts in Bangkok on Wednesday night, including one at the home of a Constitutional Court judge. No injuries were reported, police said. Message to Elite The military, which has a long history of intervening in politics, has said it will try to stay out this time but would step in if violence worsened. Army spokesman Winthai Suvaree said there were no plans to increase troop numbers in Bangkok. One undercurrent of the crisis is deep anxiety over the issue of royal succession. King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the world’s longest-reigning monarch, is 86 years old and spent the years from 2009 to 2013 in hospital. Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn does not command the same devotion as his father. Pro-government "red shirt" supporters of the Shinawatras accuse the royalist establishment of "conspiring to overthrow elected governments" at a time when the traditional order in Thailand is waning. "I would like to send a message … from the red shirt people of the land to the elite that the person … we are fighting is Prem Tinsulanonda," red shirt leader Jatuporn Prompan said in a blunt televised statement on Thursday. Prem is a retired general and former prime minister and head of the king’s Privy Council, an appointed body that advises the monarch. Thaksin loyalists accused Prem of masterminding the 2006 coup that overthrew Thaksin. Prem denied that. Phuttiphong Khamhaengphon, a red shirt leader in the northeastern city of Khon Kaen, said as many as 100,000 people would head to Bangkok by bus and pick-up truck from the region, to join a rally on Saturday. Supporters of the Shinawatras in their hometown of Chiang Mai in the north also said 100,000 people were heading to Bangkok for the rally. The anti-government side has vowed to launch a "final push" to rid the country of Thaksin’s influence on Friday. More turmoil could further undermine Southeast Asia’s second-largest economy, already teetering on the brink of recession amid weak exports, a year-long slump in industrial output and a drop in tourism, presided over by a caretaker government with curtailed powers. Consumer confidence fell to its lowest level in more than 12 years in April as the crisis took its toll. Yingluck dissolved parliament in December and called a snap election but the main opposition party boycotted it and anti-government activists disrupted it so much it was declared void. Yingluck and the Election Commission agreed last week a new ballot should be held on July 20, but the date has not been formally approved and it is bound to be opposed by the anti-government protesters. Thaksin or his loyalists have won every election since 2001. The anti-government protesters say Thaksin buys elections and, to end his hold over politics, they say reform of the electoral system has to be implemented before new polls. The post Thai Graft Agency Rules Against Ex-PM as 'Red Shirts' Head for Bangkok appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy Magazine To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610