The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Burma Election Commission Begins Compiling Voter Lists
• Assessment Underway on Proposed Thilawa Second Phase
• State Parliament Approves General as Arakan Chief Minister
• Unity Journal Closes Rangoon Office
• Union Parliament Passed NGO Law
• Burmese Director Wins Prizes at European Film Festivals
• In Karenni State, a Monastery Fit for a Prince
• Suu Kyi Races to Change Constitution before 2015 Elections
• Thailand Revokes Passports of 2 Anti-coup Leaders
• Japan Poised to Ease Constitution’s Limits on Military in Landmark Shift
• A Broader Vision of Education for Burma

Burma Election Commission Begins Compiling Voter Lists Posted: 01 Jul 2014 05:24 AM PDT A man looks at election material posted outside a polling station in central Rangoon during the 2010 general elections which were widely condemned for vote-rigging. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) is taking steps to compile voter lists that will determine who is eligible to cast a ballot in the 2015 elections. Before creating a national list, the UEC is making lists of eligible voters in three townships in Rangoon Division, Kachin State and Chin State, as part of a pilot project that will end in August. The three townships were selected for their diversity, according to Thaung Hlaing, director of the UEC. While the first township, Rangoon's Ahlone Township, is highly populated, the second, Tiddim Township in Chin State, is remote. The third township, Myitkyina in Kachin State, is home to people who were displaced by fighting between the military and an ethnic armed group. "By doing the compilation ahead in these three townships with different situations, we can find out how to manage well in the nationwide compilation," Thaung Hlaing told The Irrawaddy. Twenty-five civil society groups are assisting with the compilations, including voter education and monitoring groups. District and township election commissions are also involved, along with ward administrations and the Ministry of Immigration and Population's National Registration Department. Thaung Hlaing said the voter lists would include any citizen at least 18 years of age whose name appears on ward-level population lists and household registration lists. He said members of the public could file an appeal if they believed they had been wrongfully excluded. "We will computerize the voters' information this year so the same person cannot be include twice on the list and it will be easier to find data," he added. "Later we will upload the information on a website and anyone can download the list of voters in each constituency." Nationwide compilation will likely start early next year, he said. "I am not sure how we will manage to compile voter lists in regions controlled by armed groups," he added, referring to ethnic armed groups that control vast territories across the country. "We have the election commission offices in states—at the district and township levels—but according to the election law, if a state is not at peace, if there is not security, or if there is an environmental disaster, the election will not be held there." Voter education and training will be offered to members of the public, including activists and leaders of civil society groups, to ensure that everyone understands how to file an appeal if their name does not appear on the list, according to Than Htay, director of The Serenity Initiative, a civil society group that is assisting with the pilot project. "When we distribute pamphlets in Tiddim Township in Chin State and Myitkyina in Kachin State, we will use their native languages," he told The Irrawaddy. "Inclusion on the list of voters is the most important for an election. If a person is not included, he or she cannot vote and unfair things can happen." The post Burma Election Commission Begins Compiling Voter Lists appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Assessment Underway on Proposed Thilawa Second Phase Posted: 01 Jul 2014 04:51 AM PDT Two environmental consultancies held a stakeholder meeting to discuss the second phase of the Thilawa SEZ project in Rangoon on Monday. (Photo: Yen Snaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Two companies have been hired to conduct an environmental assessment on the second phase of the Thilawa special economic zone located southeast of Rangoon, after the first stage of the project was beset by complaints about its social and environmental impacts. The Japanese firm Environmental Resources Management Japan, together with Burmese company EGuard Environmental Services, held their first stakeholder meeting on a planned Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) with villagers living in the 2,000-hectare plot designated for development. More than 100 people attended the meeting on Monday at the Thilawa SEZ's department of human settlement and housing development office in Rangoon Division's Thanlyin Township. "This is one of the stakeholder meetings that we are holding for the SEA, and from now on, in the next months, we will be conducting EIA [Environmental] Impact Assessments, so scoping stakeholder meetings," Kyle DuPont, a consultant from Environmental Resources Management Japan told The Irrawaddy after the meeting. "We definitely want everybody's input there. I think monitoring us through those stakeholders meeting will be a very important part of reassuring people of our work and of course, we have to publish the documents in a public manner. "The EIA is the forum for where the villagers need to really express their opinions, and we are probably going to have several of these scoping meetings," DuPont added. "I know it's very difficult to have a big group like this and very difficult to have your voice heard. So in the EIA process, not the SEA, we are planning to have smaller individual meetings around the individual villages themselves instead of having a big group meeting like this." Aye Thiha, managing director from EGuard Environmental Services, said the two consultancies hoped to finish the study by the end of the year. Despite the companies' assurances, local residents turned out on Monday to express concern about potential impacts of the 4,000 hectare, "Class B" development. Work on the Class A zone is ongoing, with that initial phase of the project covering 400 hectares. "We, the country folk, use the well, reservoir and ponds for drinking water. Due to waste from factories, our water resources could be affected and our health could be harmed. So, we want to know if there is any plan if our health is affected," said Aye Htay, a member of the Thilawa Social Development Group, which has fought for the rights of residents in the affected area. "Though we have heard lots of talk about natural preservation lately in Myanmar, can we really maintain it? Because we are really worried about the 2,000 hectares. We want to know if the talk will match up to practical implementation," Aye Htay said at the meeting. He added that Thilawa residents expected the project to comply with international standards—standards that many villagers displaced by the 400-hectare first phase of the project say were not met. An EIA was also conducted on the first phase of the Thilawa development. That assessment found that out of 28 social and environmental factors assessed, the vast majority of impacts due to the project would be negative or required further study. Despite the fact that only seven factors evaluated were considered to have a neutral or positive impact on the affected area, the project went ahead as planned. Aye Thiha of EGuard Environmental Services sought to assure Thilawa residents—some 4,500 of whom are expected to be displaced by the phase two development—that the evaluation was being carried out thoroughly. "We have taken water samples from groundwater, wells, ponds and streams," he said. "On our Thilawa SEZ Management Committee, we have academics to study the environment. If needed, we will also be hiring international consultants," said Than Than Thwe, joint secretary of the Thilawa SEZ Management Committee. "We will always monitor the environmental management plans at each of the factories. Later, we will see [construction of] a water purifying plant and wastewater filtration plant. Then, it will be discharged into the stream." Mya Hlaing, a member of the Thilawa Social Development Group, said they would welcome environmental assessments and monitoring throughout the project's implementation. The two companies together will be drawing up an Environmental Management Plan to assess impacts resulting from daily industrial activities in the SEZ, and measures that can be taken to mitigate negative effects. Each factory operating in the zone will be required to submit EMP reports on a monthly or quarterly basis to a yet-to-be-determined monitoring body, Aye Thiha said. Kyaw Myint, a resident of Rangoon who said he has taken a personal interest in the Thilawa project, told the audience that it would be important that equal, comprehendible and unfiltered information was made available to all parties once the environmental assessments were completed. "Will we get a revised edition of the report after the government has screened it? Will we get it explained to us in terms we ordinary citizen can understand?" he asked. "I will not be trading my reputation just to make money," Aye Thiha said. "We will be choosing 'option zero' in cases where we find that the project should not proceed. We will just suggest that it should not continue. Whether they [the Thilawa SEZ Management Committee] proceed or not is their call. "Once our draft report is done, we will accept public input for three months," Aye Thiha explained. We will finalize it after we get feedback from the public. Then, it will be submitted to the Environmental Conservation Department for approval." Since work began late last year on the first phase of the project, local resident displaced by the SEZ have lodged numerous complaints, ranging from inadequate compensation for seized land to contaminated water at relocation sites. Sixty-eight families were displaced by the first phase. The post Assessment Underway on Proposed Thilawa Second Phase appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

State Parliament Approves General as Arakan Chief Minister Posted: 01 Jul 2014 12:24 AM PDT Gen. Maung Maung Ohn attends the opening ceremony of a high school in Myawaddy, Karen State, as deputy minister for border affairs in 2013. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Arakan State parliament announced on Monday that Gen. Maung Maung Ohn has been confirmed as the state's chief minister, against the objection of some Arakanese lawmakers and community leaders who had urged the central government in Naypyidaw to appoint one of their ethnic Arakanese brethren to the post. Saw Nyein, a state parliamentarian, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that "there was no one who proposed letters in parliament against him becoming chief minister" during the opening day of the latest parliamentary session on Monday. "Therefore, the chairman of parliament announced that he has become the chief minister, in accordance with the Constitution." Maung Maung Ohn was nominated by President Thein Sein last month following the former chief minister Hla Maung Tin's resignation on June 20. Arakan State leaders had asked the president to select an elected official, preferably one belonging to the state's majority ethnic Arakanese population. Lawmakers in the state parliament were given a June 27 deadline to submit any formal objection that they might have to Maung Maung Ohn's appointment as the region's chief minister. Saw Nyein said there were lawmakers who had expressed displeasure at Maung Maung Ohn's nomination, but no formal letters of objection were put forward. Despite his appointment as chief minister, Maung Maung Ohn appeared in the state parliament on Monday in full military uniform, and Arakan National Party state lawmaker Aung Mrya Kyaw told The Irrawaddy that general was not required to resign from military service in order to assume the post. "It is important that Gen. Maung Maung Ohn manages and protects the homes and property belonging to the ethnic Arakanese in the region, [as is] how he will resolve conflict in the region and how he will enforce the rule of law in order to prevent more conflict," said Saw Nyein, who also belongs to the the ANP. "Our region has many conflicts. Gen. Maung Maung Ohn should listen to our ethnic voices. If not, he will not be able to solve conflicts on the ground," he added. Religious strife in Arakan State between the Buddhist majority and minority Muslims has plagued the region since 2012. About 140,000 Rohingya were displaced that year and now live in crowded camps to which they are confined by state authorities. About 89,000 Rohingya are estimated to have fled by boats last year in a desperate attempt to reach Malaysia as conditions in Arakan State have deteriorated. The post State Parliament Approves General as Arakan Chief Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Unity Journal Closes Rangoon Office Posted: 30 Jun 2014 11:15 PM PDT A girl selling weekly journals waits for customers in Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters) MANDALAY — Unity journal has closed its office in Rangoon due to financial problems, as its chief executive and four other journalists continue to face charges after reporting on an alleged chemical weapons factory. "Since I was detained, my families and friends have struggled to run the journal. The management and finances simply became weak, so the producer decided to suspend it until I'm out from these miseries," the chief executive, Tint San, told The Irrawaddy on Monday. He and four other journalists have been jailed in Magwe Division since early February after Unity published an article about an alleged chemical weapons factory in Pauk Township. The article included photographs and claimed the factory had been built under the former military regime on more than 3,000 acres of land confiscated from farmers. The journalists were charged with violating the Official Secrets Act and trespassing in a restricted area. If convicted of the former charge, they could face 14 years in prison. Witnesses gave their final testimonies in court on Monday. A verdict is expected on July 10. Robert San Aung, the lawyer representing the defendants, said prosecutors rejected allegations that legal action was taken merely as a result of the controversial article. "An official from the President's Office said the accused were being sued because they trespassed on the factory compound. The consultant lawyer for the plaintiffs denied that the suit had been filed because they wrote an article about the factory," he said. Citing witness testimony, Robert San Aung noted that a signboard warning not to trespass was planted outside the factory only after the journalists were arrested. "We think our clients will not be convicted of trespassing," he said. "However, we have to wait and see what the court will decide." Meanwhile, the Unity journalists have been awarded with "honorary citizenship" by the mayor of a small town in northern Italy. In a letter sent to their family members, the Italian ambassador to Burma said the journalists would receive certificates and would be invited to visit Italy after their release from prison. Lwin Lwin Myint, wife of journalist Lu Maw Naing, recalled the letter. "It said they were doing their duty for freedom of expression, and that the honorary citizenship was to support them and promote press freedom in the country," she said. The post Unity Journal Closes Rangoon Office appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Union Parliament Passed NGO Law Posted: 30 Jun 2014 10:34 PM PDT Representatives from Karen civil society meet to discuss development and the peace process on May 27, 2013.(Photo: Pyi Daw Myint / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's Union Parliament passed the Association Registration Law last week, a ruling party lawmaker said. The new law, which was drafted by civil society organizations and lawmakers in November last year, provides voluntary registration procedures for local and international NGOs and contains no restrictions or criminal punishments. The law forms a key piece of legislative reform for the development of Burma's civil society sector, which had remained stifled under the former military regime. "It was passed in Union Parliament on June 25. We sent it to President Thein Sein already and he will respond in two weeks," said Lower House Public Affair Committee Secretary Tin Maung Oo. "It was first discussed in the Lower House and then it was submitted to the Upper House with 28 amendments and the Upper House agreed to 25 amendments," said the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) MP. "Now, the most important part of the law is that there is no punishment, it's quite a contrast to the previous law. Because in the past the government didn't encourage civil society," he said. "We also had several public hearings with civil society. Even compared to some other ASEAN countries, it's more democratic." The new law will replace the Law Relating to Forming of OrganizationsNo. 6/88, which was enacted by the military regime shortly after it seized power through a coup in September 1988. The draconian law contained broad, vaguely-defined restrictions that effectively banned any civil society organization from registering unless it maintained close ties to the government. It carried prison sentences of up to three years for those who were members of an unregistered NGO. The post Union Parliament Passed NGO Law appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Director Wins Prizes at European Film Festivals Posted: 30 Jun 2014 10:23 PM PDT A scene from "Ice Poison," shot in Lashio. (Photo courtesy of Midi Z) RANGOON — A Burmese director has won an award for the best international film at the world's longest continually running film festival. Shan State native Midi Z, now based in Taiwan, claimed the prize at the 68th annual Edinburgh International Film Festival for his third feature film, "Ice Poison," set in his hometown, Lashio. The festival, which closed on Sunday, showed 122 new features from 47 countries. Ten other films were nominated for the best international film. "Ice Poison" tells the story of a young farmer who becomes involved in the drug trade after facing economic hardship in Shan State, which is notorious for the cultivation of opium poppy. Also last week, Midi Z was named best director for the same film at the Peace & Love Film Festival in Sweden. "Ice Poison" has not been officially released in Burma because the director did not have a permit to film in the country. "The filmmaking was very improvised, we hadn't planned in advance to shoot, so we didn't apply for permission. When a DVD is released, I will put the film online—I made it for everyone," he told The Irrawaddy in an earlier interview. The post Burmese Director Wins Prizes at European Film Festivals appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Karenni State, a Monastery Fit for a Prince Posted: 30 Jun 2014 05:00 PM PDT The front entrance of the Kantarawadi Haw, formerly the royal residence of the saopha of Loikaw. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) LOIKAW, Karenni State — Standing amid a compound large enough to house a football pitch in downtown Loikaw, the palatial Kantarawadi Haw is perhaps the last surviving reminder of a bygone era in Karenni State. The two-story building, known locally as a "Haw," was originally constructed to house the local prince, known as a saopha, and his family. Eastern Burma was essentially divided into fiefdoms under the saopha system, which served the region well into the 20th century. Local legend has it that the structure was built in 1912 by the saopha of Loikaw, Sao Khun Li, and took four years to complete. The Haw survived World War II, while other Haws in the surrounding area were destroyed. Several rounds of preservation works, paid for by well-wishers seeking the showcase the Karenni people's cultural heritage, have allowed the building to maintain its dignity despite its age. But today the Haw is no longer a royal residence. The offspring of its last saopha donated the building to Loikaw's Buddhist clergy, who since 1994 have been running it as a monastery, now renamed Mingalar Haw Gyi Buddhist Teaching Center. More than 30 monks now study Buddhism at the formerly princely abode. The post In Karenni State, a Monastery Fit for a Prince appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Suu Kyi Races to Change Constitution before 2015 Elections Posted: 30 Jun 2014 10:17 PM PDT A demonstrator calls for the amendment of Article 436 of Burma's Constitution in Rangoon's Thanlyin Township. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — With elections looming next year, Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is stepping up efforts to change a constitution that bars her from the presidency and gives substantial political power to unelected military members of Parliament. Suu Kyi became an international icon after winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for her pro-democracy efforts and spent most of the next two decades under house arrest where she continued to resist Burma's military rulers. She remains wildly popular at home, but is nonetheless unable to fulfil her wish to become president due to a constitutional clause written to exclude her from office. Now, she says, her priority is to change another clause that grants the military de-facto power over constitutional amendments. The constitution drafted under a former military regime sets aside 25 percent of parliamentary seats for the military and more than half of the rest are held by its allies in the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), many of them former officers. Section 436 requires 75 percent support for most amendments to the constitution, which would currently need the support of most USDP and military MPs, an unlikely achievement for any proposal aiming at undercutting the military's role in politics. "If we don't change 436, it means that the military has virtual veto power over what can or cannot be changed within the constitution," Suu Kyi told Reuters on Sunday. Suu Kyi has received a boost from a surprising source: a USDP-dominated parliamentary committee examining constitutional amendments. The panel voted to change the 75 percent majority required to a two-thirds majority, one member said on Monday, speaking on condition of anonymity as the committee's affairs are meant to be kept secret. That could make it easier for the NLD to push through further amendments, including eliminating the clause that prevents anyone with a child or spouse with foreign citizenship from being president. Most analysts believe this clause, 59 (f), was written into the military-drafted 2008 Constitution specifically to sideline Suu Kyi. Her late husband was British, as are her two sons. Broad Coalition By focusing on the majority required for constitutional change, Suu Kyi was able to appeal to a broader array of people, according to Andrew McLeod, who leads the Burma program at Oxford University's Faculty of Law. "She was always likely to be branded as debating in self-interest if she focused solely on 59 (f)," he said. Some sense a mood for change in the military. "Many of the constitutional questions are about civilian control of the military," said Tom Malinowsky, US assistant secretary for democracy, human rights and labor, who met military representatives in Burma last week. "My impression is that they are wrestling with that very question," he told a small group of journalists on Saturday. "We got questions about it from the younger officers … [who] asked us to talk about how quickly this change should take place." After almost half a century in power, the military stepped aside in 2011 following elections in November 2010. The quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein, himself a former junta member, surprised the world by ushering in reforms such as the release of political prisoners. In response, the United States suspended most sanctions and promised to ease them further if there were more reforms, including the withdrawal of the military from politics. Suu Kyi's allies in the fight for constitutional reform include members of the ’88 Generation, made up of veterans of the 1988 student protests against the military regime that thrust Suu Kyi into the political spotlight. They are working alongside her National League for Democracy (NLD) party on a petition to change the constitution, which the NLD says has already garnered 2.5 million signatures. The military put Suu Kyi under house arrest in 1989 after suppressing the pro-democracy protests. The NLD swept a 1990 election for members of a body to draft a new constitution, but the junta ignored the result and kept Suu Kyi under house arrest for 15 of the next 20 years. She was freed in November 2010, a week after the general election—boycotted by the NLD and widely regarded as rigged—that swept the USDP to power. The parliamentary committee looking at the constitution is due to submit its proposals in February 2015. Even if it recommends amending clause 436, that change itself would have to be supported by 75 percent of parliament. It would then have to be put to a nationwide referendum and win at least 50 percent approval. It will be a massive challenge to Suu Kyi and her allies to push that through before a general election scheduled for late 2015. And the task gets even harder if they want a further change dropping the clause that stops her becoming president. Suu Kyi says she's not daunted by the tight time frame. "I don’t think in terms of optimism," Suu Kyi told Reuters. "I always think in terms of how hard we can work to achieve what we're trying to achieve, and I think we are capable of a lot of hard work." Additional reporting by Aung Hla Tun. The post Suu Kyi Races to Change Constitution before 2015 Elections appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thailand Revokes Passports of 2 Anti-coup Leaders Posted: 30 Jun 2014 10:05 PM PDT Policemen arrive to remove a banner with a drawing of the army chief and coup leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha left by anti-coup protesters at a shopping mall in Bangkok on June 1, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Damir Sagolj) BANGKOK — Thai authorities said on Monday they have revoked the passports of six people wanted on arrest warrants, including two who founded an anti-coup movement in exile, as the military junta continues to promote obeisance to its rule. Since taking power by coup in May, the junta has summoned hundreds of people for discussion, interrogation and detention—usually for a maximum of a week. The six are among a handful who defied the summons. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs cancelled the Thai passports of ex-Interior Minister Charupong Reuangsuwan and Jakrapob Penkair, once a government spokesman, who formed an opposition group last week, said the ministry's Permanent Secretary Sihasak Phuangketkeow. The pair set up the Organization of Free Thais for Human Rights and Democracy on June 24,the anniversary of the revolution in 1932 that changed Thailand from an absolute monarchy into a constitutional one. The group's potential to get public support is limited as Thailand remains under martial law and acts of dissent are increasingly rare. The others whose passports were revoked are two suspects in alleged anti-monarchy defamation cases, an ex-lawmaker from the former ruling party and a Red Shirt political group member. The arrest warrant for Charupong and the former parliamentarian also cites their defiance of the summons to meet with the junta. The suspect in one defamation case lives in the UK, and the others are presumed to have fled Thailand and are living overseas. Sihasak said the authorities were also seeking options to have Jakrapob sent back to Thailand from Hong Kong, where he is reportedly residing, because the two countries do not have an extradition treaty. Jakrapob was accused of defaming the country's monarch, a crime also known as lèse-majesté, which carries a penalty of up to 15 years in prison, and faced fresh charges over the weekend of illegal possession of war weapons, an accusation he denied immediately. Charupong led the Pheu Thai Party that won the 2011 election and served under Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. After aggressive street protests were launched against her government last year, the army took power in May 22, saying the coup was necessary to end violence and political chaos. The post Thailand Revokes Passports of 2 Anti-coup Leaders appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Japan Poised to Ease Constitution’s Limits on Military in Landmark Shift Posted: 30 Jun 2014 10:00 PM PDT Protesters holding placards shout slogans at a rally against Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's push to expand Japan's military role in front of Abe's official residence in Tokyo on June 30, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Yuya Shino) TOKYO — Japan's cabinet is expected on Tuesday to end a ban that has kept the military from fighting abroad since World War Two, a major shift away from post-war pacifism and a political victory for Prime Minister Shinzo Abe who has pursued the change despite some public opposition. The move, seen by some as the biggest shift in defense policy since Japan set up its post-war armed forces in 1954, would end a ban on exercising "collective self-defense," or aiding a friendly country under attack. It would also relax limits on activities in UN-led peacekeeping operations and "grey zone" incidents that fall short of full-scale war, according to a draft cabinet resolution. Long constrained by the pacifist post-war constitution, Japan's military would be more closely aligned with other advanced nations' armed forces in terms of its options to act, though the government would likely remain wary of putting boots on the ground in multilateral operations such as the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. "It's a dimensional change," said former Japanese diplomat Kunihiko Miyake. "We have lived in the world of the second dimension, now we are entering a third dimension—which is the global standard." Abe has pushed for the change since taking office 18 months ago despite wariness among many Japanese voters worried about entanglement in foreign wars and angry at what some see as a gutting of the constitution's war-renouncing Article 9. A group of several thousand protesters, including students and pensioners, marched in front of the prime minister's office on Monday carrying banners and shouting, "I don’t want to see our children and soldiers die" and "protect the constitution." A day earlier, a man set himself on fire near a busy Tokyo intersection—a rare form of protest in Japan—after speaking out against Abe's reinterpretation of Article 9. The change will also likely rile an increasingly assertive China, whose ties with Japan have frayed due to a maritime row, mistrust and the legacy of Japan's past military aggression. It will, however, be welcomed by Washington, which has long urged Tokyo to become a more equal partner in their alliance. Officials in Abe's ruling coalition parties agreed on Tuesday morning to the proposed lifting of the ban on collective self-defense, a lawmaker told reporters, paving the way for cabinet later in the day to adopt a resolution revising a long-standing interpretation of the US-drafted constitution. Legal revisions to implement the change must be approved by parliament and restrictions could be imposed in the process. Since its defeat in 1945, Japan's military has not engaged in combat. While successive governments have stretched the limits of the pacifist charter to develop a military now on par with that of France and to permit non-combat missions abroad, its armed forces remain far more constrained legally than those of other nations. 'Normal Nation' Conservatives say the constitution's Article 9 has excessively restricted Japan's ability to defend itself and that a changing regional power balance, including a rising China, means Japan's security policies must be more flexible. The policy shift is seen by many experts as the latest step by Japan toward becoming a "normal nation" with its military less circumscribed by its pacifist constitution. "Conservative Japanese governments have pushed the envelope hard and often to get the public to agree to a more elastic interpretation of Article 9. Abe is taking a bigger leap and getting away with it thanks to China," said Columbia University professor Gerry Curtis. "Article 9 is not dead. There is still a lot of [public] resistance to being more 'normal.'" China, however, will likely argue Japan is raising regional tensions and support its case by pointing to Abe's efforts to cast Tokyo's wartime past with a less apologetic tone. Some experts agree Abe's revisionist image makes him vulnerable to suspicions that he has a deeper nationalist agenda. "It makes it easier for competitors to paint Japan as a wolf in sheep's clothing," said Richard Samuels, director of the Center for International Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Just because Japan is strong does not mean that it will be aggressive," he added. According to a draft cabinet resolution made public last week, Japan could exercise force to the minimum degree necessary in cases where a country with which it has close ties is attacked and the following conditions are met: there is a threat to the existence of the Japanese state, there is a clear danger that the people's right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be subverted, and there is no appropriate alternative. Precisely how the change might work in practice remains unclear. Junior coalition partner New Komeito is stressing that the scope of revision is limited, and Japanese voters are still wary of entanglements in conflicts far from home. "I only see this happening in areas near Japan. I don't see Japan deploying far-away forces in the context where they end up in the front-lines," said Brad Glosserman, executive director of the Honolulu-based Pacific Forum CSIS. Additional reporting by Nobuhiro Kubo. The post Japan Poised to Ease Constitution's Limits on Military in Landmark Shift appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Broader Vision of Education for Burma Posted: 30 Jun 2014 05:30 PM PDT A teacher works with her students at a private school in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) One of my relatives recently held a couple of grand celebrations to congratulate her daughter for obtaining all distinctions in her matriculation exam this year. Hundreds of guests were invited, and events were held at a well-known restaurant in Rangoon. In addition, she honored all her daughter's teachers with gifts. Since her daughter started going to school, her main concern has always been that her daughter remains among the top three students on every exam. In order to achieve this goal, she filled her daughter's days with tutoring sessions after school hours. To her, the quality of her daughter's education could be judged by what was written on report cards. Many parents in Burma tend to fret about how well their children score on exams; it is a reason for them to boast or to feel ashamed. Rather than giving their children a chance to express their personal interests, many parents push them along paths which they feel are best. However, what parents feel is best may not always be so for their children. Many parents want their children to become doctors or engineers, which are considered top professions in Burma, without giving much thought about whether their children are really interested in these fields. It makes me wonder how parents measure the success of their children's education. What do they think is the purpose of education? Since becoming an educator, I have always been interested in how people perceive the purpose of education. Now, as Burma struggles to reform a school system that deteriorated over decades of military rule, almost everyone is talking about the importance of education. But only by knowing the purpose of education can we ascertain the level of its importance. It is time for stakeholders—parents, teachers, students and policy makers—to seriously consider the answer to that question. Randall V. Bass, the assistant professor of educational leadership at the University of Mississippi, once wrote that "any system of education, if it is to fulfill its purpose, clearly has two functions: to preserve and to provide for change." We definitely need an education system that preserves our traditions, culture and sense of identity in order to continue our society and to withstand the effects of globalization. On the other hand, we must be ready to embrace change, especially when it comes to the ways in which we educate future generations. In Burma, exam scores should not be seen as the be-all and end-all of schooling. As the country embarks on a path for change, it is essential that we all contribute, especially the younger generations who will eventually become leaders in politics, business and civil society. And for that, it is important that we teach our students to be knowledgeable and critical thinkers, and to possess an open worldview. I currently teach a class of students who are attending an international program at the college level, and I always encourage them to enjoy the learning process and to try their best, rather than worrying about how well they will score. I encourage them to assert their ideas and reflect on their responsibilities. The aim is to make them see that there is more to education than grades. I want them to see that their voices matter, and I want them to develop into independent and responsible adults. When they first joined the program, whenever a question was raised in the classroom, many of them kept quiet—a result of having been through many years of Burmese public schools, where only the teacher speaks while the students listen. But after a couple weeks, more hands shot up in the air during discussions. Even after 11 years in the traditional learning system, they were able to change with enough encouragement and a conducive learning environment. In Singapore, where I used to work as a lecturer at a polytechnic, youths have always been given the opportunity to participate in discussions at the national level, concerning topics such as politics, social issues, education and health. That's why I am happy to read in the Burmese media about an upcoming youth conference organized by the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). The conference, scheduled for later this month, has been organized for youth members of the NLD, but I think it would be great if we could also organize a nationwide conference welcoming youths from all walks of life. You will be surprised what today's youths have to say if given a chance. Burma's education system has been based on "parrot learning," focused on the ability to reproduce facts that have been taught. Students are not encouraged to read non-academic but related materials. Instead, they are told to spend time memorizing exactly what is stated in textbooks. But we don't need students who can simply reproduce. We need students who can think, reflect and apply; who can be lifelong and self-directed learners; who have confidence in their own work; and who know what they want in life. Thus, it is important for them to gain not only subject knowledge, but also general knowledge that will widen their worldview and turn them into critical thinkers. Many people may believe that education only occurs in schools. In reality, schooling is just a subset of education; we all learn from the moment we are born until the day we die. We learn from all sources, including our surroundings, our parents and our peers. We learn by observing others, listening to teachers, reading books and discussing with others. As such, adults are especially important role models for youths and need to be mindful of their actions. In Burma, one common problem that I always see is the habit of people cutting in line without any misgivings. What kind of educational message are those people giving to their children? That it is acceptable to "cheat" to get ahead of others? It is time for everyone to realize that education is broader in nature and happens throughout life, not only in schools. My relative and many other parents like her may only wish to see their children become doctors or engineers. However, regardless of profession, people will excel if they are passionate and interested in what they are doing. Any society needs all kinds of professionals, not only doctors or engineers. The essence of education is to nurture new generations who will contribute to the good of the country by playing their respective roles well. And in order for them to do that, we need to trust our youths and give them their due respect and opportunities. Khin Hnin Soe is the principal of the Myanmar Metropolitan College. She can be reached at khsoesoe@gmail.com . The post A Broader Vision of Education for Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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