The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Photo of the Week (26, September, 2014)
• DKBA Rebels Injure 2 Soldiers, Detain 8 in Mon State
• Remembering the Saffron Revolution
• Chin Farmers Re-Arrested After Accusing Burma Army of Torture
• Of Monks and Military Men
• Rangoon Govt Suspends Controversial City Expansion Plan
• MPs Urge Prompt Return of Confiscated Land
• Telenor to Launch 3rd Telecoms Service This Week
• Thai PM to Meet Burma President, Parliament Speaker During 3-Day Visit
• Why Tin Aye Put the ‘Bye’ in Burma’s By-Elections
• Indonesia Votes to Scrap Direct Elections
• Islamic State ‘Brand’ Gains Ground Among Asian Militants
• Thai Assembly Votes Itself the Power to Impeach Politicians, Sideline Critics

Photo of the Week (26, September, 2014) Posted: 26 Sep 2014 09:00 AM PDT The post Photo of the Week (26, September, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

DKBA Rebels Injure 2 Soldiers, Detain 8 in Mon State Posted: 26 Sep 2014 06:03 AM PDT DKBA troops parading in the Karen State in this file photo. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Rising tensions between the Burma Army and rebel groups in eastern Burma sparked another incident on Friday, when Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) fighters detained eight soldiers and police officers, and injured two soldiers in an exchange of fire. As of Friday evening, a DKBA commander said his troops were still detaining the soldiers and officers in central Mon State's Kyaikmayaw Township, and negotiations over their release were ongoing. "Our troops detained eight government security forces when they came to negotiate with our troops. There were tensions and both sides shot at each other," said DKBA Col. Soe Myint, who is based in Myawaddy, Karen State. He said that a group of unarmed soldiers of the Light Infantry Battalion 208, police and Special Branch officers had come to a DKBA base in Kyaikmayaw Township, a mountainous area located some 20 km south of the state capital Moulmein, for a scheduled meeting on Friday morning. But tensions soon boiled over and DBKA base commander told the group that they would not be allowed to leave. A Burma Army unit stationed nearby then approached the base and a fire fight broke out that injured two soldiers, according to Soe Myint, who added that the DKBA had allowed the army to pick up the wounded men. Soe Myint alleged that the tensions in the region had risen in recent days as a result of a raid by the Burma Army on a DKBA officer's house in Kyaikmayaw Township. Nai Pauk, a military officer from the New Mon State Party (NMSP) stationed in Kyaikmayaw Township, confirmed the events and said that the number of detained soldiers and security personnel could in fact be as high as 19. "Now township authorities, the army, police, community leaders are gathering to negotiate their release. Maybe tomorrow [Saturday], they will go to negotiate" at the DKBA base, he added. Nai Pauk said the incident occurred at the DKBA base at Kalaing Kanaing village, located about 5 km southeast of Kyaikmayaw town, early Friday morning. "They [DKBA] detained all people before the talks started and then clashes broke out," he said. "The fight just stopped around 1 pm. The DKBA shot a lot, but the Burmese Army kept a little quiet." According to Nai Pauk, who followed the army operations from nearby, the DKBA fired mortar rounds at an army vehicle approaching their base, injuring a captain named Thet Naing Win and an unnamed sergeant, who was seriously wounded. Nai Pauk said the tensions were related to a dispute over areas of control between the DKBA and Burma Army units, which had reportedly twice ordered the DKBA to leave areas near Kyaikmayaw. In recent weeks, tensions have been rising between government forces and Karen rebel groups operating in the border town of Myawaddy, Karen State, despite the fact that the groups have bilateral ceasefire agreements with the government. The situation worsened after a number of small explosive devices were found in Myawaddy and the Burma Army ordered the rebels not to enter the town when armed. On Sept 19, the military shot and killed a DKBA soldier after he supposedly was drunk driving on a road outside of Myawaddy. The Karen National Union (KNU), the largest Karen rebel group, has managed to stay out of the rising tensions. The post DKBA Rebels Injure 2 Soldiers, Detain 8 in Mon State appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Remembering the Saffron Revolution Posted: 26 Sep 2014 05:40 AM PDT "ANARCHISTS! TERRORISTS! SKINHEAD!" (Artist: Harn Lay) Seven years ago, Buddhist monks in Rangoon led street protests in what came to be known as the "Saffron Revolution." Burma's security forces lost all sense of Metta (loving kindness) during the revolution, which happened in August and September 2007. Although there were reports that some soldiers had refused to open fire on or attack the monks, several thuggish assaults did take place on monks protesting on the streets. Additionally, told by their commanding officers that anarchists had shaved their heads and were pretending to be monks, troops marched into monasteries in the dead of night and dragged many monks away. This year, as the seventh anniversary of the revolution is marked, The Irrawaddy posts a cartoon by Harn Lay that we first published in 2007. The post Remembering the Saffron Revolution appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Chin Farmers Re-Arrested After Accusing Burma Army of Torture Posted: 26 Sep 2014 04:43 AM PDT Chin activists and a farmer speak during a press conference in Rangoon on Sept 18, during which they accused the Burma Army of torturing six Chin farmers. (Photo: Yen Snaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A group of ethnic Chin farmers who had accused a Burma Army unit of arbitrarily detaining and torturing them, were re-arrested last week and forced to sign a document stating that they would retract the allegations, according to sources in Chin State's Palatwa Township. At a press conference in Rangoon on Sept 18, Chin human rights groups and a farmer from Palatwa alleged that Light Infantry Unit 344 headed by Maj. Tin Htut Oo had detained six farmers from the area for nine days in August, during which they were interrogated and severely beaten. The men had been detained after the soldiers found out that they had offered armed Chin National Front (CNF) fighters a meal during a harvest festival in the village of Kone Pyin. Sein Aung, of the Palatwa Ceasefire Monitoring Group, told The Irrawaddy that on the day after the press conference, Sept 19, five farmers were summoned to the Light Infantry Unit 344 base. They were held for two days and forced to sign a statement under duress stating that the beatings never happened. Sein Aung added that the farmers had fled from their village after they were released. "They [the military] do this to ease the case against them. This is not acceptable to me," he said, adding that his group would inform the authorities of the Border and Immigration Ministry about the case, which occurred in a remote village on the Burma-India border. The Palatwa Ceasefire Monitoring Group comprises local community leaders and NGO representatives and is tasked with monitoring the implementation of the ceasefire between the CNF and the government. It follows troop movements and other conflict-related events in the area. Sein Aung said the CNF carried some blame for the situation as they had violated the conditions of the ceasefire by wearing uniforms and bringing weapons into the village. Maj. Hla Tun, a CNF trade liaison officer based in Palatwa, said he was not fully informed about the case, but he added, "It's not right that they [soldiers] go and beat members of the public… We have informed our central office about this case—I don't know how they will to take care of it." The Chin rights groups said last week that they would help the farmers file an official complaint against the Burma Army unit major in a letter to the Chin State chief minister Sar Su, aretired Palatwa Township education officer assisting the farmers, said that a local village administrator and the sixth Chin farmer, who had returned from the Rangoon press conference earlier this week, were now preparing to file another complaint with the Burma Army, with the help of Chin NGOs. She said the impoverished farmers were not only suffering from the threats by the Burma Army, but also "lost a chance to harvest their crops this year, which could yield 280 baskets of rice each." For decades, the Burma Army has been accused of carrying out rights abuses, such as torture, rape and extrajudicial killings, against the ethnic civilians in the country's rugged periphery, where dozens of ethnic rebel groups have fought a long-running insurgency. The post Chin Farmers Re-Arrested After Accusing Burma Army of Torture appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Of Monks and Military Men Posted: 26 Sep 2014 05:25 AM PDT A group of monks sit in protest after being halted by riot policemen and military officials as they attempt to proceed to the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon on Sept. 26, 2007. (Photo: Reuters) Seven years ago, thousands of monks marched in protest against one of the most repressive and corrupt regimes in the world. They were peaceful demonstrations, with the clergymen chanting the prayers of the Metta Sutta—the Buddha's discourse on loving kindness. They took to the streets to show that monks shared a deep sympathy with the suffering Burmese people, who had lived under authoritarian rule for decades. Military leaders saw a threat: the strongest movement of defiance against their iron grip on power since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Troops joined the monks in the streets, not to take up their chants but to fire on them, and raid their monasteries. Seeing live footage and images of the brutality, the world condemned the regime. The UN said it deplored the crackdown, and regional neighbors that were usually passive in addressing Burma's gross human rights violations openly condemned the killings. The United States tightened the noose of its sanctions regime. The monk-led protests, known as the "Saffron Revolution," were a turning point in Burma's modern history. Unlike the 1988 uprising, during which hundreds if not thousands of peaceful demonstrators were gunned down, the uprising in 2007 was rather short-lived, but also had a lasting impact. Social media played a key role, exiled media produced 24-hour coverage of the events, and campaign groups overseas reached out to key policymakers in the West and Asean to speak out against the regime's brutality. Grassroots opposition was strong, both inside and outside the country. Burma headlines appeared everywhere, and the White House spoke out. "Americans are outraged by the situation in Burma," then US President George W. Bush said in an address to the UN General Assembly, as he announced even stricter sanctions on regime leaders and financial backers. The images of thousands of monks pouring onto the streets in defiance of the regime no doubt shook the military leadership. Within three years, we saw the beginnings of a political opening in the country that continues—in fits and starts—to this day. However, many of the same people who have brutalized the nation and mismanaged its resources have continued to rule, albeit having swapped their military uniforms for civilian garb. But today, while poverty and oppression persist in Burma and accountability for the Saffron Revolution crackdown remains elusive, the monks are not coming out as they did seven years ago. Over the last two years or so, some have instead shown a darker side of Buddhism, one in stark contrast to the teachings of the Metta Sutta. Since mid-2012, we have seen the rise of an extremist fringe of Buddhism, featuring not peaceful street protests, but rather sword-wielding monks, hate-filled speeches and economic discrimination against Burma's Muslim minority. The moderate voices, and many of the monks who once chanted for peace and loving kindness, have disappeared or been marginalized. Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org. In the process, the country's much-acclaimed "peaceful transition" to democracy has been stained by the blood of victims of the interreligious violence that has plagued many parts of Burma in recent years. It has also raised questions about the government's ability and willingness to crackdown on extremists, and the most cynical allege that some powerful politicians had even conspired to stir up the hatred in the first place. The Sangha community in Burma is under siege and divided. After the 2007 uprising, regime leaders have managed to carefully divide the monks' community, estimated to be between 300,000 to 400,000 members. The politically active monks who are known to be anti-regime have been punished or marginalized. Monks who appear to take a neutral stance or promote nationalism and narrow-minded religious hatred are allowed to operate freely. So far, it seems the strategy is working. Over the last two years, we saw the ascent of the anti-Muslim 969 movement, complete with proposals to limit interfaith marriage, boycotts on Muslim-owned businesses and an entire Muslim population denied its own existence in the country's first census in more than 30 years. All this at a time when officers who were involved in the Saffron uprising continue to live out their lives unpunished. Myint Swe, a former general who was then a powerful commander in Rangoon Division, was in-charge of security affairs in 2007. Last year, when monks from the 2007 uprising sought a formal apology from the former regime leaders, Myint Swe (now chief minister for Rangoon Division) denied involvement in the violent crackdown. "If you think I'm responsible, I am ready [to face justice]," he reportedly told businesspeople from the Myanmar Fisheries Federation at a meeting in Rangoon. He said that he was willing to be investigated and would even submit to the death penalty if found guilty of involvement. In a country where the concept of "rule of law" is laughable, and the justice system a farce, the words carried little weight. Indeed, Myint Swe and many senior leaders and ministers who served in the previous regime are still serving in the current government or sitting in Parliament. As the Saffron Revolution faltered in the face of seemingly insurmountable government brutality, the regime officially announced that 15 people were killed during the demonstrations. A press briefing held by then police chief Gen. Khin Yi had little credibility. He was on the ground and demonstrators watched as he commanded truncheon-wielding riot police to attack the monks and thousands of others who had joined the clergymen's lead. Then UN human rights special rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro countered by saying that at least 31 people were killed during the nationwide protests. Thousands of others were detained and monks were roughly tossed into temporary detention centers and full-fledged prisons. As for Khin Yi, today he is one of the powerful Union ministers of this self-styled reformist government. If anyone can answer the question of how many people actually died or were tortured over those two months in 2007, it would be Khin Yi, Myint Swe or any of several other former generals who still hold positions of power. For a government that has in recent years trumpeted the virtue of transparency and accountability, however, the truth in Burma remains a surprisingly hard thing to come by. The post Of Monks and Military Men appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rangoon Govt Suspends Controversial City Expansion Plan Posted: 26 Sep 2014 04:01 AM PDT An advertisement for a real estate agent is posted in an area within the now suspended plan to expand the city limits of Rangoon. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — After facing criticism from the media and local lawmakers, a controversial city expansion plan for Burma's former capital has been suspended, the Rangoon mayor said on Friday. The suspension was announced by Mayor Hla Myint at a special session of the Rangoon divisional parliament that was called primarily to discuss the proposed expansion plan. The announcement came less than a week after the mayor defended the plan, claiming it enjoyed widespread popular support and would fit into a wider urban development strategy. But on Friday, citing a need to review the proposal further, the government said it was suspending the plan, a decision that was later put to a parliamentary vote. When asked by the media whether the plan was unequivocally canceled or merely suspended, the mayor responded: "As we said, it has been suspended. You should understand what that means." Friday's special session at the Rangoon divisional parliament was called to discuss the controversial city expansion proposal. According to the session's agenda, whether or not to go forward with the plan was to be subject to a vote by divisional lawmakers after the issue was deliberated. But on Friday, Hla Myint preempted any discussion of the proposal with a request for parliamentary Speaker Sein Tin Win to approve a suspension of the plan. The speaker acquiesced, and proceeded to take the suspension to the full parliament, which also voted in favor of it. "According to parliament's rules and regulations, the speaker has the authority to suspend or withdraw the proposal under discussion. Now the speaker approved the suspension. It's good news," Nyo Nyo Thin, an independent lawmaker who has been against the secretive plan since it was revealed last month, told the media. Lawmakers and the public remained oblivious to the existence of the expansion plan until Aug. 22, when the mayor and Rangoon Division Chief Minister Myint Swe angered local MPs with a surprise announcement that the government had awarded a contract for the multi-billion-dollar project to Myanmar Say Ta Nar Myothit Company, a little-known firm that was only registered as a public company last year. Since the announcement, the plan has been severely criticized for its lack of transparency. A subsequent investigation by The Irrawaddy revealed close ties between the Rangoon Division chief minister and the founders of the company that was initially awarded the project contract. Following a public backlash, the divisional government had said that it would issue a public tender for the expansion project, which would have seen the official city limits expanded west by some 30,000 acres across the Rangoon River. The plan was also to include the construction of affordable apartments, a 1,000-student school, a home for the aged, and five bridges linking the area to Rangoon proper. "Now, it has been suspended. If they want to resume it, we will have to discuss it in the parliament, too. We have to keep an eye on it," Nyo Nyo Thin said. The post Rangoon Govt Suspends Controversial City Expansion Plan appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

MPs Urge Prompt Return of Confiscated Land Posted: 25 Sep 2014 10:50 PM PDT Some 5,000 farmers gathered in gathered in front of Magwe's Forestry Department office on Wednesday to demand to return of confiscated farmland. (Photo: Ko Nay Lin Naing) Lawmakers in Burma's Parliament have urged relevant government ministries to swiftly facilitate the return of unused land that had been confiscated from farmers, or to compensate them fairly. The parliamentary Farmlands Investigation Committee presented a report to MPs in Naypyidaw on Monday which outlined concerns over delays in returning confiscated land and urged the government to address the issue. The commission said that only 583 complaints out of 2,689 sent to the Defense Ministry had been addressed, while only 299 complaints out of 6,559 submitted to state and regional governments were settled. Upper House MP Phone Myint Aung told The Irrawaddy that government ministers cannot adequately explain delays in resolving cases, which are hampered by bureaucratic red tape. "They said more time is needed to work on scrutinizing the complaints, despite saying the original date [of resolution would] be at the end of this month," he said. Nang Say Awa, an ethnic Karen MP from the Phalon Sawaw Democratic Party and also a member of the committee, said the unused lands must be returned to their owners in accordance with the Farmlands Act. The MP said that in her constituency—Hpa-an—no cases of land confiscation, perpetrated by either the military or businesses, had yet been resolved. "In some cases in my state, the farmers claim that the land they received back was not the land which was seized," said Nang Say Awa, adding that farmers were still waiting to claim back land confiscated from them by the military in Karen State’s Kyaikdo, Kawkareik, and Hlaing Bwe. Explanations from officials in the Defense, Home Affairs, Farmland and Irrigation, Construction, Forestry, Transport and Industry ministries to parliament have failed to alleviate concerns. "We could only urge the ministries to do their jobs," said Khin San Hlaing, a National League for Democracy MP representing Pale Township in Sagaing Division. She added that land issues would not be settled until the government ensured that its land records matched the reality of land use on the ground. Meanwhile, around 5,000 farmers staged a protest on Thursday demanding the return of land confiscated from them for a forest sanctuary in Magwe Division. Farmers from 11 villages of Sinbaungwe Township, Thayet District, gathered in front of Magwe's Forestry Department office; shouting slogans and holding placards, urging the department to return their lands. The farmers claim that more than 30,000 acres of land had been confiscated since 2005, as the Forestry Department set boundaries for the new Ba Yone forest sanctuary, near Thayet District. "We want our farmlands back which were fenced inside the Ba Yone forest sanctuary," Htin Kyaw, a farmer, told The Irrawaddy. He said residents used to grow bean, corn, sesame and cotton on these lands, but now faced hardship as they are no longer allowed to plant crops—their only source of income. The farmers protested for the first time in July, but no positive development was seen, said another farmer, Aung Kyaw. He said authorities did not allow them to stage the protest on Thursday, but only agreed to one on Sept. 28. Protests against land confiscation have occurred across the country in the past three years, with many protest leaders facing prosecution under Article 18 of Burma's controversial Peaceful Assembly Law for demonstrating without permission. The post MPs Urge Prompt Return of Confiscated Land appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Telenor to Launch 3rd Telecoms Service This Week Posted: 25 Sep 2014 10:07 PM PDT Petter Furburg, Burma Chief Executive Officer-Designate for Telenor (R), speaks during the launch Telenor’s services at the company’s Rangoon headquarters on Thursday evening. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Norway’s Telenor said it would launch telecommunications services in Burma on Sept. 27, becoming the second foreign telecoms company to start operating in one of the world’s least connected nations. Telenor follows Qatar’s Ooredoo, which launched services on Aug. 2. At that time, Burma’s mobile penetration rate was only 10 percent, according to government figures. Ooredoo says that since then it has sold about 1 million SIM cards, while state-backed operator Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) has also increased sales. Telenor plans to reach 90 percent of the country within five years, a similar roll-out plan to Ooredoo’s. Telenor will launch in the central city of Mandalay first, followed by the capital Naypyidaw and then Rangoon, Burma’s largest city, said Petter Furberg, Telenor’s chief executive in Burma. "Within weeks we will be available in more than 12,000 outlets in the three main cities," he said. Formerly the sole telecoms provider, MPT has partnered with Japanese firms Sumitomo Corp., a trading house, and KDDI, Japan’s second-largest wireless carrier, which said they would invest about $2 billion to expand its existing network. All three telecoms companies priced their SIM cards at kyat 1,500 (about $1.50). Telecommunications were tightly controlled by Burma’s former junta, with the government monopolizing the sector and selling SIM cards for thousands of dollars when they were introduced a decade and a half ago. As a result, Burma had the lowest mobile penetration rate in the world. Swedish telecoms giant Ericsson said that in 2012 less than 4 percent of the country’s population was connected. More than 90 companies and consortia submitted expressions of interest in a tender issued for two licenses last year by the semi-civilian, reformist government, which took power in March 2011 after 49 years of military rule. The post Telenor to Launch 3rd Telecoms Service This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai PM to Meet Burma President, Parliament Speaker During 3-Day Visit Posted: 26 Sep 2014 03:09 AM PDT Thai junta leader Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha speaks during a meeting with Thai ambassadors in June. (Photo: Reuters) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha will pay a three-day official visit to Burma starting on Oct 1 and is scheduled to visit the capital Naypyidaw to meet President Thein Sein and Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann, The Irrawaddy has learned. Gen. Prayut, who leads the military regime that seized power from a democratically elected government in May, plans to fly to Naypyidaw on Oct 1, where he will meet Thein Sein, and the two are expected to sign a memorandum of understand to boost trade relations. On the same day, he is due to meet Shwe Mann, who chairs the ruling Union Development and Solidarity Party (USDP), The Irrawaddy understands. Prayut will also pay a visit to Buddhist religious sites constructed in Naypyidaw. On Oct 2, he will fly to Burma's largest city and commercial capital Rangoon to meet with the Thai business community and to visit the Shwedagon Pagoda, before leaving the next day. Thailand's newspaper The Bangkok Post reported on Friday that Prayut is tentatively scheduled to visit in early October and it quoted the Thai Ambassador to Burma Pisanu Suvanajata as saying that economic cooperation, particularly on the Thailand-backed Dawei Special Economic Zone in southern Burma, would be discussed during the visit. The Thai ambassador told the Post that Prayut would also seek cooperation from Naypyidaw in stemming the flow of Rohingya Muslim migrants, who have been fleeing en masse by boat to Thailand and onward to Muslim-majority Malaysia, in order to escape persecution in western Burma's Arakan State. Previously, the Thai junta has indicated that it wants to repatriate the roughly 130,000 Burmese refugees living in camps in western Thailand in the coming years because of Burma's ongoing peace process. The multi-billion dollar Dawei SEZ and deep sea port in Tenasserim Division, close to the border with Thailand, has been planned by the Burmese and Thai governments for years. The mega-project is controversial as it would displace some 30,000 local residents. It has suffered financial and project planning setbacks and came to a complete halt after Thailand plunged into a political crisis late last year. Prayuth's visit to neighboring Burma will be the Thai junta leader's first official trip abroad. The Thai regime has come in for strong criticism from the US and other Western government, with which Thailand has good relations, and the Bangkok regime appears to be seeking support in the region. The Thein Sein government, largely filled with members of Burma's former military regime, has refrained from criticizing its neighbor. In recent months, the countries have organized a number of meetings to bolster ties, largely in the field of military cooperation. The Thai junta’s chief already met with his Burmese counterpart, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, chief of Burma's armed force, when he visited Bangkok in July. The post Thai PM to Meet Burma President, Parliament Speaker During 3-Day Visit appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Why Tin Aye Put the ‘Bye’ in Burma’s By-Elections Posted: 25 Sep 2014 05:00 PM PDT Union Election Commission (UEC) Chairman Tin Aye meets with representatives of 27 political parties at the Rangoon Division parliament in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Despite the rather whimsical cancellation of by-elections for 35 vacant parliamentary seats slated for later this year, an uneasy calm appears to have settled as electoral attention now turns to the run-up to the 2015 general elections. The first and foremost question is: Will elections transform Myanmar into a full-fledged democracy, or will it be an exercise in hogwash to entrench the current form of military indulgence in politics? We will surely get an answer once we get there, but for now it can be said without an iota of doubt that clouds of uncertainty loom large over the future of the elections—and democracy-building in Myanmar. The fears are certainly not unfounded. Though many would like to think otherwise, the mere fact that a by-election has been canceled, and this too after so much talk of it being a "testing grounds" for 2015, is cause for concern. Union Election Commission (UEC) Chairman Tin Aye cited two reasons in explaining the called-off poll: that with general elections slated for next year, it would be asking parties to finance and compete across the country in back-to-back elections, something many were unable to do; and second, even if one party swept all or a majority of the seats in the by-election, it would not affect the overall makeup of Parliament. The grounds for canceling the by-election were flimsy and unconvincing, to say the least, given that the Union Election Commission (UEC) has conducted elections twice before, and those polls came under more challenging conditions to boot. International groups have set up offices inside the UEC premises in Naypyidaw and continue to invest huge amounts of money to providing technical advice and support to the commission. Several other international elections-related groups continue to engage with the UEC and provide it exposure and expertise from time to time. In fact, the UEC is somewhat overwhelmed by the different international groups wanting to engage with it in one way or another. In 2010 and in the April 2012 by-elections, the UEC had none of these foreign "friends" and assistance, yet they managed to conduct the elections—however questionable those processes may have been. So without mincing words, let us accept that UEC head Tin Aye thought he would get away with the reason he provided. Instead, the move has only raised more eyebrows and transformed doubts into a certain belief of his leanings and bias toward the ruling, military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). There are stories making the rounds that Tin Aye's decisions were more influenced by a high-level USDP committee, which had conveyed to him its decision not to participate in the by-election as it "wanted to prepare for 2015." But let us also not forget that Tin Aye is a former lieutenant general and contested the 2010 elections on a USDP ticket, so why should he suddenly rise above party loyalty to play nonpartisan electoral God? Questions have been raised on the legality of the UEC decision and there are talks of the UEC being unsure of what system to use, given parliamentary rumblings of a possible change of the electoral system for 2015. However, all this talk of "ifs" and "buts" would only make things more complex, and in the ensuing debate we could well be missing the forest for the trees. Everyone knows the answer to why the by-elections were canceled. So let us then make an attempt to talk about the elephant in the room: the "USDP factor." Would the USDP have won even one of the 35 seats if by-elections were held? Would by-elections have exposed the unpopularity of the party and how the shadow of its military past is not liked by the people? Would a loss in the by-elections have jeopardized its move to change the electoral system? Very obvious questions and the answers are not too difficult to answer. The UEC, according to highly placed sources, has done its research, with surveys revealing that its popularity had dropped by a whopping 90 percent from what it was in 2010, even in its former bastions of political strength. A recent tete-a-tete with some political parties revealed the angst and disappointment among most of the ethnic political parties. "Not only would the by-elections "expose the USDP's failures, it would have provided an opportunity for the ethnic parties to voice their opinion and share concerns of their people inside the Parliament," opined one Chin National Party MP, adding, "We have been denied that opportunity and cheated." He laces his views with a warning: "It is for other political parties to consider whether the chairman of the UEC can be trusted." But perhaps that's not all. Shan National Democratic Party (SNDP) MPs feel the need for more ethnic MPs in Parliament to revive a deliberative culture in the legislature, which "used to happen before," until after the 2012 by-elections. The ruling party is said to fear getting into any debate or discussions with the NLD, and so rules have been changed. A by-election could have made a difference for the ethnic parties to join forces and build pressure inside the Parliament for more discussions and responses from the government on proposed reform measures. Thus to say that holding the by-elections would have been a "burden" is myopic, especially for a country like Myanmar, where the more the UEC and political parties are exposed to electoral processes the better. Prakash is an elections expert working to promote electoral democracy and good governance in Southeast Asia. The post Why Tin Aye Put the 'Bye' in Burma's By-Elections appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Indonesia Votes to Scrap Direct Elections Posted: 25 Sep 2014 10:40 PM PDT Police extinguish burning tires during a protest by students and activists against a bill ending direct elections for governors and mayors, outside parliament in Jakarta on Sept. 25, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Darren Whiteside) JAKARTA — Indonesia's outgoing parliament voted Friday to scrap direct elections for local officials and return to the electoral system in place under dictator Suharto, in what was widely regarded as a setback to the country's democracy. The vote represents an early defeat for President-elect Joko Widodo, whose party had voted against the change, and suggests he will face a struggle to govern effectively. The bill was supported by a coalition of rightwing parties whose candidate was narrowly defeated in July's presidential elections and is vowing to disrupt the Widodo administration. Direct elections for mayors, regents and governors began in 2005 and were seen as a major part of Indonesia's democratic transition after the 1998 fall of Suharto dictatorship. The change came about because of complaints the old system, where regional legislatures chose local leaders, had returned generations of corrupt and inefficient administrations beholden to the country's equally graft-ridden political parties. After hours of debate and backroom dealings, a majority of lawmakers approved the bill early Friday morning, returning the country to the pre-2005 system. The country's president, who prior to 2005 was also chosen by lawmakers, will continue to be directly elected by the people. "Taking away the people's right to choose their leader is a blatant betrayal of public trust and sidelines them from the democratic process altogether, rendering all the progress and costs of the last 10 years futile," said The Jakarta Globe in an editorial. "Indonesia has returned to a system of elitist democracy controlled by a handful of corrupt politicians serving only their own interests." A network of pro-democracy activists has already said they will challenge the change at the country's Constitutional Court, which has the power to overrule parliament. The bill was pushed by the "Red-and-White" coalition of losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, a Suharto-era general. Its members said change was needed because direct elections were expensive and more prone to producing corrupt leaders than the old system. Civil society activists and progressive voices had disputed this, saying the parties themselves could implement campaign finance laws to lessen costs and that they played a major role in the corruption in the direct elections. Widodo and several other previously little-known politicians have risen to power via direct regional elections after appealing directly to voters and being voted on their record, loosening the grip of the major political parties. "It is hard not to view this bill as a blunt political manoeuver to return electoral authority from the people to party leadership in the face of electoral defeat in the presidential election," Andrew Thornley, an Indonesian election expert at the Asia Foundation, wrote in a blog post Thursday. Several independent opinion polls had shown a clear majority of Indonesians were in favor of keeping the direct elections. The post Indonesia Votes to Scrap Direct Elections appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Islamic State ‘Brand’ Gains Ground Among Asian Militants Posted: 25 Sep 2014 10:02 PM PDT Soldiers stop a vehicle at a military checkpoint on Sept. 25, 2014, in Jolo, southern Philippines, where al Qaeda-linked militants are believed to be holding two German hostages. (Photo: Reuters) MANILA — A threat by Philippine militants to kill a German hostage in a show of solidarity with Islamic State is the latest sign that the Middle East group's brand of radicalism is winning recruits in Asia and posing a growing security risk in the region. Over 100 people from Southeast Asia's Muslim majority countries of Indonesia and Malaysia and the southern Philippine region are believed by security officials and analysts to have gone to join Islamic State's fight in Iraq and Syria. Malaysian and Indonesian militants have discussed forming a 100-strong Malay-speaking unit within Islamic State in Syria, according to a report from a well-known security group released this week. Admiral Samuel Locklear, who heads the US Armed Forces' Pacific Command, said on Thursday around 1,000 recruits from India to the Pacific may have joined Islamic State to fight in Syria or Iraq. He did not specify the countries or give a time-frame. "That number could get larger as we go forward," Locklear told reporters at the Pentagon. In addition to India, the Hawaii-based Pacific Command's area of responsibility covers 36 countries, including Australia, China and other Pacific Ocean states. The command does not cover Pakistan. In the region, thousands have sworn oaths of loyalty to Islamic State as local militant groups capitalize on a brand that has been fueled by violent online videos and calls to jihad through social media, security analysts say. Security officials say this has disturbing implications for the region, especially when battle-hardened fighters return home from the Middle East. The Philippines' Abu Sayyaf group, which has earlier claimed links with al Qaeda and is led by a one-armed septuagenarian, has threatened to kill one of the two Germans it holds hostage by Oct. 10, according to messages distributed on Twitter. As well as US$5.6 million in ransom, the group demanded that Germany halt its support for the US-led bombing campaign launched against Islamic State this week. A spokeswoman for the German foreign ministry told a regular press briefing in Berlin that "threats are no appropriate way of influencing German foreign policy," and that the ministry's crisis group was working on the case. The Abu Sayyaf, which beheaded a US man it had taken hostage in 2001, has suffered from dwindling support and military setbacks over the past decade, and is now believed to have only about 300 followers based on remote islands off the southern Philippines. Security officials doubt it has any links with Islamic State beyond pledging allegiance to the Middle Eastern group, and see it as a move by Abu Sayyaf to revive its fortunes and gain publicity. A senior leader of the group and several other members made an oath of loyalty to Islamic State in a video uploaded on YouTube in July, Philippines police and monitoring services have said. "We believe that there is no direct link, that they are possibly sympathizers joining in the bandwagon to gain popular support," said Ramon Zagala, a military spokesman. "We see this as a way to be known, because right now the Abu Sayyaf is in a decline. To directly say that ISIS [Islamic State] is here—there are no indications of that." The German man and woman, who were reportedly seized from a yacht in the South China Sea in April, are thought to be held on southern Jolo island by Abu Sayyaf fighters loyal to one-armed Radullan Sahiron. His group is also believed to be holding a Dutch and a Swiss hostage seized in May 2012 and a Japanese man. The three governments have declined comment on the abductions. Another Abu Sayyaf leader, Isnilon Hapilon, swore allegiance to Islamic State in the YouTube video, police officials and the monitoring services said. Speaking in Arabic, he and several other men read a statement swearing "loyalty and obedience in adversity and comfort" to Islamic State and its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi before a prayer and shouts of Allahu Akbar (God is Greatest), they said. Abu Sayyaf says it is fighting for an independent Islamic state but it has mainly been a kidnap-for-ransom gang operating in the lawless interiors of southern Philippines islands. The Philippines is mostly Christian but has a significant Muslim minority in the southern islands. The region is the site of a long drawn-out rebellion by local Muslims against Manila's rule, but Abu Sayyaf burst into prominence in 2000 after kidnapping 21 tourists and workers from a dive resort in nearby Malaysia. They held the hostages, who included French, German, Finnish and South African nationals, for months on Jolo before freeing them for millions of dollars in ransom paid by then Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, according to Philippine officials. Libya denied it paid a ransom but acknowledged government officials were involved in negotiations. Several of the hostages visited Tripoli after their release. Abu Sayyaf is blamed for the worst militant attack in the Philippines, the sinking of a ferry in Manila Bay in 2004 in which 100 people were killed. But the group has declined in recent years, with top leaders either killed or too old. Additional reporting by Manuel Mogato and Michaela Cabrera in Manila, Randy Fabi in Jakarta and Theodora D'Cruz in Singapore. The post Islamic State 'Brand' Gains Ground Among Asian Militants appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Assembly Votes Itself the Power to Impeach Politicians, Sideline Critics Posted: 25 Sep 2014 09:57 PM PDT Thai junta leader Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha (top R) reads out his government’s policy at the Parliament in Bangkok September 12, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thailand’s military-dominated legislature gave itself the power to impeach political office holders on Thursday, edging a step closer to rooting out the influence of controversial former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The army seized power on May 22 in a bid to restore order and kick-start Southeast Asia’s second-largest economy after months of political infighting that killed nearly 30 people. The junta, formally known as the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has reshuffled the civil service and the police force, once seen as an institution loyal to Thaksin, a former police officer, to try and neutralize his allies. Thursday’s move is the latest effort by the military leadership to curb the powers of those loyal to Thaksin and ensure political parties linked to him cannot regain power. "The meeting unanimously voted in favor of introducing this rule," Pornpetch Wichitcholachai, leader of the National Legislative Assembly (NLA), told reporters. Thailand has suffered years of political turmoil centered on Thaksin, a telecommunications tycoon whose policies helped galvanize support in rural areas but made him unpopular with the Bangkok-based royalist establishment. Ousted by the army in 2006, he has lived in self-imposed exile since 2008 to avoid a two-year corruption sentence. Thursday’s vote was a bid by the military leadership to consolidate its grip on power, said Paul Chambers, a Southeast Asian expert affiliated with Chiang Mai University. "This appears to be an attempt by the arch-royalist military leadership and its allies to completely remove from the political scene those politicians who either supported Thaksin over the years or those who may be viewed as not sufficiently acquiescent to the junta," Chambers said. Anti-government demonstrators took to the streets in November to try and overthrow then Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Thaksin’s sister. Her supporters held counter-protests on the outskirts Bangkok to fight off what they called a bid to hijack democracy and consolidate power in the hands of the conservative elite. After the 2006 coup, the constitution was re-written under a military-backed government to try and reduce Thaksin’s influence, but it failed to halt his political machine. Yingluck, whom Thaksin once called a clone of himself, swept to power just a few years later, in 2011, after winning a general election. Days before the May 22 coup, Yingluck was ordered to step down, after a court found her guilty of abuse of power. The lawmakers’ new powers could bring more trouble for Yingluck. In a separate case in May, an anti-graft panel indicted her for dereliction of duty over her government’s loss-making rice subsidy program. The scheme, which paid farmers above-market prices for their rice, distorted the world market and left Thailand with huge stockpiles of rice. The case was to have been sent to the senate, but the junta dissolved the upper house days after taking power. Pornpetch said a legal team was studying whether Yingluck’s case could be sent to the National Legislative Assembly. If it does go forward, a guilty verdict could leave her facing a five-year ban from political office. "The military can use several types of legal strategies to remove Yingluck from the political scene," said Chambers. "The threat of using these tactics could also be a way to extort co-operation from her and her brother." The post Thai Assembly Votes Itself the Power to Impeach Politicians, Sideline Critics appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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