Tuesday, November 11, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


‘Constitutional Amendment Is an Internal Affair of Our Country’

Posted: 11 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST

Information Minister Ye Htut speaks during an interview at his office in Naypyidaw on Tuesday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Information Minister Ye Htut speaks during an interview at his office in Naypyidaw on Tuesday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

On Wednesday and Thursday, Burma will host the 25th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) Summit and the East Asia Summit in the capital Naypyidaw. Top leaders from across Asia will attend, as will US President Obama and Russian Prime Minister Medvedev.

Ahead of the biggest annual meeting in Asia, which Burma is hosting for the first time in its history, Minister of Information Ye Htut talks about the event, disputes in the South China Sea, and the meeting between President Thein Sein and President Obama.

Question: You have said that during this Asean Summit a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea could be completed, what are your expectations now? (The Code of Conduct (CoC) for the South China Sea is a set of rules that would guide maritime conduct between Asean members and China, which has disputes with Vietnam, the Philippines and other countries.)

Answer: No, I didn't mean that a Code of Conduct will be drafted, but the process to formulate it. Much remains to be done to establish a CoC. Discussions on formulation of the CoC have been going on for almost three years, but there is still no progress. So, as we hold the Asean chairmanship this year, we have been trying together with all the stakeholders to develop a solid framework to lay down the CoC as soon as possible.

Q: The Asean Summit is the last meeting Myanmar is hosting during its Asean chairmanship. How could the government show that its Asean chairmanship has been a success?

A: I believe [the summit] could deepen relations not only among Asean members, but also between Asean members and adjacent regional countries. Tensions and conflicts have largely de-escalated [in the region]. For example, tensions over the South China Sea were pretty high earlier this year, but now most have eased. Thailand and Cambodia could find a solution among themselves [over outstanding border issues]. There are almost no tensions among other countries. So, we believe we built consensus—these are the gains.

Q: Generally, the country that holds the Asean chair reaps some political and economic gains. What has Myanmar gained from being Asean chair?

A: That fact that Myanmar takes the Asean chair means that Myanmar is reconnecting with other countries. Since the investors began to have trust in the stability of Myanmar and its reconnecting with the international community, investments have increased. The hotel and tourism industry receives the direct benefits [from increasing visitors]. Another gain is that Myanmar businessmen have attended a lot of [Asean] meetings and have come to understand the challenges and opportunities of the Asean Economic Community (AEC) that will be established in 2015.

Q: Is it correct that President Thein Sein will meet Indonesian President Jokowi and Russian Prime Minister Medvedev during the East Asia summit? Why will he meet them?

A: He will also meet the Indian Prime Minister [Modi] today [Tuesday]. The Indonesian president will meet with President U Thein Sein because he is a new president and has to introduce himself to other Asean leaders, according to Asean tradition. Again, they will exchange their views.

The Russian Prime Minister [Medvedev] will come as the Russian President [Putin] is not able to. The views of Asean countries on the Ukraine situation and the attack on the Malaysian airplane [MH17] were presented at a previous Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting. It is hoped that the Russian prime minister will discuss these issues in the meeting with President U Thein Sein.

Q: What will be the focus of the meeting between President Obama and President Thein Sein?

A: President U Thein Sein made 11 commitments [for reforms] in his meeting with US President Obama before [in 2012]. We're going to discuss the progress in fulfilling those commitments. Some could not be done by government alone as some call for cooperation with other stakeholders. Some commitments therefore have yet to be met. It is not that we have stopped.

[In one of the commitments], we agreed to open an UN Human Rights Commissioner Office in Myanmar as we would like to show our commitment to improving the human rights situation in Myanmar and bring it on a par with international norms. Three representatives from the Bangkok-based UN Human Rights Commissioner Office have come to Myanmar and studied the human rights situation, mainly in Rakhine [Arakan] State, and they provided recommendations. So, even though the agreement has not been signed we have been cooperating technically. We will explain this [to Obama].

We alone cannot build peace. We have to make peace with 16 [ethnic armed] groups. They have their own views and it takes time. We'll explain this. We think [the US president] would discuss these issues frankly with us.

Q: How do you think President Thein Sein will respond if the US president pushes him on Myanmar's political issues, including constitutional amendments? (The government refuses to amend the Constitution, which blocks Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency and gives the military political powers.)

A: I can't say exactly. However, what we assert is that constitutional amendment is an internal affair of our country. All the stakeholders have agreed that the Constitution needs to be amended and it should be amended in line with prescribed provisions [from Parliament]. This is our position. However, we understand from statements by the US [officials] that it would not say directly which part (of the Constitution) should be amended.

Q: Some assess that the US administration's attitude towards the Myanmar government has softened? Why do you think US has changed its attitude?

A: The US has been assisting countries in their democratization process since the end of Cold War. So, they understand the challenges that arise during a transition. They therefore accurately assess the actions of our government, for example in the peace process. We have to talk with 16 [ethnic armed] groups while a new [political] system is being introduced. They [the US] understand these challenges.

Q: Do you think President U Thein Sein will talk about lifting remaining US sanctions on Myanmar in his meeting with President Obama? (Most US sanctions were suspended, but not lifted and some remain in place.)

A: We will focus on cooperation rather than talking about sanctions. We will give priority to the peace process and human rights issues during the talks. President Obama has already done all in his power to reduce sanctions against Myanmar and the remaining sanctions are up to the decisions of the Congress. So, we will not force him to reduce sanctions.

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Obama to Stay in Kempinski Hotel in Naypyidaw: Report

Posted: 11 Nov 2014 02:33 AM PST

A policeman directs traffic in front of the Kempinski Hotel in Naypyidaw on Tuesday. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

A policeman directs traffic in front of the Kempinski Hotel in Naypyidaw on Tuesday. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

NAYPYIDAW — During his visit to the Burmese capital Naypyidaw this week, US President Obama is expected to stay in a hotel managed by the Kempinski Hotel Group and owned by two Burmese conglomerates, a minister has told a local news outlet.

The Messenger News Journal on Monday reported the choice of accommodation by the president and attributed the information to Deputy Minister of Hotels and Tourism Sai Kyaw Ohn, who was quoted as saying, "Now they [US Secret Service] are solely taking care of the hotel's security, so we don’t need to help them a lot. Security has been tightened."

Obama is expected to arrive in Naypyidaw on Wednesday to attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and East Asia summits, which Burma is hosting this year as Asean chair.

There was a heavy security presence around the hotel on Tuesday, but hotel management declined to confirm the report about the president's visit when contacted by The Irrawaddy.

In August, the Switzerland-headquartered Kempinski Group announced it would open the 140-room, five-star Kempinski Hotel—reportedly the most expensive of all hotels in the capital—on time for the Asean meeting this week. At the time, hotel management said there were two rooms available with bullet proof glass that could accommodate visiting government leaders.

The Kempinski Hotel was built on 50-acre premises and funded by local conglomerates Kanbawza (KBZ) Group and Jewellery Luck Company, which have invested US$45 million total in its construction, taking 50 percent shares each.

KBZ Group owns one of Burma's largest banks and also has business interests in the domestic airline industry; it was founded in the 1990s in the Shan State capital Taunggyi and is owned by Aung Ko Win. Jewellery Luck Company was founded in 1995 and has business interests in trade, hotels, timber logging and mining.

Unlike dozens of other Burmese firms, KBZ and Jewellery Luck are not on the US Treasury sanction list. US Secretary of State John Kerry caused a stir in August when his delegation booked into the Lake Garden Hotel, owned by blacklisted Zaw Zaw's Max Myanmar group. The State Department said at the time that Kerry had done nothing wrong.

Kempinski is one of four international hotel chains in the capital. United States' Hilton Hotels, Singapore's Parkroyal and France's Accor Group all opened luxury hotels in Naypyidaw in partnerships with local business conglomerates ahead of the Asean meeting.

Work on Burma's new capital began about a decade ago on orders of the former military junta, which enlisted the help of the country's tycoons to construct government buildings and hotels in the capital. To this day, the government encourages investment in the sprawling but largely empty city that is home to mostly government officials.

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Burma Falls Short on Key Reform Pledges

Posted: 11 Nov 2014 01:48 AM PST

US President Barack Obama shakes hands with Burma's President Thein Sein during their meeting in Rangoon in November 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

US President Barack Obama shakes hands with Burma's President Thein Sein during their meeting in Rangoon in November 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

WASHINGTON — US President Barack Obama's visit to Burma in 2012 was a celebration of the nation's historic shift from military rule. But as Obama returns this week, optimism over economic and political reforms has faded. Revered opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has questioned what's been accomplished in the last two years.

The answer is mixed—according to the standards set by Burma's own government.

On the eve of Obama's first visit, President Thein Sein made 11 policy pledges. The quasi-civilian government has progressed on some counts, but there are deep problems on others.

The pledges don't touch on the now-burning issue of the military's role in politics ahead of elections next year, but they address key human rights concerns, the arms trade with North Korea and anti-Muslim violence.

The Associated Press reviewed how Burma has done:

GOAL: Allow the International Committee of the Red Cross access to prisons.

UPDATE: In early 2012, the government agreed to the first Red Cross prison visits in seven years. Spokesman Ewan Watson said the humanitarian agency has visited 28 places of detention this year with full cooperation from the Home Affairs Ministry. Rights activists viewed Red Cross access as an important step in reducing reports of torture, but said allegations of ill treatment of detainees persist.

GOAL: Invite the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to establish an office in Burma.

UPDATE: The government issued the invitation in November 2012 but has refused to let the UN agency open an office that could monitor human rights rather than just provide training. So UN staff visit on a rotating basis, and a special rapporteur on human rights visits and issues a report twice a year. In this case, a rapporteur is a person appointed by the UN to report on human rights in that country.

GOAL: Allow blacklisted people to enter and leave the country.

UPDATE: Formerly blacklisted human rights activists, journalists and others have been able to visit. Also, exiled dissidents have returned. But some returning exiles have been unable to secure Burmese citizenship, and several members of the Burmese diaspora say they have been denied visas in the past year. Some freed political prisoners face travel restrictions because of parole conditions.

GOAL: Initiate a process to assess the criminality of remaining political prisoners.

UPDATE: The government says all political prisoners from the days of military rule have been freed. The State Department says more than 1,300 have been released in the past three years, including several hundred since Obama last visited. But 27 prisoners are still held, according to the main nongovernmental group tracking the issue. And rights groups say hundreds of new dissenters, including writers, activists and farmers demonstrating against land grabs, have been detained in the past year.

The government is preparing to disband a committee, set up after Obama's 2012 visit, that determined which inmates were eligible for pardons and amnesties. It plans to replace it with a task force that would be controlled by the Home Affairs Ministry—the very institution that controls prisons.

GOAL: Pursue a durable ceasefire in Kachin State, scene of the largest ethnic rebellion. Pursue sustainable political solutions with ethnic minorities.

UPDATE: Since independence, Burma has been plagued by fighting between its army and ethnic minorities seeking more autonomy. Thein Sein's administration has done more to pursue sustainable peace than any Burmese government for decades, holding several rounds of talks with a coalition of rebel groups aimed at reaching a nationwide ceasefire that could lead to political talks.

But deep distrust remains, and fighting escalated in October between government forces and ethnic Shan and Karen rebels. In northern Kachin State, where the largest rebel group is based, about 100,000 villagers remain displaced by fighting that has rumbled on since 2011.

GOAL: Take decisive action in Arakan State, the scene of communal violence, to prevent attacks against civilians, hold perpetrators to account and meet the humanitarian needs of the people. Address contentious political issues.

UPDATE: Attacks by Buddhist extremists since mid-2012 have left hundreds of minority Rohingya Muslims dead and 140,000 trapped in dire conditions in camps. More than 100,000 Rohingya have fled Burma by boat—with departures reported to be accelerating in recent weeks. Hundreds of the migrants have died at sea. Few perpetrators have been arrested or punished for attacks.

Authorities have obstructed humanitarian access, worsening conditions for camp inmates and leading to preventable deaths. The main international aid group in Arakan State, Médecins Sans Frontières,was expelled in February. Operations adviser Reshma Adatia said the group is hopeful it can resume its medical activities in the coming week but hasn't yet received formal authorization.

A draft government plan would enable the estimated 1.3 million Rohingya in Burma to seek a form of citizenship but only if they categorize themselves as "Bengalis," which they object to as it implies they are illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Those denied citizenship would be put in camps with a view to being deported. The UN special rapporteur Yanghee Lee said the plan could result in "permanent segregation."

GOAL: Expedite negotiations with international humanitarian organizations for broader access to conflict-affected areas.

UPDATE: The International Committee of the Red Cross has opened new offices in Shan and Kachin states and been allowed into conflict zones, including areas both inside and outside government control in Kachin. But Lee said the UN and humanitarian agencies should be given more regular access, particularly in rebel-held areas. Hundreds of thousands of members of ethnic minorities remain displaced in the nation's border regions.

GOAL: Sign the Additional Protocol to the UN nuclear agency's Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement.

UPDATE: Burma signed the protocol in September 2013, but has yet to ratify it. The agreement requires the government to declare all nuclear facilities and materials and allow greater scrutiny by UN inspectors. That could lay to rest suspicions that the former ruling junta dabbled in nuclear technology, possibly with North Korea's help, which Burma has always denied.

GOAL: Abide by UN Security Council Resolution 1874 prohibiting imports of weapons from North Korea.

UPDATE: Ending North Korean arms sales to Burma has been a key aim of the US engagement policy. US officials say Burma has taken significant steps in that direction. But Burma has not cut all military ties to North Korea. In December 2013, the US Treasury blacklisted a Burmese military officer and three companies accused of continuing the illicit arms trade. A general was blacklisted in July 2013 on similar grounds.

GOAL: Strive for more open and accountable government.

UPDATE: The government has fired hundreds of civil servants for petty corruption. There's increasing disclosure of the government's budget and parliamentary scrutiny. Burma has applied to join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, an international compact intended to ensure full disclosure of taxes and other payments made by oil, gas and mining companies to governments.

But reporting of revenues by state-owned enterprises, including on jade and timber, remains patchy. The military and cronies of the former ruling junta dominate the economy. In Transparency International's annual Corruption Perceptions Index, Burma ranks among the worst: 157th out of 177 countries worldwide.

GOAL: Combat human trafficking.

UPDATE: For the past three years, Burma has stayed off the annual US list of the worst offenders among nations that fail to combat human trafficking. Burma has taken steps to tackle cross-border sex trafficking. But there's growing evidence Burma's security forces are profiting off the mass departure of Rohingya Muslims by extracting payments from those fleeing by boat.

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Police Search for ‘Terrorist’ Rohingya Suspects in Mon, Pegu States

Posted: 11 Nov 2014 01:38 AM PST

Police in Rangoon stop and search vehicles in this photo posted on the Yangon Police Facebook page on Nov. 9. (Photo: Yangon Police / Facebook)

Police in Rangoon stop and search vehicles in this photo posted on the Yangon Police Facebook page on Nov. 9. (Photo: Yangon Police / Facebook)

Burmese police said they have put security measures in place and are searching for four Rohingya Muslim "terrorists," who authorities claim are hiding in Mon or Pegu states.

Pegu Division Police Force Col. Win Sein said on Tuesday that checkpoints had been set up on roads in the region to search for the men, who supposedly belong to the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO).

He said his officers received orders from the National Police headquarters in Naypyidaw in recent days to search for suspects named Than Win, Dawit (also known as Osama), Amin (also known as Ahphat) and Zaw Win (also known Isami), adding that pictures of the men had been distributed among police officers.

Win Sein was unable to provide details as to why the men would be active in in Mon or Pegu states, or what indications there are of an imminent terrorist threat, saying only, "The information came directly from Naypyidaw."

The police operations come during a time of heightened security measures in Burma ahead of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and East Asia summits, which are held in the capital Naypyidaw on Nov 12-13 and will see many regional and world leaders visit Burma.

Zaw Lin Htun, secretary of the Mon State cabinet, said the state's Security and Stability Committee was taking security measures and searching for the suspects, who police said could be hiding in Moulmein.

"Our State Security and Border Affairs Minister [Col. Htay Myint Aung] is leading the committee and information has been shared to every level, down to the lowest administrative level," he said, before declining further comment.

Officers at the Moulmein Police Station in Mon State declined to comment on the operations. U Myint, a Moulmein resident, said he had noticed no security measures in the state capital and that the public had not been informed of any threat.

A Rangoon Division Police officer said security had been tightened in the region too, but declined to give details.

In recent days, several local newspapers published police statements about the search operations, including a raid on Monday on a Rangoon hotel that turned out to be a false alarm.

Police have offered scant detail to qualify the supposed threat and no explanation has been given as to why members of the RSO—which the government says is based on the Burma-Bangladesh border—would be in central and southern parts of the country.

Since early September, the Burmese government has said it is on alert after the radical Islamist group Al-Qaeda released a statement saying it would launch an "Al-Qaeda in South Asia" wing with activities in India, Bangladesh and Burma.

The RSO is not part of Al-Qaeda and was founded in the early 1980s after Burma's military launched violent operations in Arakan State that pushed about 250,000 Rohingyas over the border into Bangladesh. It was a small insurgency group with a few camps in Bangladesh near the Burma border. In 2001, Bangladesh authorities cracked down on the group, and little is known about its activities since.

Regional security experts have said that they believe the group is defunct, but the Burmese government repeatedly says the RSO poses a security threat—claims that have been difficult to independently verify. The RSO's founder has told The Irrawaddy that he has denounced violence.

Burmese authorities have used the supposed RSO threat at times to justify a heavy security presence in northern Arakan State, where some 1 million stateless Rohingya are facing persecution and live under a range of government restrictions that have been widely condemned as gross human rights abuses.

Abu Tahay, a Rohingya political leader based in Rangoon, said he believed that the RSO had not been militarily active for many years. "As far as I know, there have been no people or organizations known as RSO in Myanmar since 1994, 1995," he said, adding that most Rohingya reject the idea of staging violent acts or an armed rebellion against the government.

He said the police statements published in the local media appear to be aimed at painting the Muslim minority in a bad light with Burma's predominantly Buddhist population. "Such news reports look like they are pushing the Rohingya population into this corner," said Abu Tahay.

A recent report by the International Crisis Group (ICG) said there are attempts under way by individual members of the Rohingya community in Arakan State to revive the RSO as an insurgent force, but it noted that there is little support for the efforts, neither from the Rohingya public nor in Bangladesh.

"[T]he vast majority of the [Rohingya] community is opposed to violence as a means of obtaining their rights. This stems from practical considerations more than principle: they believe that violence or even a threat thereof would be likely to prompt further discrimination against them," the report said.

It added, "Even if the RSO is not a credible military threat, the group's very existence could be used as an easy justification for increased discrimination against Muslims in Rakhine [Arakan] State."

The ICG also said that international-style Islamic radicalization of the Rohingya is unlikely "for a number of reasons: they see Western governments as key supporters of their rights, which does not fit with the global jihadi agenda; they are not easy for global extremist networks to access; and it seems that most Rohingya religious leaders are not preaching violence."

Additional reporting by Paul Vrieze.

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Ethnic Leaders Meet Burma Govt Ahead of Regional Summits

Posted: 11 Nov 2014 01:31 AM PST

Leaders of the UNFC, members of the Myanmar Peace Center and representatives of the Nippon Foundation, a Japanese charity that is supporting Burma's peace process, arrive in Naypyidaw on Sunday. (Photo: Facebook / Nyo Ohn Myint)

Leaders of the UNFC, members of the Myanmar Peace Center and representatives of the Nippon Foundation, a Japanese charity that is supporting Burma's peace process, arrive in Naypyidaw on Sunday. (Photo: Facebook / Nyo Ohn Myint)

UNFC meetsCHIANG MAI, Thailand — Representatives from the alliance of ethnic armed groups known as the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) traveled to Naypyidaw over the weekend to meet with Burmese officials ahead of major regional summits in the capital this week.

The UNFC leaders traveled to Naypyidaw for informal talks at the invitation of the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) and President's Office Minister Aung Min, who leads the government's peace negotiating team, said Khu Oo Reh, general secretary of the ethnic alliance.

In addition to Aung Min, Burma's Immigration Minister Khin Yi and two other ministers attended the meeting on Monday, according to Hla Maung Shwe of the MCP, who said that although all ethnic attendees hold leadership positions within UNFC, they were not meeting in their official capacities as representatives of the group.

"We didn't reach any agreement as it was an informal meeting," he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. "However, our relations became warmer. We were able to have an exchange about the differences and doubts between us."

The talks come as sources close to the UNFC said ethnic representatives hope to meet US President Barack Obama, who will attend the Asean and East Asia summits in Naypyidaw this week.

The UNFC sent an open letter to Obama on Nov. 3, requesting a meeting with the American president during his visit to Burma. There has been no official response from the White House.

"We don't have high expectations for a meeting with President Obama. But, if Obama knows that they [UNFC representatives] are there [in Naypyidaw] and is fine to meet briefly, there is a possibility," said Khu Oo Reh.

If granted an audience with Obama, ethnic leaders plan to brief the US president on their latest round of peace talks with the Burmese government, he said. The UNFC representatives, including its leaders Nai Hong Sar and Khun Okkar, left for Burma on Sunday and will return to Thailand on Thursday.

In the open letter to Obama, the UNFC claims that Burma's peace process has stalled since the last round of negotiations with the government in September.

Khu Oo Reh said on-and-off fighting between ethnic rebels and government troops in Kachin and northern Shan states, as well as renewed fighting in eastern Burma's Karen State, were contributing to delays in signing a nationwide ceasefire agreement.

"We want to make it happen as soon as possible, but before that happens, we want to compromise with the government and make sure that our demands are addressed. In negotiations, both sides have to take and give, not only one side taking everything," said Khu Oo Reh, adding that among those demands were government acceptance of a federal system with a degree of autonomy for ethnic regions.

In the last round of peace talks in September, the Burmese military representatives reportedly rejected ethnic groups' push for the creation of a so-called "federal army," the nature of which remains unclear but, broadly, would likely involve ethnically constituted armed units. Naypyidaw has also shown reluctance to the inclusion of federalism-related terminology in the proposed ceasefire agreement, reflecting the government's long-held belief that a federal system would lead to a disintegration of the union.

Ahead of Obama's visit to Burma, some ethnic leaders also met with US Ambassador to Burma Derek Mitchell and shared the reasons for ethnic groups' reticence to sign a ceasefire at the moment.

Khun Okkar of the UNFC, who attended the meeting with Mitchell, told The Irrawaddy: "He [Mitchell] asked us what made us unwilling to sign the NCA [nationwide ceasefire agreement] very soon; what are the difficulties we are facing. And he said the US government would help the ethnic minorities as much as possible.

"He sounded like they want us to sign the NCA, but we told him that we are not ready yet and it is not possible to sign it right now," Khun Okkar said.

UNFC chairman N'Ban La said in the letter to Obama that ethnic minorities are not making demands that are beyond the bounds of any fair peace settlement.

The outstanding issues in the peace process are critical to the success of any negotiated ceasefire agreement, the letter said, such as the rights of ethnic nationalities to participate in a genuine federal union; a military code of conduct to govern the behavior of both Burma Army and ethnic rebel troops during the ceasefire; and the structure of an ensuing political dialogue.

"Frankly, ethnic armed resistance organizations would be both naive and irresponsible to accept a ceasefire agreement that does not address each of these topics," N'Ban La said in the letter.

While the government has signed bilateral ceasefires with more than a dozen ethnic armed groups since 2011, two major armed resistances are ongoing in Burma's north, and fighting has continued to flare even with some of the ceasefire-committed rebel groups.

James Lum Dau, deputy chief of foreign affairs for the Kachin Independent Organization (KIO), told The Irrawaddy that the United States was trying to exert its influence as a global superpower to steer Burma's ethnic civil war toward resolution.

"But no matter how good their intentions are, we still need to look at the involvement of the respective [Burmese] government," said James Lum Dau.

"Even international bodies want to help, but there is no great hope without efforts from the concerned government," he added.

Hla Maung Shwe said it was "almost certain" that ethnic armed groups and the government would meet by the end of this month, after plans to reconvene in October failed to materialize.

Meanwhile, New York-based Physicians for Human Rights released a statement on Monday urging Obama to push for more progress on a range of human rights issues during his trip to Burma.

Widney Brown, PHR's director of programs, said in the statement: "The US-Burma relationship is at a critical juncture, and we'll see whether President Obama will jump on the economic bandwagon and ignore ongoing human rights violations."

"Burma's progress on human rights is stalled, particularly with respect to the persecution of the Rohingya," said the PHR's director, referring to the Muslim minority group.

The Karen Human Rights Group, an ethnic Karen advocacy organization, also sent an open letter to Obama on Thursday, urging the US president to demand that the Burmese government refrain from establishing new military camps or reinforcing existing bases in civilian areas of Karen State in southeastern Burma.

The rights group has documented human rights abuses in Karen State since 1992, and said that despite the ceasefire signed between the government and ethnic rebels of the Karen National Union (KNU) in January 2012, the Burma Army maintains a substantial and growing presence in the KHRG's areas of operation, leading to human rights violations and dimming prospects for a sustainable peace.

The group also asked Obama to demand that the Burmese government withdraw its troops from civilian areas, as well as investigate and prosecute soldiers accused of human rights abuses against civilians.

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Access Limited for Journalists at Asean Summit

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 10:54 PM PST

A traffic policeman stands near Asean country flags displayed for the 24th Asean Summit in Naypyidaw on May 10, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A traffic policeman stands near Asean country flags displayed for the 24th Asean Summit in Naypyidaw on May 10, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

NAYPYIDAW — The number of journalists attending the 25th Asean Summit in Naypyidaw is expected to reach a record high, but reporters said access is severely limited due to "tight security."

Myo Myint Thaung, chief editor of the ministry-backed Myanmar News Agency, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that more than 1,300 media professionals have applied for access, far exceeding the number of journalists present at the last summit held in May.

"We expect that there will be at least 1,200 journalists in attendance from all over the world," he said, "but so far more than 1,300 people have registered, which is three times more than at the previous summit."

A total of 165 local and 801 foreign journalists are expected to attend the summit and related meetings, as well as 351 media delegates, he said.

The 25th Asean Summit will be held from Nov. 12-13 in Burma's capital city, Naypyidaw. It is the second such summit held in Burma during the country's chairmanship of the 10-member regional bloc. The previous summit, held in May, hosted only about 400 journalists, both local and foreign.

Reporters from Japan, South Korea and the United States will make up a majority of the journalists present. Media professionals from all other Asean member states and dialogue partners will also attend.

Media interest is high due to the number of high-profile attendees at the summit, which include US President Barack Obama, Thai Premier Gen. Prayuth Chan-Ocha, Indonesian President Joko Widodo and Indian Premier Narendra Modi.

Some meetings will also be attended by representatives of China, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and Russia.

The Asean Summit and related meetings will take place in the Myanmar International Convention Center One in Naypyidaw, where many of the country's few five-star hotels were constructed since the capital was relocated in 2005.

Two media centers have been erected in and around the convention center to facilitate visiting journalists, each equipped with about 100 desktop computers and Wi-Fi Internet service.

While Naypyidaw has made some efforts to accommodate the influx of reporters, Myo Myint Thuang said that, "there will be some restrictions for journalists this time, because security is very tight."

Journalists will not be permitted to roam around the convention grounds freely, he said; press will have access to some meetings, the media center and the food court.

Limited access will be offered for certain events including the Asean leaders' photo opportunity and gala dinner. Despite the sharp increase in press attendance, access will be much more limited than it was in May, he said.

"This is the last summit [during Burma's chairmanship], that's why security is very tight and we can't allow journalists to go around the building grounds," Myo Myint Thaung said.

Khin Soe Win, Rangoon Bureau Chief of Voice of America's Burmese service, said that access restrictions are already posing problems for reporters as they are only authorized to meet with delegates in official media centers.

"We want comments from each delegate right after the meetings, we're on a news deadline," she said. "How can we inform our listeners if we can't get comments from our leaders? Those responsible should offer us details, not just what's on the program."

Burma assumed its first chairmanship of Asean in early 2014, 17 years after joining the bloc. The former military regime was previously exempted from the rotating chairmanship because of its alienated status among the international community.

Asean member states include Burma, Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. The chairmanship will be transferred to Malaysia in January 2015.

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NLD not behind Aung Thaung sanctions: Suu Kyi

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 10:49 PM PST

Burma's President Thein Sein (left) talks with Aung Thaung (center) and Rangoon Mayor Aung Thein Linn in 2010. (Photo: AP)

Burma's President Thein Sein (left) talks with Aung Thaung (center) and Rangoon Mayor Aung Thein Linn in 2010. (Photo: AP)

RANGOON — National League for Democracy chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi said her party was not behind sanctions that put a senior member of Burma's ruling party on a US blacklist recently.

Prior to the Lower House parliamentary session on Monday, Suu Kyi told the media that she learned about the sanctions leveled against Aung Thaung after the announcement, and the US didn't consult her before its decision.

"The NLD has nothing to do with it, she said. "I'm not interested in doing these things while we are working for national reconciliation."

The US Treasury on Oct. 31 blacklisted Aung Thaung, a hardline lawmaker of Burma's ruling party Union Solidarity and Development Party, accusing him of undermining political and economic reforms.

Since then there has been open speculation that the country's main opposition party was behind the sanctions.

Hla Swe, an Upper House MP with the USDP, accused the NLD of asking the White House to blacklist Aung Thaung in order to taint his party, whose elected members are mostly comprised of former junta members.

"I see the blacklisting as a blow to the USDP by the US, which has always had a good relationship with the NLD," he told The Irrawaddy. "I condemn the US action against U Aung Thaung. I have to add that this is a dirty action by the US."

On Monday, two lawmakers from the USDP submitted a proposal in the Lower House of Parliament to condemn the US sanctions against Aung Thaung, which was approved with no objections from the floor.

Burma's Union Parliament released a statement on the same day, condemning the US decision to level sanctions against the MP.

"In order not to have undesirable impact on dignity of respective parliaments, parliamentary committees, lawmakers, national solidarity, national reconciliation, internal peace and the rule of law for which respective parliaments are striving, and improving the relationship between the US and Myanmar, the Union Parliament opposes the announcement mentioned in Paragraph 1 [placing Aung Thaung on the sanctions list] and denounces those who made it happen," read the statement.

The post NLD not behind Aung Thaung sanctions: Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Photo of the Week (Nov 11, 2014)

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 10:32 PM PST

North Korea delegates won’t attend ASEAN Summit

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 09:11 PM PST

North Korea's Foreign Minister Ri Su Yong at the Asean Regional Forum in August. North Korea will be the only Regional Forum member without representation at the 25th Asean Summit this week. (Photo: Nicolas Asfouri / Reuters)

North Korea’s Foreign Minister Ri Su Yong at the Asean Regional Forum in August. North Korea will be the only Regional Forum member without representation at the 25th Asean Summit this week. (Photo: Nicolas Asfouri / Reuters)

NAYPYIDAW — North Korean representatives will not be attending the 25th Asean Summit in Naypyidaw this week, according to the Burmese Ministry of Information.

Most heads of state from the 27-member Asean Regional Forum will attend the summit, including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chinese President Xi Jinping, South Korean President Park Geun-hye, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and US President Barack Obama.

In the most recent official meeting of the Asean Regional Forum, held in Naypyidaw in August, North Korean Foreign Minister Ri Su Yong and other delegates were in attendance alongside foreign ministry representation from the other 26 members of the forum.

"As indicated by the schedule, the North Korean representatives won't come to this summit," Myo Myint Thaung, the chief editor of Myanmar News Agency at the Ministry of Information, told the Irrawaddy on Monday. He said the ministry had no indication as to why North Korea will not send a delegation.

Burma and North Korean have had a cordial relationship since the closing years of the military government era. The two countries agreed to resume formal diplomatic ties in 2007.

Previously, relations with the reclusive state had been severed after a 1983 assassination attempt conducted in Rangoon by North Korean agents killed 21 people, including four South Korean cabinet ministers.

Burma's state media reported that a delegation led by Kim Myong Gil, a director general in North Korea's Foreign Ministry, landed in Burma on April 3 and spent three days visiting the country. Visiting officials met with Thant Kyaw, Burma's deputy minister of foreign affairs, and San Lwin, director-general of the Foreign Affairs Ministry's political department.

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China’s Xi, Japan’s Abe Hold Landmark Meeting

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 09:04 PM PST

China's President Xi Jinping, right, shakes hands with Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during their meeting at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Nov. 10, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

China's President Xi Jinping, right, shakes hands with Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during their meeting at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Nov. 10, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — After an awkward handshake, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe held formal talks on Monday for the first time since the two leaders took office, a breakthrough in efforts to improve ties between the Asian rivals.

Television footage showed Abe waiting for Xi to greet him at Beijing's Great Hall of the People, a departure from usual protocol in which the Chinese leader is on hand waiting for a guest. Xi was unsmiling and stiff as the two shook hands and he did not speak to Abe when they first met.

China and Japan, the world's second- and third-largest economies, have rowed bitterly in the past two years over disputed islands, regional rivalry and the legacy of Japan's wartime occupation of China.

The meeting, which capped months of backdoor talks and an agreement last week between diplomats that signaled willingness to put the territorial feud on the back burner, opens the door to lower-level dialogue, including stalled high-level economic discussions.

"Leaders [from the two nations] met and exchanged views frankly," said Japan's chief cabinet secretary, Yoshihide Suga, in Tokyo. "I think there was big progress in freshly improving the economic and various relationships between Japan and China."

Abe and Xi also agreed to start work on maritime crisis management, to prevent clashes at a time when patrol ships and fighter jets from both countries shadow each other regularly near the disputed islands in the East China Sea that are controlled by Japan, but also claimed by Beijing.

Experts have said both sides had agreed the deep freeze in diplomatic ties was harming vital economic relations, as well as threatening an unintended military clash that could drag in the United States. Japan's direct investment into China fell more than 40 percent during the first nine months of the year.

"This is a first step towards improving bilateral relations, returning to the core of a mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests," Abe told reporters after what a Japanese official said was a "gentlemenlike" meeting on the sidelines of a gathering of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) leaders.

The United States, a treaty ally of Japan that has criticized China for the way it has pursued maritime claims in East Asia, welcomed the meeting.

"Obviously, dialogue between the two countries and a positive relationship is something that we feel is important for not only relations between the countries, but peace and prosperity for the region and the world," US State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki told a regular news briefing.

"Obviously, there are some issues where they agree on and some they don't, but certainly sitting down and meeting is still a positive step forward."

Abe played a key role in improving ties with China during his 2006-07 term, but since taking office again in 2012, his efforts to ease the limits of Japan's pacifist constitution and recast wartime history with a less apologetic tone and China's greater regional assertiveness have deepened friction.

Gerry Curtis, a Columbia University professor, said Xi's apparent stiffness in greeting Abe was a nod to his domestic audience, which still harbors memories of Japan's brutal wartime occupation.

"Xi had to be concerned about how the meeting was covered in China," he said. "Looking like he was meeting his best friend would probably not go down all that well."

But Curtis also said body language aside, the meeting was an "important and positive development" toward repairing ties.

Nevertheless, rebuilding trust will not be easy.

Xi told Abe that "historical issues concern the feelings of more than 1.3 billion Chinese people" and urged Abe "to continue the path of peaceful development and adopt a prudent military security policy," China's foreign ministry said.

China has sought assurances that Abe would not repeat his December 2013 visit to Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine for war dead, including wartime leaders convicted as war criminals by an Allied tribunal.

Such a promise would be hard for Abe to make and the Japanese leader said last Friday that last week's agreement did not cover specific issues such as his shrine visits.

Japanese Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Katsunubo Kato said there was no direct mention of the disputed isles or the Yasukuni shrine at the talks. Abe previously said there had been no change in Japan's stance on the isles.

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Nearly Third of Indian Cabinet Charged With Crimes, Despite Modi Pledge

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 08:52 PM PST

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi is pictured at the 6th BRICS summit at the Alvorada Palace in Brasilia on July 16, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi is pictured at the 6th BRICS summit at the Alvorada Palace in Brasilia on July 16, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

NEW DELHI — Attempted murder, waging war on the state, criminal intimidation and fraud are some of the charges on the rap sheets of ministers Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi appointed to the cabinet on Sunday, jarring with his pledge to clean up politics.

Seven of 21 new ministers face prosecution, taking the total in the 66-member cabinet to almost one third, a higher proportion than before the weekend expansion.

At least five people in the cabinet have been charged with serious offences such as rape and rioting.

Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said any suggestions there were criminals in the cabinet were "completely baseless."

"These are cases arising out of criminal accusations, not cases out of a crime," he told reporters on Monday, adding that Modi had personally vetted the new ministers.

Ram Shankar Katheria, a lawmaker from Agra, was appointed junior education minister yet has been accused of more than 20 criminal offences including attempted murder and promoting religious or racial hostility.

Katheria was not immediately available for comment and a mobile phone number given by his office was switched off.

The inclusion of such politicians does not sit easily with Modi's election promise to root out corruption, and has led to criticism that he is failing to change the political culture in India where wealthy, tainted politicians sometimes find it easier to win votes.

"It shows scant respect for the rule of law or public sentiment," said Jagdeep Chhokar, co-founder of the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) which campaigns for better governance. "Including these people in the cabinet is a bad omen for our democracy."

Modi won the biggest parliamentary majority in three decades in May with a promise of graft-free governance after the previous government led by Congress party was mired in a series of damaging corruption scandals.

New Cabinet More Tainted Than Old?

Soon after coming to power, Modi called for courts to fast track cases against politicians in an effort to curb political criminality in the world's largest democracy. Cases in India's overstretched judicial system often drag on for years.

Yet Modi's cabinet includes twice as many politicians facing criminal charges as the previous Congress party one.

Hansraj Gangaram Ahir, the new junior chemicals and fertilizer minister, was another eye-catching choice. He is charged with around 20 offences, including intent to wage war against India, criminal intimidation and abetting a mutiny.

Ahir did not respond to requests for comment, and it was not immediately clear what incidents the more serious charges pertained to. His secretary said the cases were politically motivated.

Ahir is best known for helping unearth corruption in the coal industry while he served on a parliamentary committee.

Shrikant Sharma, a spokesman for Modi's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), said it was up to courts to decide if ministers were guilty, and said many of the charges related to political rivalries.

The BJP is led by Amit Shah, the closest aide of Modi, who is accused of ordering police to carry out three extrajudicial killings and running an extortion racket when he served under Modi as home minister in Gujarat almost a decade ago.

He has denied the charges. He is facing a trial in Mumbai.

The number of lawmakers charged with offences has more than doubled in the last two decades. About a third of federal and state legislators face charges, the ADR said.

Politicians facing criminal charges are twice as likely to win an election as their untainted peers, making them the preferred choice of candidates for political parties in India, according to a study published last year by the group.

In office, these politicians are sometimes accused of enriching themselves or their backers by siphoning off money from government spending.

"We hear again and again the country's leaders promise to clean up the system," said Satish Misra, a political analyst at the Observer Research Foundation. "Self interest prevails over principles. That is why the system never changes."

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Obama’s Chance to Make Burma a Genuine Foreign Policy Success

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 08:44 PM PST

US President Barack Obama and Aung San Suu Kyi during a meeting at the opposition leader's home in 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

US President Barack Obama and Aung San Suu Kyi during a meeting at the opposition leader's home in 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

As President Obama prepares to make his second visit to Burma, it is worth looking back at the promises made to him by Burma's President Thein Sein on his last visit in November 2012 and to assess the worth of these promises. Burma, after all, is largely seen as a foreign policy success by the current administration amid the mess of Ukraine, Libya and the threat of ISIS—yet it does not take much to realize that the normative narrative of optimism on Burma's reforms is mistaken, and the country is in real danger of regressing into all too familiar territory.

Since the government of President Thein Sein took power in March 2011, life has become miserable for two substantial minority populations: the Kachin in the north and the Muslim Rohingya in the west of the country.

The decades-old civil war continues, currently at its most extreme with the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and Ta'ang National Liberation Army in the northern part of the country, with a promised nationwide ceasefire agreement yet to come to fruition as the Burma Army remains obdurate and reluctant to compromise.

In fact, just one month after Thein Sein pledged to establish a ceasefire with the KIO during Obama's visit in November 2012, the Burma Army launched one of the biggest offensives in the country's history, using helicopter gunships and airstrikes for the first time. It beggars belief that such a large and involved operation did not get a green light from the highest levels of power, including Thein Sein. Needless to say, fighting continued and ultimately left more than 100,000 civilians displaced.

It is not just civil war that is plaguing Burma. The Muslim Rohingya in Arakan State have been at the sharp end of sporadic bouts of religious violence, killing hundreds and leaving more than 140,000 in apartheid-like conditions in squalid camps for internally displaced persons. They are seen as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, with severe discriminations and heavy restrictions on marriage, religious activity, health, education and opportunity. Even worse, they are not even allowed to self-identify as "Rohingya," and are instead labeled as "Bengali".

Not only have local security forces been complicit in violence, but state-level policies have facilitated hate and violence against this vulnerable population. It is estimated that another 100,000 Rohingya have fled Arakan State in rickety boats, of which thousands have drowned and thousands more ended up in slave labor plantations in Thailand, such is their desperation to leave.

During Obama's last visit, in regards to concerns expressed over this violence, Thein Sein pledged to take "decisive action to prevent violent attacks against civilians," and "address contentious political dimensions, ranging from resettlement of displaced populations to granting of citizenship." This has not happened. Instead, the Rakhine (Arakan) Action Plan will force the Rohingya to accept ethnic classification as Bengali, while those who refuse to do so will be kept in segregated camps away from urban areas. The plan falls far short of Burma's obligations to meet international human rights principles.

Burma Partnership coordinator Khin Ohmar. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Burma Partnership coordinator Khin Ohmar. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The acts of spreading hate speech and inciting ethnic and religious conflict across the country have been undertaken with near-complete impunity under the full view of the Burmese government. Religious tension in Burma, particularly in Arakan State, remains high and is a time bomb gravely threatening the so-called democratic transition.

Other promises, such as committing to release all political prisoners by the end of 2013, have also turned out to be hollow, as more people are jailed for political activity while some 27 political prisoners remain from the previous regime's rule, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Human rights defenders—including farmers, land rights activists, political activists, human rights workers, women's rights activists, lawyers, journalists and peaceful protesters—continue to be subjected to judicial harassment, arrested and sentenced under bogus criminal charges as well as more controversial and flagrant political charges under repressive laws that do not comply with international human rights standards.

Oppressive laws, such as Article 505(b) of the Penal Code, Article 18 of the Peaceful Procession and Peaceful Assembly Law, and Article 17 of the Unlawful Association Law, are being used as tools to oppress and intimidate activists, human rights defenders, and local communities across the country. Furthermore, the recent killing of freelance journalist Aung Kyaw Naing (aka Par Gyi) has shed light on the reckless, unreconstructed and criminal nature of the Burmese military.

In spite of a public pledge from Thein Sein, the government refuses to allow the UN to open an office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, some people are still blacklisted from entering the country, and the commitment to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid to conflict areas controlled by non-state actors is inadequate due to restrictions by Burmese authorities.

Burma is going through a pivotal stage in its history and while decades old challenges remain, emerging issues have served to complicate the reform process. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, Yanghee Lee, warned in her report to the 69th UN General Assembly of "signs of possible backtracking". At a press conference this week, Aung San Suu Kyi warned that the Burmese government's reform process has stalled and that the United States may be taking an "overly optimistic" approach in its political and economic engagement with the government.

The question now is whether Obama will raise these issues and commit to take concrete actions before, during, and after his trip. Words are not enough. The Burmese government is sensitive to the West, and in particular the US, which still holds substantial leverage.

With every high profile visit or international event, a timely release of some political prisoners or signing of an international convention occurs in an attempt to appease critics. This adds credence to many analysts' hypotheses that Burma's transition is motivated by the desire to step away from China's influence, and the US is all too happy to welcome Burma into its sphere of influence. If the US can set aside economic and geopolitical interests and set human rights at the forefront of its Burma policy, they could immediately improve the situation for the country's people and help bring Burma's reform process on the right track to democracy.

President Obama's phone calls last week to Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi, and the addition of former General and current USDP lawmaker Aung Thaung to the US sanctions list, are not enough. Wilful ignorance of the realities on the ground, or paying lip service to human rights through diplomatic showcases will not benefit the people of Burma.

This is President Obama's chance to acknowledge that the situation in Burma has regressed since his last visitand to tell the people of Burma that the US will stand with them for human rights and democracy with concrete actions that reflect the challenges facing Burma's reform process.

The United States has been a good friend to the people of Burma for years in their struggle for freedom and there is a high expectation that it will continue to support the people's struggle for a genuine democracy, peace, human rights and the rule of law in this country. Otherwise, Burma will not be the foreign policy legacy that the Obama administration hoped for.

Khin Ohmar is the Coordinator of Burma Partnership, a network of regional and Burma civil society organizations supporting the collective efforts of all peoples working towards democracy, peace, justice and human rights in Burma.

The post Obama's Chance to Make Burma a Genuine Foreign Policy Success appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘Car Import Policy Has Changed About 10 Times’

Posted: 10 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST

Soe Tun of the Farmer Auto Showroom. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Soe Tun of the Farmer Auto Showroom. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Import restrictions under the previous military government ensured car prices in Myanmar were among the highest in the world. Now, under the current quasi-civilian government which took power in 2011, restrictions have eased and car prices have fallen dramatically. Legislation has, however, often been less than clear, as car import policies have been frequently changed. The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Hsu Mon spoke with Soe Tun, director of Farmer Auto Showroom and a member of the Automobile Dealers Association, on the state of the country's car industry.

Question: What was the car industry like before recent policy changes?

Answer: Before the new government allowed the opening of automobile showrooms in Myanmar, the price of imported cars was incredibly high. Car prices in the country should have been noted in the Guinness World Records as the most expensive.

Q: How have government policies on imported cars changed?

A: Within two years after the government allowed car imports to Myanmar, import policy has changed about 10 times. The changes in policy have led to losses for people [importers and consumers]. If we calculate the amount, there may have been more than 1 billion kyat [roughly US$1.008 million] lost due to changes in import policy.

Import policies have had many steps. First, car owners who owned models that were more than 20-years-old were allowed to import newer models. Then the government allowed everybody to import cars. Now, cars over 20-years-old are being taken off the road [for safety].

Q: What is the state of the market today?

A: There are a lot of imported cars on the market, but only in Yangon. Beyond Yangon, there are only low-cost automobiles for use in rural areas. Import taxes are also still ensuring the price of imported cars remains high.

Q: Is it true that the government will only allow left-hand drive vehicles to be imported to Myanmar soon?

A: It has been more than two years since the Ministry of Industry and the Myanmar Engineering Society began drafting the Myanmar Automobile Act, said to be submitted to parliament soon. Our Automobile Dealers Association representatives also participated in drafting the act. Through our discussions, we have concluded that the government should only allow imported cars that comply with the traffic rules in Myanmar.

Q: Have you heard about some car brokers importing badly damaged cars?

A: I heard that there were some brokers [who did this]. Three brokers imported badly damaged cars last year and the government took action against them. They were unable to uncover some of the individual importers but the registered companies involved were blacklisted. Now there are almost no damaged cars being imported.

Q: What types of imported cars are the most expensive in Yangon and what are the most in demand?

A: In Myanmar, there are two kinds of people in the market to buy a car, the middle class and the elites. The elites are used to buying a variety of expensive cars such as Rolls-Royces. But at present, sports cars are not permitted to be imported.

Q: Are used Japanese cars still in strong demand? What about other well-known international models?

A: South Korean, Japanese, American, German and Chinese car dealers have recently opened showrooms in Yangon. Only 1,000 new cars have been imported among the 300,000 to 400,000 cars imported to Myanmar so far. Importers of brand new cars are mainly targeting government ministries to buy their models. Recently, the South Korean brand KIA has been leading the new car market. These cars have been granted some tax exemptions and therefore they can sell at lower prices. Actually, international automobile companies are not yet coming to invest in Myanmar. Only dealers and sub-dealers are entering the market. As long as the basic wage of most people remains low, the market for brand new cars will not grow in Myanmar.

Q: For people wanting to buy a good second-hand car, what should they buy?

A: For Yangon use only, I would recommend a Honda Fit or a Toyota Vitz which both consume less fuel. For rural use, it seems the Daihatsu Hijet trucks and the Suzuki carry trucks are in high demand.

This article first appeared in the November 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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