The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Autopsy Results Reveal Five Bullet Wounds on Slain Journalist’s Body
- Ethnic Civil Society Groups Voice Concern Over Draft Land Use Policy
- From Top Brass to a Bureaucratic Class
- March During Asean Summit to Call for Int’l Support for Charter Reform
- Asia Inc. Leads West in Business in Burma
- What Do People Expect From President Obama’s Burma Visit?
- FDI, Aid ‘Will Dry Up’ If Burma’s 2015 Elections Are Postponed
| Autopsy Results Reveal Five Bullet Wounds on Slain Journalist’s Body Posted: 06 Nov 2014 06:55 AM PST  Ma Thandar talking to the media on Thursday, Nov 6. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The wife of slain journalist Aung Kyaw Naing said that autopsy results on Thursday had found five bullet wounds on her husband's body. One of the bullet wounds was located on his jaw, two to his chest and two to his leg, she told reporters at Moulmein hospital after she was briefed by the doctor. The body of Aung Kyaw Naing was exhumed on Wednesday afternoon from a grave in Shwe War Chaung village in Mon State's Kyaikmayaw Township. Ma Thandar told The Irrawaddy that doctors had allowed her to closely inspect the corpse. "The bones in his head were crushed, but his skin looked normal and had no signs of being burned," she said. "His jawbones were broken and his teeth were not in good shape." Before the autopsy results, Ma Thandar, who is a prominent women's activist, expressed doubt that the injuries on her husband's body were bullet wounds. "I looked at the corpse carefully today and though I am not a forensic expert, what I am sure about is that there is no wounds related to gunfire [on his body]." She added that a hole in his chest was like a long scratch, not circular. "When I looked at his back to make sure it was his body, I did not see any [bullet] holes." Ma Thandar said the family was given permission to carry the corpse for a proper burial in Rangoon after the examination in Moulmein hospital. However, there was some resistance from local monks who did not want the corpse to be taken outside the region. "While we were outside waiting for X-rays of the body, a total of eight monks came and objected to me carrying the corpse," Ma Thandar said. "The head of the hospital and [township] officials first told me not to take the body as it had been over a month and might smell. But I had already brought the coffin… I said that I would put him in and wouldn't open it. Then they allowed me to carry it." The Burma Army claimed that Aung Kyaw Naing, also known as Par Gyi, was shot dead after attempting to flee custody. The military issued the statement three weeks after his death, after Ma Thandar had raised the case with local authorities and military officials. President Thein Sein last week tasked the country's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) with investigating the case. The commission's secretary Sitt Myaing told The Irrawaddy that the investigation was ongoing, and the commission still needed to interview army officials. Three NHRC members and their support staff interviewed witnesses in Kyaikmayaw this week and began making inquiries with troops in Moulmein on Thursday. Sitt Myaing was present at the exhumation on Wednesday but declined to comment on the state of the body. "We have to wait for the autopsy report from the hospital," he said. Sitt Myaing added that the commission would assess whether the freelance journalist had links with the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), as the Burma Army claimed. The DKBA has rejected the military's allegations. The commission's report would be publicized as soon as possible, Sitt Myaing said. "We won't delay the case [and will issue findings] as soon as the inquiries are done." The post Autopsy Results Reveal Five Bullet Wounds on Slain Journalist's Body appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Ethnic Civil Society Groups Voice Concern Over Draft Land Use Policy Posted: 06 Nov 2014 02:10 AM PST  A female farm worker carries rice shoots in the Irrawaddy Delta. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — More than 30 ethnic civil society groups and farmers rights organizations voiced concern over the government's new draft national land use policy in a statement released on Thursday. The coalition of ethnic organizations criticized the government for excluding small-scale farmers and ethnic civil society representatives from the drafting process. Sai Khur Hseng, a spokesperson for the 31 different groups, told The Irrawaddy that the land use policy would not guarantee the rights of ethnic communities, especially small-scale farmers. "It lacks input from representatives of ethnic minority communities at grassroots level," said Sai Khur Hseng. "It is one-sided and undemocratic as it doesn't include the voices of communities who will be affected [by the policy] in the future." Independent foreign experts and land rights activists representing local communities on the ground were also not invited to participate in formulating the policy, he added. The government will hold 17 public consultation workshops on the land use policy, mostly in urban areas and big cities, before the draft is finalized in late December. Given the brief consultation period, rights groups are concerned that ethnic communities will miss out on the opportunity to review the policy. "We worry very much that they [the government] will try to speedily legitimize this policy and seize lands belonging to farmers for business purposes. Communities that will be most affected by the policy can't complain about anything after the government enforces this policy and uses it as a tool," said Sai Khur Hseng. The civil society groups' statement identified the pro-business nature of the draft policy as a possible trigger for more land issues. "The current draft of the national land use policy does not prioritize and protect small-scale farmers and minority ethnic peoples, but instead prioritizes and gives special privileges to business investors, which could spark more land grabs and create more land problems in the country," the statement said. Sai Khur Hseng warned that the draft policy may allow the government to take control of resource-rich lands. "They are authorized to take over lands in the interests of the nation," he said. Burma's government released the draft national land use policy on Oct. 18. The draft legislation represents an important step in efforts to regulate land tenure in the country, amid a surge in land investment. In the joint statement, the civil society organizations also expressed concern over the rights of war-affected refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Burma, as there are no provisions in the draft document to address issues of land distribution, restitution or the right of displaced people to return to their land. The groups called on the government to re-write the policy with the input and participation of representatives from among small-scale farmers, ethnic groups, women, youth, parliamentarians, independent experts and other communities that will be affected by the policy. Among the rights groups included in the joint statement were the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network, the Shan Human Rights Foundation, the Shan Farmers Network, the Mon Agriculture Group, the Karenni Social Welfare and Development Center, the Kachin Development Networking Group, the All Arakan Students' and Youths' Congress, and the Chin Farmers' Network. The statement was released after the groups held a workshop in the Thai border town of Mae Sot on Nov. 1-2. The post Ethnic Civil Society Groups Voice Concern Over Draft Land Use Policy appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| From Top Brass to a Bureaucratic Class Posted: 06 Nov 2014 12:15 AM PST  A "parachute policy"—so called for the way in which military officers are dropped in to preside over ministries and other administrative departments—has destroyed government competence in Myanmar. YANGON — Gen. Ne Win died 12 years ago, but the dictator's disastrous legacy lingers on in Myanmar. One of the worst aspects of his decades-long rule: a "parachute policy"—so called in Myanmar for the way in which high-ranking military officers are dropped in from above to preside over ministries and other administrative departments—that has destroyed the administration of government in the country. If this particular policy had not been so assiduously implemented over the years, Myanmar might not have been dragged into the political, economic and social abyss that has left the country one of Asia's poorest. The appointment of active and retired military officials to various positions of power, from low-ranking ministerial bureaucrats all the way up to the presidency, is a rare practice in governance globally—with good reason. When Gen. Ne Win staged a coup in 1962, he came to power determined to reorganize the whole administrative structure, which had been a largely civilian-dominated system since the country's independence in 1948. When Myanmar's inaugural government took the reins of the former British colony in January 1948, the country's first premier U Nu formed an overwhelmingly civilian cabinet. Out of 19 cabinet ministers, only three were active or former military officers. Nearly 85 percent of the cabinet was occupied by civilian ministers. In 1952, after the country's first parliamentary election, U Nu's party won again and his newly formed government was comprised of 22 cabinet ministers. This time, among them were only two former military officials. From 1948 to 1962, a similar ratio of civilian and military officers in governments was maintained—the exception being a two-year spell from 1958 to 1960, when U Nu handed over power to Gen. Ne Win's interim government. As a result of this civilian rule, the cabinets were diverse, and skillful professionals and administrators predominated. The governments of this era also appointed many ethnic ministers in respective ethnic regions of the country. But Ne Win's 1962 coup brought about a U-turn. As chairman of the Revolutionary Council regime, he formed an eight-member cabinet comprised of seven high-ranking military officials and one civilian, U Thi Han, who was responsible for the ministries of foreign and labor affairs.  Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of From then on, Ne Win's cabinets would be dominated by military men. At times, his government lacked a single civilian minister. Even after a constitution was approved in 1974, active and retired military officials occupied every key position of government. This is not to say that governments over this period were rotten to their cores. Professional and competent administrators existed, but always working under active or retired military personnel who had little or no knowledge of their respective areas of responsibility. You can imagine the morale problem this would breed. You can imagine why good brains would leave the country for better opportunities abroad. The 2013 book "Strong Soldiers, Failed Revolution" found that from the mid-1970s to the end of the 1980s, 94 percent of cabinet ministers in Myanmar were active or retired military officers. The Japanese author Yoshihiro Nakanishi compared the country with Thailand, where military appointees constituted roughly 25 percent of the Cabinets during those years. Nakanishi estimated that between 1972 and 1978, the military transferred about 2,000 of its officers to various ministries as well as to the powerful local People's Councils of the Burma Socialist Programme Party, which was founded by Ne Win. "The decreased influence of the civil service in Burma [Myanmar] was inextricably linked with the increased influence of the military officers," Mr. Nakanishi writes. Ne Win systematically destroyed Myanmar's civilian administrative apparatus and in its place entrenched a military alternative that held back the country's progress for nearly half a century. All successive regimes, up until 2011, followed his model. Perhaps even more troubling, the incumbent U Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government has effectively still been applying this policy. In today's "reformist" administration, active and retired military officials continue to hold key ministerial posts and other high-ranking positions of power. When U Thein Sein formed his quasi-civilian government in March 2011, he appointed 29 active or retired military officials as ministers in his 36-member cabinet. It was not surprising, but the decision was proof positive that U Thein Sein has continued to apply U Ne Win's "parachute" policy. Although the general-turned-president has reshuffled his cabinet several times over the past few years, at least 29 former generals and high-ranking military officials still occupy key ministry posts. This interference in politics by the military for decades has brought about the systematic gutting of the country's administrative apparatus. U Thein Sein seems to have no intention of overhauling this failed policy for the preferable alternative—appointing the right people to the right places, without favoring those from his military clique. He has had ample time over the past three years to do this. Parachute appointments in governments of Myanmar are likely to continue, not only for cabinet ministers but also even for the country's top job. No one doubts that U Thein Sein became president in 2011 with the blessing of his boss, ex-supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Though Myanmar has opened up to some extent since 2011, the government largely remains a cabal of military leaders dressed in civilian costumes. As long as this parachute policy remains in effect, Myanmar is unlikely to be steered by its leadership toward the good governance and democratic rule that many have fought for decades to attain. This story first appeared in the November 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.
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| March During Asean Summit to Call for Int’l Support for Charter Reform Posted: 05 Nov 2014 06:43 PM PST  About 70 protestors gathered in Rangoon in January 2014 to demand constitutional changes. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Several activist groups in Rangoon are planning to march to the US Embassy during the Asean Summit next week in order to call on the international community to support for significant constitutional reforms in Burma, an activist said. Myat Kyaw, a spokesman of the activist group Mass Movement Acceleration Network, told The Irrawaddy that seven civil society groups, including the Movement for Democracy Current Forces and Kyi Myin Dine Township Youth Network, are planning to join the event on Nov. 12. He said the activists were planning to march from the Hledan Township overpass to the US embassy on University Avenue and then on to Thanlwin Road. The White House has announced that President Obama will attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and East Asia summits in Naypyidaw on Nov. 12-14. He will hold a bilateral meeting President Thein Sein and meet with Suu Kyi in Rangoon on Nov. 14. Many other world leaders are also expected to attend the regional meetings. Myat Kyaw said the activists would ask the United States and the international community to pressure President Thein Sein's government to accept amendments to articles in the Constitution that bar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency and give political powers to the Burma Army, such as direct control over a quarter of Parliament seats. The charter is also criticized by ethnic minority groups who demand more autonomy from the central government. "By knowing Myanmar's real situation, we want the world leaders, including President Obama, to review the situation in Myanmar and make the right decision and support constitutional reform," he said. The ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the military have so far dragged their feet on making significant constitutional reforms, despite a public campaign by Suu Kyi and the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society activists. Myat Kyaw said he sent a letter to Kamayut Township Police Station seeking permission for the march, adding that the activists planned to go ahead with the event regardless of the decision of the police. "We would like to urge the government to seriously consider and value a petition signed by 5 million people calling for a change," Myat Kyaw said, referring an opposition campaign petition that collected millions signatures in support of the changes. Moe Thway, a youth activist with Generation Wave, said his organization in principle support the march and would consider joining it. "We support it because we need to let the international community exactly how the reforms in our country are going," he said. "The reforms can benefit from international pressure… and the government needs to fulfil the public's demand for constitutional amendments if they genuinely want [Myanmar] to become a democratic country." The post March During Asean Summit to Call for Int'l Support for Charter Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Asia Inc. Leads West in Business in Burma Posted: 05 Nov 2014 06:33 PM PST  Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, front second left, visits Thilawa port outside Rangoon on May 25, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Asian businesses are gaining a foothold in Burma far quicker than those from Europe and North America, with China, Thailand, Hong Kong and Singapore accounting for nearly half of the firms setting up in the fast-changing country. According to the government's Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), 134 Singaporean, 80 Thai, 73 Chinese and 85 Hong Kong companies signed up to do business in Burma by Sept. 30. That compared with 18 from Canada, 15 from the United States, 15 from Australia, 10 from the Netherlands, three from France and two from Germany. British companies have shown by far the most interest among the Europeans, with 75 businesses set up in Burma. Burma is in the midst of a shake-up in its fledgling economy, with moves to attract investment steered by a reformist, semi-civilian government that took office in 2011 after the end of 49 years of military rule. Despite being rich in natural resources, including timber, oil, gas and precious stones, investment during military rule was limited by Western sanctions and concern about doing business in an unstable economy run by exploitative, venal generals. Asian conglomerates like Thailand's Charoen Pokphand Group (CP) and state energy group PTT Pcl, Singapore's Yoma Strategic Holdings and Japan's Mitsubishi Corp and Marubeni Corp were among the first movers in Burma in setting up local units. Fifty-one Japanese businesses have been registered, 100 South Korean and 50 from Malaysia, according to DICA, which said there were now 783 foreign-invested enterprises in Burma. Investment from Western multinationals has started to flow in after a slew of new laws were passed and plans drafted to boost decrepit infrastructure. Coca-Cola, Yum! Brands and Pepsi are keen to tap a market of more than 50 million consumers and Norway's Telenor and Qatar's Ooredoo started cellphone services this year. Burma in September revised its forecast for foreign direct investment to more than US$5 billion for the fiscal year that began in April—15 times more than during the final year of military rule in 2009-10. Though the United States and European Union have suspended most sanctions, many firms remain cautious about making commitments, with concern over corruption, legal uncertainty and reputational damage from forming partnerships with individuals on Western blacklists. "It's all about the US sanctions," said Gregory Miller, a partner with Myanmar Capital Partners, a Burma-focused investment firm. "The Asian firms are more attuned to the way Myanmar does business than Western companies." The post Asia Inc. Leads West in Business in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| What Do People Expect From President Obama’s Burma Visit? Posted: 05 Nov 2014 05:00 PM PST  A portrait mural of US President Barack Obama on a wall in Rangoon's Shwegoandaing Township in November 2012. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — US President Barack Obama will travel to Naypyidaw for the 25th Asean Summit on Nov. 12-14. Two years ago, Obama used his time in Burma to express concerns over the country's political transition, and urged President Thein Sein to release political prisoners and expedite the peace process. Speaking to The Irrawaddy, politicians, civil society leaders and activists discuss their hopes and expectations for the US president's second trip to Burma. President Obama must learn the lessons from his first trip, and I hope he will not just talk, but act. There are instances in our country where things are worse than the last time he visited—like the death of Ko Par Gyi, a freelance journalist, which demonstrates the lack of rule of law. The ongoing conflicts in ethnic areas and the arrests of activists involved in acts of peaceful assembly are shameful cases for the country and go against the reality described by the Burmese government. I want to know where the United States stands on these matters. President Obama should discuss openly how the US government will react to basic human right abuses, and he also needs to act according to what he says. In its relationship to Burma, the US government is always putting friendship with the Burmese government first, and action against human rights abuses afterward. We would like to urge President Obama and the US government to put more pressure on the Burmese government to stop human rights abuses and to take serious action.
President Obama and the US government should put more pressure on the Burmese government in the field of both diplomatic ties and the transition of the country. Although the government is not listening to us, we need to keep pushing them for change.
We have nothing to expect from President Obama, because there's only been a few changes in our country since his last visit. For example, he urged the release of all political prisoners, but many still remain behind bars. The government is still arresting activists and charging them with the Peaceful Assembly Law. And the conflicts in the ethnic areas are still happening. People are still struggling to leave their homes for fear of their safety in Kachin State. D Nyein Lin, president of the organizing committee for the Federation of Student Unions We would like to urge President Obama to speak out more about the country's education sector. The reopening of Rangoon and Mandalay universities are some of the most significant changes since his first visit to the country. But these changes are so far just cosmetic and can't yet be said to benefit the futures of our students. President Obama should place serious pressure on the government over the changes to the education sector, as well as agitating for the peace process and amendments to the Constitution. We want him to speak out on behalf of the students who have no proper assurance for the future of their education. Only the few students who live in Rangoon and Mandalay have access to higher education. For those who live in the other states and divisions, they have no such opportunity. Since students are the future leaders of the country, we want President Obama to put more pressure on the Burmese government to stop the oppression of students as well. Hla Swe, Upper House MP, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) Obama's visit will help the democratization of the country, and I hope he will give a positive opinion on the participation of all political parties and all of the ethnic arms groups in the transition period. I hope he will discuss the peace process in the country as well. I am also confident that the next president of the United States will respect President Obama's words, and they will carry on with his work. Some American investors believe that they could only invest in the country when the NLD [National League for Democracy] is in power. However, I'm sure that the USDP will win the 2015 election. So, I would like to invite the American investors to invest here right now, before it's too late. I think the US government will put more of us from the USDP on the sanctions list before the 2015 election [following the sanctions leveled against USDP lawmaker Aung Thaung], as they don't have much favor for our party.
I think the transition of our country will continue as it has. The visit of President Obama for the second time will be just the monitoring of the process. On the other hand, I hope there will be technical and financial support for the development of the country in various sectors. Since the United States has repeated that they are supporting the democratization and the development of the country, the same thing will be said by President Obama. Although President Obama's words are not affecting much change in our country, we still hope that President Obama will speak up for the sake of ethnic people, especially those who live in conflict-ridden areas. We also want to tell President Obama to put more emphasis on amendments to the Constitution, which will be vital for the country's future peace and stability. Hla Maung Shwe, senior advisor, Myanmar Peace Center In the peace process and to build the democratic system in a country, the most responsible person is the citizen. There will be no peace, change or development if there's no willingness from each of us.
The previous pressure from the US government and President Obama was in vain. The examples from the past show that our country will not change without the willingness of the government to change. Recently, the state government blacklisted Aung Thaung, but I don't think it will precipitate change in the country, and I do not hold out hope that President Obama's visit will bring about any wider change in the country. Yan Myo Thein, independent political commentator President Obama should seriously express concerns over the current composition of the Constitution and the peace process of the country, which are the major issues for the country's transition. He also should seek to abolish the Unlawful Association Act [a military-era law used to prosecute anyone linked with insurgents or ethnic armies], a barrier to national reconciliation and the peace process. President Obama would have met many members of the Burmese government to discuss many issues. He also needs to give his time and listen to voices from nongovernmental civil society organizations and individuals who are working for the freedom, peace and development of the country. Sai Sao Than Myint, second vice president, Federal Union Party I would like to urge President Obama to put more pressure on the Burmese government for peace. If there's no peace and stability in the country, there will be no development in other sectors. I believe that peace is the most important priority I would also like to urge President Obama not to see only a positive view on the transition of the country but also to look for the oppression faced by activists. There are many land rights activists still being arrested and charged. There's no policy yet to protect the farmers from having their land confiscated, or from being arrested for demanding back their land. If President Obama really wants to see Burma as a genuine democratic country, he should spend more time listening to the voices of the people of Burma. The post What Do People Expect From President Obama's Burma Visit? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| FDI, Aid ‘Will Dry Up’ If Burma’s 2015 Elections Are Postponed Posted: 05 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST  Aung San Suu Kyi walks passed military MPs as she is about to take the admission oath in Burma's Parliament in 2012. (Photo: Reuters) Burma's economic and social development will grind to a halt if rising military interference in politics delays the 2015 national parliamentary elections, a business analysis warns. Foreign aid and investment would likely dry up and there would be pressure on some key Western governments to re-impose economic sanctions, said US-based business analysts IHS. The international assessor said in a Global Insight Country Risk report on Burma that there is an "increased risk" of a delay in the elections because of factional rivalries between the military, Parliament and the ruling party. It sees the possibility of a three-way race emerging for the presidency amid growing nervousness by the military about a loss of power and influence. "The 2015 election is widely perceived as the leading barometer of stability, and failure to hold elections would also compromise investor confidence and increase the risk premium of doing business in [Burma], which would likely lead to an escalation in insurance premiums for large infrastructure projects along with muted market interest in the Thilawa, Dawei, and Kyaukphyu special economic zones," IHS said. "This would then jeopardize the leadership's efforts to attract investment in infrastructure projects that are needed to wean the economy off reliance on the extractive industries." The assessment envisages a scenario in which mass street protests might take place and business activities curtailed if the military gains the upper hand. IHS warns clients that delayed elections, due in the final quarter of next year, are looking increasingly likely if rivalries between the Tatmadaw (military), the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the opposition are not resolved. The military is "motivated by fears" that a national ceasefire agreement with rebel militias would strengthen an NLD-ethnic groups' alliance. "The real fear is that the 2015 election will lead to this bloc dominating the Presidential Electoral College [PEC], which is the body responsible for electing the next president. This would then reduce the prospects of a military-backed candidate securing the presidency." The HIS warning comes amid recent hostilities between the Burma Army and ethnic armed rebel groups. "The renewed offensives are likely intended to pressure smaller ethnic groups into signing a ceasefire acceptable to the army, and demolish the prospects of any NLD-ethnic alliance by demonstrating that the Tatmadaw is the only entity capable of delivering peace," the analysis reads. "This would then bolster military Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing's own presidential ambitions." The other two possible presidential candidates, IHS said, are parliamentary Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann and NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The military's hardening is an indication that the Tatmadaw is against any further political liberalization, IHS said. "The military's changing stance is likely motivated by fears that continued negotiations will lead to the executive signing a national ceasefire agreement unacceptable to the military, and would further buttress an NLD-ethnic alliance. The NLD and the ethnic insurgents favor amending the 2008 Constitution and the formation of a federal union, both of which the Tatmadaw oppose because it wants to preserve the status quo guaranteed under the current Constitution." The IHS warning about the possibility of a blunting of economic growth and renewed sanctions also comes as the US government blacklists one of Burma's biggest and most influential businessmen. Aung Thaung, who is also a lawmaker representing the military-backed USDP, was placed on a Washington Treasury Department restriction list for actively seeking to undermine positive economic change in Burma. The department did not specify what in particular Aung Thaung had done, but the blacklisting freezes his assets in US-connected banks and bars him from doing business with American firms. "The latest US sanctions on a [Burma] lawmaker highlight the conundrum for companies looking to bring Western investment to the country: More names are going on the blacklist than coming off," the Wall Street Journal said. "The move represents the first time the US has placed a senior Burmese official on the blacklist since it began lifting sanctions in 2012." Aung Thaung and his family control several major Burmese firms, notably IGE Company Limited, which is engaged in a wide range of trading and construction, including contracts to build hydroelectric dams. IGE is involved in the construction of the Yeywa hydro plant, in Mandalay Division, in partnership with the China Gezhouba Group Corporation. IGE has also moved into the oil and gas support services and pipeline construction sector in anticipation of a rise in demand when work begins on more than 20 recently awarded onshore and offshore blocks—some of which went to American oil companies. "The new sanctions highlight the obstacles to Western firms seeking to do business in [Burma]," said the Journal, "but while US diplomats are actively encouraging [Burma] businessmen to apply to be taken off the blacklist, few of the 100 or so names have so far been removed. "No names were taken off the blacklist in 2014 and only one was removed in 2013, while several were added, according to public records." The post FDI, Aid 'Will Dry Up' If Burma's 2015 Elections Are Postponed appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
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