The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Burma Red Cross Condemns Convoy Attack, Rebels Deny Responsibility
• Review Team Orders Dagon High-Rise Redesign
• Observers Weigh FDI Impact of Ongoing Ethnic Conflict
• State Broadcaster Staff Kidnapped in Muse, Still Missing
• KNU Plans Ceasefire Meetings With Govt, Criticizes Other Rebel Groups
• From the Frontline: Street Warfare in Laukkai
• Hundreds Homeless After Fire Ravages Village on Rangoon’s Outskirts
• MNDAA: ‘Sorry, Didn’t See You There!’
• Jokowi Tested After Anti-Graft Chief Named in Corruption Case
• Thailand Fails to Tackle Human Trafficking and Abuse: Rights Group
• ‘Commie-loving Mainlanders’ Targeted at Hong Kong’s Top University
• The Kokang Conflict: How Will China Respond?

Burma Red Cross Condemns Convoy Attack, Rebels Deny Responsibility Posted: 18 Feb 2015 06:26 AM PST Civilians in Laukkai prepare to get on board of Burma Red Cross trucks in order to leave the war-ravaged town in the Kokang Special Region on Tuesday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The Burmese Red Cross has called on warring parties in northern Shan State to guarantee the safety of its personnel after two of its volunteers were injured when a convoy carrying dozens of civilians and several journalists was attacked by unknown gunmen in Kokang Special Region on Tuesday. Representatives of ethnic Kokang and Palaung rebel groups, which are involved in heavy fighting with the Burma Army in the area, denied responsibility for the attack on Wednesday. A government spokesman, meanwhile, said Naypyidaw would not respond to a letter sent by Kokang rebels calling for an end to the fighting. Prof. Dr. Tha Hla Shwe, president of the Myanmar Red Cross Society, said in a statement that, "It is very sad to hear that our Red Cross volunteers were wounded while carrying out a strictly humanitarian function to help the victims of fighting. They should be respected and not be made the object of attack." A convoy of several trucks with Red Cross flags was travelling from the war-ravaged Kokang Region administrative capital Laukkai with some 100 civilians and several local photographers when it came under gunfire from the surrounding mountainside on Tuesday afternoon. One volunteer sustained a head wound, while another was hit in the abdomen. The Red Cross said the men, who were both wearing Red Cross vests at the time, were taken to Kunlong Township Hospital, where one underwent surgery overnight. Their medical condition is stable. "It remains unclear who was responsible for the incident, however the location of the incident was not proximate to Myanmar army units," the Red Cross said in a statement. On Wednesday morning, the injured were taken to Lashio Hospital, Khin Maung Hla, secretary general of the Myanmar Red Cross, told The Irrawaddy. "Our volunteers are now communicating with the local authorities in Lashio to gain protection for further rescue work" by the Red Cross, he said. The Myanmar Journalists Network also issued a statement on Wednesday condemning the attack. Fighting in Kokang Region in northern Shan State escalated on Feb. 9 and saw Kokang rebels forces attack police and army stations in Laukkai, causing a breakdown of security, damage to buildings and sending civilians fleeing. Tens of thousands ethnic Kokang fled north across the border into China, while several thousand Burmese day laborers and families of government personnel fled south towards Lashio and Mandalay. The local Red Cross helped the latter group reach safety. Htun Myat Lin, general-secretary of the Kokang rebel group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), denied that the group had carried out the attack on the Red Cross convoy. "The area between Chin Shwe Hal and Laukkai, where the MRCS convoy was fired upon, is a government troops-controlled area," he told The Irrawaddy. He said that as many as 100 civilians could have been killed when Burma Army forces entered Laukkai to reestablish control over the town in recent days. Htun Myat Lin added that fighting in the region had calmed down on Wednesday. Mai Phone Kyaw, as spokesman of Ta’ang Nationalities Liberation Army (TNLA), said it was "unconfirmed which group shot at the Red Cross convoy, as the area is under the control of both rebels and government troops. "We have orders for our troops not to shoot at the civilians," he said, before adding that the Palaung rebel group was looking into the incident to determine who was responsible. The TNLA and the Arakan Army are allies of the MNDAA and have been fighting alongside it in the Kokang region. The government declared martial law for the Kokang Special Region on Tuesday evening, putting the army in charge, while declaring that Laukkai town had been put under full control. Govt Rejects Kokang Leader's Appeal Peng Jiasheng, the leader of the MNDAA, sent an open letter to President Thein Sein on Wednesday in which he appealed for recognition of his group, greater rights for the ethnic Chinese Kokang minority and the start of talks to restore peace in the area. A 2009 Burma Army offensive took the region without firing shot and forced Peng Jiasheng to flee with several hundred men, after which the army put his Kokang rival Bai Souqian in charge. The recent fighting has been described as an attempt by the octogenarian leader to reestablish a degree of political control in the area. In his letter, Peng Jiasheng said he "contributed a lot to the Kokang Special Region's development," adding that the MNDAA "cannot understand the reasons they were attacked in 2009 and forced to flee their homes. But as one of 135 ethnic groups in Burma, the Kokang also would like to be part of the country and serve it." Information Minister Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy in a reaction, however, that the government saw "no reason to consider this" letter. He said Naypyidaw does not recognize the MNDAA and sees it as a "renegade Kokang group," adding that it neither accepts the group's participation in the nationwide ceasefire process, which involves 16 ethnic groups, including the TNLA. Additional reporting by Nang Seng Nom.  The post Burma Red Cross Condemns Convoy Attack, Rebels Deny Responsibility appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Review Team Orders Dagon High-Rise Redesign Posted: 18 Feb 2015 06:08 AM PST A birds-eye view of Dagon City 2 project area from Signal Pagoda. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Work is set to resume at several Dagon City development projects on Thursday after the expiry of a four week building halt, with one company ordered to modify its construction plans in order to safeguard the nearby Signal Pagoda. While a report on the projects has yet to be made public, officials negotiated a redesign of the mixed residential and commercial Dagon City 2 development, according to Thaung Htike Min, the director of local company Thu Kha Yadanar. "They found that two blocks of Dagon City 2 are too close to the Signal Pagoda," he told The Irrawaddy. "We have to set them back 40 feet and we have rectified the design under the instruction of the inspection team." The historic pagoda, built hundreds of years ago, takes its name from the signal station at Sale Barracks, the site of a British garrison during the colonial era. In recent years, former junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his wife donated money for building works at the pagoda, and a plague honoring his contribution remains on the temple grounds. The $75 million Dagon City 2 project will be fully funded by Thu Kha Yadanar, which also maintains a 30 percent stake in nearby, 22 acre Dagon City 1 project alongside the international Marga Group syndicate. According to reports from the MIC, confirmed by Thaung Htike Min, Dagon City 1 appears set to be cleared for the resumption of work without any modifications to the project. Along with three other projects, work at the Dagon City developments was halted on Jan. 22 at the request of the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), in order to allow an independent inspection by the Myanmar Engineers Society and the municipal Committee for Quality Control of High Rise Building Projects. On Feb. 7, The Irrawaddy reported comments by Toe Aung, director of the Urban Planning Department at the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), saying that the halt had been ordered because additional storeys had been added to the original design after the MIC and YCDC granted approval to the projects. Marga Group chairman Stephen Suen denied the report last week, telling The Irrawaddy that the construction halt was a normal component of the review of high-rise projects, and the Dagon City 1 was within authorized height limits of 190 feet. Thaung Htike Min said that his company was ready to abide by the decisions of the review team, and stated that the Dagon City 2 design had otherwise not changed since the project was approved. "We welcome it and we are ready to follow any decisions," he said. For Dagon City 2, according to the inspection team's instructions, there will be only five to six storey buildings in those two blocks [around Signal Pagoda]. The rest are seven to eight storeys. Everything will be alright." The inspection report has yet to be made public. The findings of the inspection team will first be sent to President Thein Sein for review, according to Association for Myanmar Architects President Sun Oo, suggesting the Union government is eager to attend to public concern over construction projects near the historic Shwedagon Pagoda. Thu Kha Yadanar was awarded the 51.73-acre site for the Dagon City projects, previously owned by the military, during an open tender by the Quartermaster General's Office in 2013. Defeating 25 other bidders, the company paid $2 million for a land use premium, and is leasing the land under a 70-year build-operate-transfer agreement at a price of US$15 per square meter per year, according to Thaung Ktike Min. In total, Thu Kha Yadanar will pay approximately US$221 million in 2015 dollars for the site over the duration of the lease. According to Thaung Ktike Min, Thu Kha Yadanar's investments in the Dagon City projects have been backed by loans from Kanbawza Bank (KBZ), chaired by Aung Ko Win. Reported to have been close to former junta deputy Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, Aung Ko Win took over KBZ Bank in 2000 and at one time was the chair of several jade mining companies based in Mong Hsu and Hpakant. Thu Kha Yadanar's portfolio stretches across hotel investments, wood products and tourism. In partnership with KBZ Group, the parent company of KBZ Bank, it operates the Kempinski Hotel in Naypyidaw, the City Golf Resort Hotel in Rangoon and Hotel Mandalay. Under its English name, Jewellery Luck, the company is renovating the historic Police Commissioner's Office in Rangoon, in partnership with the management of the Kempinski Group. The post Review Team Orders Dagon High-Rise Redesign appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Observers Weigh FDI Impact of Ongoing Ethnic Conflict Posted: 18 Feb 2015 04:52 AM PST A billboard advertises a business exposition in Naypyidaw. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Recent conflicts between the government and armed ethnic rebels in Burma are not expected to have an impact on foreign investment inflows over the next year, economic observers told The Irrawaddy this week, though broader turmoil could presage a negative long-term outlook. On a visit to promote British investment in the Southeast Asian nation, City of London Alderman Alan Yarrow told The Irrawaddy in Rangoon that he did not think ongoing clashes in Burma's northeast would impact foreign direct investment in the country. "Nearly every country at the moment has a problem somewhere. And if you're an emerging economy, and as rich [in natural resources] as Burma, you are going to have conflicts which are different," he said, while acknowledging that he was a relative newcomer to economic punditry in Burma. Yarrow, who also holds the title of "lord mayor" as London's global ambassador, was visiting Burma for the second time, and met with government officials and members of the business community to share his experiences in government and the private sector. "I don't think that people will necessarily consider that as being serious unless it gets bigger. At the moment it's a border conflict, it's not something across the whole of the country," said Yarrow, a former investment banker. Heavy fighting between the Burma Army and the Kokang rebels, also known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), has raged since last week, with dozens of casualties reported on both sides. Battles are continuing for control of Laukkai, the region's largest town. Despite his unfamiliarity with the specifics of Burma's economy, Yarrow said a universal truth was at play when it came to luring foreign businesses: investors crave certainty and predictability. "Maybe tax [rates and policy], maybe civil unrest, maybe its lack of power [electricity]—all these things have an impact on risk," he said. "And the lack of legal certainty. So the answer is yes, that [ethnic conflict] of course is an element, but I would doubt it's a big element because it's very specifically in a region of a country. It's not down in Yangon, Naypyidaw and Mandalay, it's on the borders," Yarrow said. Due to the fighting, thousands of residents and migrant workers from the region in northern Shan State have fled south to Lashio. Tens of thousands more have reportedly fled into neighboring China's Yunnan province. The Kokang flare-up follows on the heels of clashes in recent months between the Burma Army and a handful of other ethnic armed groups, including Kachin, Karen and Palaung insurgencies. Myat Thin Aung, chairman of the Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone in Rangoon, said the fighting in northeastern Burma and recent student protests that the government has said threaten national stability would not be a serious drag on FDI. "If the fighting was happening in cities like Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw, it would definitely cause FDI flows to stop, but this fighting and protests are not happening in the major cities, so we don't need to worry right now," he said. One sector that does look likely to be held back by recurrent fighting in the country's border regions is the extractive industries. Though Burma is rich in natural resources, much of that wealth is concentrated on the country's periphery in territories controlled or contested by ethnic armed groups. A mining bill that has languished in Parliament has further dampened foreign interest in the sector. Dr. Maung Maung Lay, the vice chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers and Commerce Industry (UMFCCI), took a less sanguine approach in assessing the long-term implications of continued unrest. "Investors want sustained political stability for their long-term investments in such countries. Because we have a checkered past in the eyes of the international community, we need political stability first in the country," he said. "The Laukkai fighting will not have an impact on FDI in the short term; other countries have similar internal conflicts, but if it continues to happen frequently, it will [negatively] impact FDI flows," he said. The post Observers Weigh FDI Impact of Ongoing Ethnic Conflict appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

State Broadcaster Staff Kidnapped in Muse, Still Missing Posted: 18 Feb 2015 04:12 AM PST A technician for government-run broadcaster MRTV is still missing four days after he was abducted by unknown masked assailants in eastern Burma. (Photo: Timo Jaworr / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A technician for a government-run broadcast station is still missing four days after he was abducted by unknown masked assailants in eastern Burma, according to a government official and a colleague. Aung Zaw Tun, around 40 years of age, worked as technician-3 of Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) at a station in Muse district, northern Shan State. He had been employed by the company since 1996. Three men abducted Aung Zaw Tun from his home on Saturday night and he has not been seen or heard from since. "We don't exactly know [who kidnapped him]. We heard one armed group was related to this case," Minister of Information Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. He said that the man's village, Mone Paw in Moe Gone Township, is located on the western side of the Salween River, near the border with Kokang Special Region. MRTV Director General Tint Swe confirmed several details of the incident. He said that local administrators are still searching for the missing man in cooperation with the Burma Army. Saturday's kidnapping is believed to be the first time a member of the government's broadcasting staff was abducted. MRTV Chief Engineer Hlaing Moe told The Irrawaddy that he "never heard of that kind of thing happening to our staff in rural areas." Staff from all of Muse district's seven relay broadcast stations have been transported to Muse town for to ensure their safety. Northern Shan State has been a hotbed of military activity in recent weeks. Tensions have been high in the area around Muse since late January, when two ethnic Kachin women were brutally killed and possibly raped in Shan State's Kutkai Township. A government investigation into the incident is still ongoing. On Feb. 9, devastating clashes broke out between the Burma Army and an ethnic Kokang rebel group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) along the Burma-China border. Most of the fighting took place in the former Kokang stronghold of Laukkai, the administrative capital of the Kokang Special Region. At least 47 Burmese soldiers and 26 rebel troops have died in the ensuing conflict, according to state media. Thousands of civilians have fled to nearby towns or across the border into Yunnan, China. The government announced a state of emergency and martial law throughout the Kokang region on Tuesday. Additional reporting contributed by Nyein Nyein. The post State Broadcaster Staff Kidnapped in Muse, Still Missing appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KNU Plans Ceasefire Meetings With Govt, Criticizes Other Rebel Groups Posted: 18 Feb 2015 03:29 AM PST   KNU Chairman Gen. Mutu Say Poe greets Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing after the Union Day celebration on Feb. 12, 2015. (Photo: MPC / Facebook) RANGOON — Karen National Union (KNU) leaders said they plan to hold bilateral meetings with the Burmese government and army in order to improve ceasefire conditions in Karen State. They said the move entailed distancing the KNU from the alliance of ethnic armed groups involved in the faltering nationwide ceasefire process, indicating a widening rift between Burma's oldest rebel group and other ethnic armies. "At the end of this month, we and high-ranking and middle-ranking generals from the Burma Army with decision-making powers will start the discussions," Ta Mu Lar, secretary of the KNU chairman, told The Irrawaddy on Monday, adding that the group had agreed with the government on the outline of the agenda for the meetings. KNU leaders said they hoped to ask the Burma Army to gradually draw down its troop deployments and outposts in Karen State in order to ease living conditions and transport for local ethnic Karen communities, a move they said that could help build up trust between the Karen and the government. KNU Chairman Mutu Say Poe explained the initiative to the Karen community in Rangoon on Monday and said the rebel group was resorting to bilateral ceasefire negotiations as the nationwide ceasefire negotiations between the government and 16 ethnic groups represented by the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) had produced no results in past months. "We, the KNU, are moving to a bloodless battlefield as we become to understand that there is no end in sight for solving political conflicts on the battleground. Political problems must be solved with political means. Only then, they can be resolved," he said. Mutu Say Poe went on to criticize the NCCT and accused some of the ethnic groups of obstructing progress on the nationwide ceasefire by issuing demands, such as calling for the formation of a federal army, that were unnecessarily complicating negotiations with the government and Burma Army. The NCCT includes the KNU, but also other powerful groups such as the Kachin Independence Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army. The latter are involved in heavy fighting with the Burma Army in northern Burma, which has flared up in recent months after nationwide ceasefire talks stalled because differences over fundamental issues, such as political autonomy and federalism, could not be bridged. Different ethnic groups have voiced distrust over the government intentions, but the KNU has been keen to maintain its relatively good relationship with Naypyidaw and the army. As a result, differences between leaders of the KNU and other ethnic groups have publicly come to the fore in recent months. On Feb. 12, Union Day, President Thein Sein presented ethnic leaders with a pledge reaffirming support for the nationwide ceasefire. Leaders of the KNU, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army and a small Karen splinter group, alongside the Shan State Army-South, signed the statement. All other NCCT groups declined, saying they felt it lacked specific details on the government's commitments to the peace process. Despite the KNU's good relations with Naypyidaw the group has failed to secure a code of conduct with the Burma Army since it signed a ceasefire, while there have also been reports of increasing militarization in Karen State. A report released on Wednesday by the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) said, "Following the January 2012 ceasefire, villagers have consistently reported to KHRG that Burma/Myanmar Tatmadaw soldiers have moved with greater ease and frequency throughout KHRG's research areas in southeastern Burma/Myanmar, causing feelings of insecurity and anxiety among villagers. "KHRG has received information regarding various aspects of ongoing militarization, including the Tatmadaw repairing and constructing roads for military use, resupplying their camps with ammunition and food, and strengthening and repairing camps."   The post KNU Plans Ceasefire Meetings With Govt, Criticizes Other Rebel Groups appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From the Frontline: Street Warfare in Laukkai Posted: 18 Feb 2015 03:03 AM PST Soldiers from the Burma Army's 33rd Division on patrol in Laukkai over the weekend. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) LAUKKAI, Kokang Special Region — Abandoned vehicles are riddled with bullet holes. Most apartment buildings and shops are shuttered and locked, with no signs of life inside. Except for the occasional muffled footsteps from one or two people furtively walking down the streets, the silence during the day is deep and lingering. At night, it is a different story. These were the scenes in the Kokang administrative capital of Laukkai this week, after thousands of people fled the fighting between the Burma Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MDNAA). By Monday the Burma Army's was strengthening its hold on the town, with soldiers from the 33rd Division patrolling the streets. After more than a week of fighting led to heavy casualties on both sides, government troops were wary. On one street corner, a soldier hurriedly raised his gun and aimed at figure emerging onto the street from a hidden alleyway 100 meters away, visibly relaxing when he concluded, after a moment, that the man was not a threat. Nearby, a group of people carrying nothing more than bundles of clothes stood at a junction, waiting for the arrivals of rescue vehicles alongside members of the Red Cross for an evacuation to Kunlong, 50 kilometers (31 miles) to the south. Hla Htay, a villager from central Magwe Division who traveled to Laukkai for work in a local sugarcane plantation, told The Irrawaddy that his employer had fled to China early last week, leaving without paying wages to plantation workers. "We stayed here because we did not expect the clashes to be so violent," he said. "Finally, we could not stay at our homes and we had to sleep at the [Burma Army] regional command headquarters for five days. There was gunfire every night. We could not even get to sleep." Locals reported that some Chinese business owners had paid Burmese workers generous wages to guard their properties before heading across the border to escape the conflict. "I get 200 Yuan [32,800 kyats, or US$32] for a night. Previously, all I could possibly earn for the whole month was between 2000 to 2500 Yuan [328,000-411,000 kyats, or US$320-400]. Now, I get threefold," said Zaw Gyi, a former resident of Monywa, who on Monday was guarding the Suan Fu Machine Shop in Laukkai. Kokang soldiers still operating on Monday were making sporadic assaults on regional command headquarters and police stations in the town. According to a senior military official, the Kokang rebels attacked regional command headquarters in Laukkai on Sunday evening, withdrawing after the Burma Army repulsed the troops. A solider from the 33rd Division said that government forces had the upper hand in the battle, and were doing as much as possible to avoid civilian casualties. "[The Kokang soldiers] ambushed us in mufti. They also shot at us from buildings and hotels. But they dare not come out at all now. They are also trapped and surrounded by us," he said. More than 50 civilians are feared dead after more than a week of fighting. The Irrawaddy has confirmed that at least 15 people, including a school headmistress and two female teachers, died in a car crash while fleeing Laukkai. Huo Shao Chen, a lawmaker from the Shan State Parliament's Kunlong constituency, told The Irrawaddy that more than 20,000 war refugees were now taking shelter in the Chinese border town of Nansan. Others have sought refuge in Lashio, Muse and Mandalay. "We could take nothing when we fled the fight," said Su Su Thin, a Laukkai refugee currently in Nansan with her family, adding that her grandmother was currently recuperating after being shot in the leg during their escape. "We recovered 17 bodies today," Kyaw Zaw Htoo, head of the district Red Cross, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. "We don't know if they are civilians or armed fighters. Among the bodies are only two or three [ethnic Burmese]." Government troops seized over 100 weapons and more than 30 members of the MNDAA were killed in action over the weekend. State-run media have confirmed at least 48 Burma Army deaths and 73 injuries since the conflict began on Feb. 9. Ongoing clashes are fiercer than those during the Kokang Incident six years earlier, locals said, adding that most fighting was taking place after sunset. According to reports, fighting flared up once again late on Monday evening. "There was heavy shelling throughout the night," said Kyi Myint on Tuesday, after fleeing Tongcheng ward in Laukkai. "I felt as if they just whizzed past my head, even though I was hiding in a room. They were still firing at 9am today (Feb. 17). I won't dare to stay here any longer." At present, around 200 to 300 Burmese workers are still stranded in Laukkai, according to Kyaw Zaw Htoo. Rescue workers said on Monday that many of those still in town are hiding in sugarcane plantations and inside their homes, too afraid of being attacked to head out onto the streets and approach rescue vehicles. "I do want to go back," said Htay Oo, who has stayed behind during the fighting to guard the Suan Fu Machine Shop with Zaw Gyi. "I have already sent back my family members. There are not many jobs if I go back to Burma. I have to stay here for my livelihood." Additional reporting by Nang Seng Nom. The post From the Frontline: Street Warfare in Laukkai appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hundreds Homeless After Fire Ravages Village on Rangoon’s Outskirts Posted: 18 Feb 2015 02:43 AM PST The silhouetted remains of settlements in the village of Ba Lote Nyunt on the outskirts of Rangoon. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — More than 800 residents are homeless and struggling to put their lives back together after a fire in Kyee Myin Daing Township on the outskirts of Rangoon ravaged the village of Ba Lote Nyunt on Monday. Most of the villagers derive their livelihoods from working odd jobs that don't afford them sufficient incomes to quickly rebuild their homes, fire victims told The Irrawaddy. "At present, we are clearing the land razed by the fire. We'll distribute the donations equally," said Kyee Myin Daing Township administrator Tin Kyaw Win, referring to charitable giving in the form of food, cash and other supplies. "We are responsible for rehabilitating. We'll take action in coordination with ward administrative members. We'll report to the government," he said. Fire victim Hla Hla Win, 42, told The Irrawaddy: "It is not difficult for us to survive on just 1,000 or 2,000 kyats (US$1-2) a day. But my house was completely destroyed and it is quite hard for me to rebuild it." A temporary relief camp for the fire victims has been set up at the village monastery, but crowded conditions are a health concern in the medium to long term, said a nurse. Sayadaw U Thumana from the monastery told The Irrawaddy: "For the time being, donors are mostly providing food. There are only a few cash contributors. They [fire victims] have financial difficulties to rebuild their houses." Over 100 well-wishers had donated food, clothing and other supplies to the relief camp as of Tuesday, said volunteers helping to care for the displaced. There were no fatalities resulting from the blaze, and only a few minor injuries. According to Rangoon Division Fire Services Department, a total of 247 households were affected by the fire, about 167 of which were reduced to ash. Losses are estimated at about 23.9 million kyats, according to the fire department. Department officials said a fire first broke out in the kitchen of a homeowner and quickly spread, aided by the close proximity of homes in Ba Lote Nyunt. The village's streets were too narrow to accommodate fire engines, according to Sayadaw U Thumana. Kyee Myin Daing Township is one of three townships on the western bank of the Rangoon River that had been slated for a city expansion plan. The $8 billion project has since been shelved after a backlash over opaque tendering procedures and a lack of public input. The post Hundreds Homeless After Fire Ravages Village on Rangoon's Outskirts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

MNDAA: ‘Sorry, Didn’t See You There!’ Posted: 17 Feb 2015 09:40 PM PST MNDAA: ‘Sorry, Didn’t See You There!’ The post MNDAA: ‘Sorry, Didn’t See You There!’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Jokowi Tested After Anti-Graft Chief Named in Corruption Case Posted: 17 Feb 2015 09:25 PM PST Corruption Eradication Agency chief Abraham Samad in 2013. (Photo: Beawiharta / Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesian police named the head of the anti-graft agency a suspect in a corruption case on Tuesday, the latest twist in a tit-for-tat feud between the rival organisations that has presented the new president with his biggest challenge to date. Hostilities between the police and Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) have gone unchecked by President Joko Widodo, whose perceived indecisiveness has dented his popularity and raised questions about his anti-graft credentials in one of Asia's most corrupt countries. The two most senior KPK officials have now been identified by police as suspects in different criminal cases, casting doubt over the future of the agency. After questioning more than 20 witnesses, police said they had enough evidence to name KPK head Abraham Samad as a suspect in the falsification of a passport back in 2007. "Abraham Samad has been named a suspect for falsifying a document," Endi Sutendi, spokesman for South and West Sulawesi police, told reporters. Samad told reporters he would respect the legal process, but said he did not understand why he had been named a suspect. Widodo, the popular former governor of the capital, narrowly won a July election with the promise to jaded voters of bringing clean, effective government. But a survey published by a local pollster this month showed just 45 percent of Indonesians were satisfied with Widodo’s performance, down drastically from 72 percent in August. "If we hope to attract large private investment in the current conditions, with corruption rampant, will it be successful?" said John Rachmat, head of research at local brokerage Mandiri Sekuritas. Samad has also faced accusations in parliament of taking part in politics while serving as KPK chief, casting doubt on the agency’s neutrality. Samad's deputy, Bambang Widjojanto, was named as a suspect by police last month in a 2010 perjury complaint. Widjojanto has offered to resign temporarily, but that has yet to be approved by Samad or Widodo. Police had earlier threatened to name the agency's four most senior commissioners as suspects in various criminal cases. Under Indonesian law, police can name individuals as suspects without detailing charges. The moves against the KPK are widely seen as retaliation for the agency’s decision last month to name police chief nominee Budi Gunawan a suspect in a bribery case, which forced Widodo to delay his appointment indefinitely. But a court this week invalidated the KPK’s decision, claiming it had no legal basis. The KPK has yet to respond. The post Jokowi Tested After Anti-Graft Chief Named in Corruption Case appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thailand Fails to Tackle Human Trafficking and Abuse: Rights Group Posted: 17 Feb 2015 09:20 PM PST Armed volunteers patrol on their boat in Thailand's Phang Nga province on Jan. 23, 2015. A group of Thai civilians, frustrated by their government's lackluster response to human trafficking, have taken up arms to patrol one of Asia's busiest smuggling routes. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thailand's efforts to combat human trafficking in its multi-billion dollar fishing industry have been "wholly inadequate," and it has failed to end officials' involvement in trafficking and labor abuses, a rights group said. The US State Department last year downgraded Thailand to its "tier 3" list of worst offenders—alongside 22 other countries including North Korea, Iran and Central African Republic—in its annual ranking of countries by their counter-trafficking efforts. While Thailand's military-backed government said last month it was "confident" it had met the minimum standards to improve its ranking, the London-based Environmental Justice Foundation (EJF) said on Tuesday that the country was still failing to prevent trafficking and rights abuses in the fishing industry. "Nothing that we have seen or heard in the last year indicates that Thailand has taken meaningful action to address the root causes of trafficking and abuse," EJF executive director Steve Trent said in a statement. "The Thai government must take clear, significant and sustained steps to prevent and suppress human trafficking in the fishing industry." EJF said in a briefing paper that Thailand was failing to enforce laws and crack down on corrupt officials involved in trafficking, and to identify victims of trafficking and forced labor aboard fishing vessels, even though it launched inspections at sea last year. The government is also not protecting victims who have escaped or been rescued from modern-day slavery, EJF said, citing its interviews with victims who described threats at gunpoint and severe injuries from beatings by staff at government shelters designated to protect victims. EJF pointed to media reports over the past year detailing Thai and Burmese trafficking victims being rescued, buying their freedom and swimming ashore after escaping from fishing boats. It cited the Thai-language newspaper Thai Rath reporting in November a case of two Thai children, 13 and 15 years old, being rescued from forced labor aboard a vessel operating out of Ambon, Indonesia. A month later, Thai Rath reported that exploited workers aboard a Thai-owned fishing vessel in Iran had contacted journalists to request government help to return home. EJF said Thailand has also not addressed the unregulated industry of labor brokers, whom the private sector has cited as the main facilitators in trafficking and abuse of migrant workers. "Based on these failures and the ongoing occurrence of systematic trafficking and abuse in the fishing industry throughout the last year, EJF strongly recommends that Thailand remain on tier 3 in 2015," EJF wrote in the paper, calling for the government to implement substantive action and reforms. The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded to EJF's findings with a five-page list of its efforts in the areas identified. It described new policies, such as its "zero tolerance policy" for officials conspiring with trafficking rings, and gave the number of officials arrested, legal actions taken against illegal labor brokers and victims rescued and assisted. The government is "acutely aware" of the vulnerability of many categories of people, including migrant workers, the statement said, adding that it has stepped up efforts to "proactively identify and protect victims of trafficking." In 2014, 595 victims of human trafficking were identified, 280 cases investigated, 115 cases prosecuted and 104 people convicted, the ministry said last month in its report aimed at moving up in the US rankings. However, these numbers are far smaller than those recorded in 2013, when 1,020 victims were identified, 674 cases investigated, 386 cases prosecuted and 225 people convicted. The post Thailand Fails to Tackle Human Trafficking and Abuse: Rights Group appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Commie-loving Mainlanders’ Targeted at Hong Kong’s Top University Posted: 17 Feb 2015 09:08 PM PST Students study in front of a protest banner inside the campus of the University of Hong Kong February 17, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG — A campus election at a top Hong Kong university degenerated into an acrimonious campaign against mainland Chinese candidates, highlighting simmering tensions two months after pro-democracy protests led by local students paralyzed parts of the city. Mainland students say they have always felt a distance from their local peers, but recent events in the Chinese-controlled city have fuelled a burgeoning Hong Kong identity among many younger residents, alongside frustration and anger at Beijing. "To brainwashed Commie-loving Mainlanders, we despise you!" read a flyer posted on the University of Hong Kong's (HKU) "Democracy Wall", underscoring the sharpening divide. The flyer has since been removed. The so-called "Umbrella Movement" protests late last year, calling for full democracy in Hong Kong, posed the greatest challenge to China's authority since the crushing of a pro-democracy movement in Beijing in 1989. The Communist Party's People's Daily said this week that life for mainland students in Hong Kong was "getting tougher", and the roughly 150,000 young people it estimates live in the territory were "being treated unfairly as collateral targets." Divisions at HKU bubbled to the surface when a young woman running for the student union was accused of being a Beijing spy and subjected to online abuse after a campus television report highlighted her Communist Party Youth League membership. A pro-Beijing newspaper leapt to her defense, warning against what it described as a dangerous "McCarthyite trend" in the former British colony. Millions of Chinese schoolchildren are members of the Party's Youth League and Young Pioneers. When another student in the same election confirmed that his grandfather had been a Communist Party member, bright red fliers merging an image of his face with that of Mao Zedong were plastered across his campaign posters. Despite the accompanying warning to students to "Beware of the Communists, be careful when you vote!" his cabinet, as groups of students running on the same ticket are called, ultimately won. Polarized "At the time of an election, sometimes things get a little bit polarized," said HKU Dean of Student Affairs Albert Chau. "In the past even in campaigns between two local cabinets there were remarks made about political affiliation, political association which I don't think were very healthy." Chau said isolated incidents should not be seen as a sign of growing tension between mainland Chinese and locals. Some students are not so sure. "Hong Kong people are trying to control their hatred towards mainland China or people from mainland China, but you can still feel it," said Norah Zheng, a second-year HKU sociology student from Shandong province. "Mainland students somewhat hate local students as well because we feel this hatred from them." The divide seems sharpest at HKU—students and professors at other Hong Kong universities said relations between local and mainland students had not worsened since the protests. HKU had the most mainland students of the city's eight publicly-funded universities last year at nearly 3,000, or 16 percent of the student body, according to government data. "The situation in Hong Kong has definitely become more political," said Nora Lam, the HKU CampusTV reporter whose story about student candidate Eugenia Yip sparked the spy controversy. "Many student leaders of the Umbrella Movement were Student Union members, so I think it's justifiable that people are so concerned with the candidates' political views or influence." In January, Hong Kong leader Leung Chun-ying expressed concern that universities could be incubating a separatist movement that would threaten Beijing's sovereignty. "We must stay alert," he said, singling out HKU's student union magazine Undergrad for advocating self-determination. "We also ask political figures with close ties to the leaders of the student movement to advise them against putting forward such fallacies." The post 'Commie-loving Mainlanders' Targeted at Hong Kong's Top University appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Kokang Conflict: How Will China Respond? Posted: 17 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST Burma Army troops in the Kokang city of Laukkai on Monday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) One week before the Chinese New Year, the former leader of the ethnic Kokang National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Peng Jiasheng, launched ferocious attacks on the government military in Kokang. Peng was driven out of power during the Kokang Incident in 2009 and has since disappeared from public view. While it remains unclear at this moment whether Peng will regain control of Kokang, the renewed conflict and his reemergence have added major uncertainty to Myanmar's peace process and could potentially affect the upcoming elections. China has a significant security interest at stake in the renewed conflict. The armed conflict and refugee crisis during the 2009 Kokang Incident marred the stability China's borders, as did the Kachin conflict in late 2012 and early 2013. The instability underlines China's biggest concerns over the Burmese ethnic groups on the border and the peace process. While local authorities in Yunnan Province were better prepared to manage the refugee influx this time, future uncertainly inevitably aggravates China's negative outlook for the prospects of security and stability in the region. Aside from security concerns, the Kokang conflict itself has also become a controversial issue in China. Through the internet and media, Peng's appeal for support of the "Chinese Kokang people" has invoked great sympathy among the Chinese general public. He went on to quite skillfully portray the Burma Army's actions as serving American strategic interests, which resonates deeply with the distrust among some Chinese about the improvement in US-Burma relations. The assistance he received from other ethnic groups, including the Kachin Independence Army, outlines a picture of solidarity among ethnic groups against the Burmese government, which could undermine China's confidence in the peace process. In the renewed Kokang conflict, ethnic groups have clearly grasped and exploited China's sense of vulnerability. Peng's strategic choice to instigate war and send refugees to China right before the Chinese New Year is a calculated move to force Beijing to push the Burmese government to deflate the tension. In the desired outcome, a Burma Army retreat would allow Peng to reestablish his control of Kokang, position himself as a legitimate representative and leader of the Kokang minority and insert himself in the peace process—perhaps even in the upcoming elections. Such a risky, destabilizing and deadly move is motivated by the ethnic groups' narrow interests to gain political capital rather than by any consideration of the local people, the need for peace and reconciliation or China's national interest. What happened in Kokang does not represent Beijing's policy preferences or desired outcome. It undermines the stable and peaceful environment China desires for the success of its commercial investments and strategic endeavors. Furthermore, the conflict creates disturbances for Sino-Burmese relations. While a few so-called "strategic thinkers" in China still call for the country to provide support to the border ethnic groups in order to gain more "strategic leverage" against Burma, this school of thought has been clearly rejected by policymakers and mainstream scholars in China. Yun Sun is a fellow with the East Asia program at the Henry L. Stimson Center and a non-resident fellow with the Brookings Institution. For China, the strategic importance of Burma significantly outweighs China's interest in the border ethnic groups. Burma is a critical link in President Xi Jinping's One Belt One Road strategy (that is, the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road). China intends to build infrastructure and connectivity projects through Burma to Southeast Asia, South Asia and the Indian Ocean in order to boost Chinese economic growth and expand economic returns, political ties and strategic influence. Burma is key to the smooth operation of the Sino-Burmese oil and gas pipelines, a national strategic endeavor to diversify energy transportation routes and reduce trade vulnerability. In addition, in keeping with Xi's stated emphasis on "periphery diplomacy", Burma is a priority country where China strives to restore influence, repair ties and mend its damaged reputation. The border ethnic groups, on the other hand, offer China none of these strategic utilities. By increasingly presenting themselves as the source of the problem without making any constructive contributions to the solution, the ethnic groups are depleting China of the little remaining sympathy and goodwill it has towards their cause. Given China's prioritization of improving ties with Burma, if the border ethnic groups are seen to have become a strategic liability that undermines Sino-Burmese relations, their actions will push China precisely in the opposite direction they wish to see. China needs the conflict between the Burmese government and the border ethnic groups to be resolved peacefully. This is not just because of the immediate destabilizing effect of the conflict, but also because any military solution or imposed peace will prolong rather than put an end to the crisis. Nevertheless, China's involvement in facilitating or expediting a peaceful resolution is constrained by its own principle of non-interference and, more importantly, by the fear of any backlash in Burma for the perceived Chinese meddling in Burma's internal affairs. There have been rumors about Peng receiving Chinese support in the renewed Kokang conflict. In fact, given the historical ties between certain local actors in China and the border ethnic groups in Burma, it is not entirely inconceivable that some local actors in China went behind Beijing's back to pursue a different course of action. If there is indisputable proof of such audacious behavior, Burma should lodge a formal complaint with Beijing. Without pushing specific charges with concrete evidence, Burma will achieve little by speculating or complaining. On the other hand, Beijing needs to carefully examine whether its broader national interests in Burma are being undermined by its own players, and if so, rein in their behavior. While China is on Burma's side with regard to peace and reconciliation, Burma's own ability to manage the issue is a key factor in determining China's position. China may not like the border ethnic groups and their actions, but it will not adopt a policy that is aimed at their elimination. In other words, if the Burma Army cannot manage the country's own insurgency, China will not do the job for it either. Indeed, if the Burma Army easily loses Kokang to a thousand local rebels overnight, it does raise the question to everyone as to whether the Burma Army is the guardian of the nation and its territorial integrity, as it claims to be. As a national policy, China does not support Peng Jiasheng. However, if Peng does successfully consolidate his control of Kokang, China will not opt to oppose him. China will accommodate such a reality, even if it indicates more uncertainties and risks. (In similar cases of internally divided and unstable countries, such as Pakistan or Afghanistan, China has developed a record of smoothly working with both the local tribes/warlords and the central governments.) To manage uncertainty and resolve conflict requires strengths and wisdom from the Burmese authorities. Any suspicion of China undermining the process is as equally misplaced as any hope for China to solve the problem for Burma. Yun Sun is a fellow with the East Asia program at the Henry L. Stimson Center and a non-resident fellow with the Brookings Institution. The post The Kokang Conflict: How Will China Respond? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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