The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Thai PM Warns Media, Says Has Power to Execute Reporters
• Ethnic Reps Remain Wary During Pause in Peace Talks
• Chevron Inks Oil, Gas Production Sharing Contract in Burma
• Nationwide Ceasefire Unlikely Before Burmese New Year: KIA Leader
• Kyaw Thu Makes a Somewhat Ironic Return to the Big Screen
• 80 Letpadan Detainees Appear in Court
• Jetties Reopened After BGF Resolves Fuel Dispute With Thais
• Are Slaves From Burma Catching the Fish You Buy?
• Burma’s Sino-Supplied Kokang Conflict
• Scenes of Serenity on View at Lokanat Gallery in Rangoon
• As Lee Era Ends, Singapore Braces for Change as Young Worry About Future
• Tug-of-war Between China, Turkey Over Suspected Uighurs in Thailand
• Amid a Fragile Peace, Uncertainty and Enduring Scars
• Game Changer
• Journalists Bemoan Scant Information on Military Affairs

Thai PM Warns Media, Says Has Power to Execute Reporters Posted: 25 Mar 2015 06:20 AM PDT Thailand’s Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha attends a luncheon in Tokyo February 9, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thai junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha lashed out at journalists on Wednesday, saying he would "probably just execute" those who did "not report the truth," in the latest outburst aimed at Thailand's media. Last month Prayuth said he had the power to shut down news outlets. On Wednesday, he took an even harsher line. "We'll probably just execute them," said Prayuth, without a trace of a smile, when asked by reporters how the government would deal with those that do not adhere to the official line. "You don't have to support the government, but you should report the truth," the former army chief said, telling reporters to write in a way that bolsters national reconciliation in the kingdom. Prayuth, who is also prime minister, heads the ruling junta or National Council for Peace and Order. He toppled the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in a coup last May, which followed months of protests aimed at ousting Yingluck. Known for his abrupt manner and impulsive remarks, Prayuth launched a crackdown on dissenters after seizing power in May. He has said Thailand is not ready to lift martial law, which gives the army sweeping powers, including for arrest and detention. In January, the junta forced a German foundation to cancel a forum on press freedom saying Thailand was at a sensitive juncture. Since taking power, the junta has made full use of martial law, which also bans all political gatherings. Prayuth was particularly critical of the Thai-language Matichon daily newspaper, accusing the paper of siding with ousted former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his allies. "Don't think I don't know that your writing is pro the previous administration," he told a Matichon reporter shortly before boarding a plane to Brunei. "The previous Interior Ministry bought many advertising spaces from you." Since the army toppled Thaksin, Yingluck's brother, in a previous coup in 2006, Thailand has been sharply divided. Thaksin support comes largely from the rural and urban working class, but traditional establishment in the capital and the south loathe Thaksin and accuse him of nepotism, cronyism and republican leanings, accusations he denies. Shortly after taking power Prayuth launched a year-long road map aimed at reconciling Thais. The post Thai PM Warns Media, Says Has Power to Execute Reporters appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Reps Remain Wary During Pause in Peace Talks Posted: 25 Mar 2015 04:38 AM PDT Burma Army Lt-Gen Myint Soe during the seventh round of official talks on a nationwide ceasefire agreement in Rangoon on March 17. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — While government and ethnic peace negotiators catch their breath before talks on a nationwide ceasefire agreement recommence next week, various representatives from the ethnic groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) highlighted the fragility of ongoing deliberations. Confidence was high following six days of discussions that ended on Sunday, but reports almost simultaneously emerged of Burma Army airstrikes on a Kachin rebel base in Mansi Township, according to Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) officials. Daung Khar, head of the KIO's technical team based in the state capital Myitkyina, said the Burma Army's latest attack showed that the military did not value ongoing negotiations. "They are fighting us. This shows they do not respect our leaders having peace talks with the government in Yangon [Rangoon]. For our KIA [Kachin Independence Army], we need to think how we will proceed in the future, instead of thinking about signing the NCA," Daung Kar said, referring to the nationwide ceasefire agreement. His superior, KIA Deputy Chief of Staff Gen. Gun Maw, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that no ceasefire would be signed before the Burmese New Year, which begins on April 13. The KIA leader echoed Daung Kar's sentiment about the detrimental impact of ongoing Burma Army hostility. "When the peace talks are progressing … fighting operations [such as airstrikes] that are under direct high-level command can really damage negotiations," he said. NCCT representatives also criticized government negotiators for painting an overly rosy picture of the talks not matched by the reality on the ground. "They tried to highlight only good points and did not mention any of the negative things from the talks," said NCCT member Twan Zaw. "They feel having something is better than nothing." Twan Zaw said many important points, which could cause friction, had still not been discussed. "It's better to measure results on the ground instead of just saying positive things. If the Burma Army does not stop fighting on the ground, we cannot say our peace talks have been positive," he said. NCCT representative Lian H. Sakhong also voiced concerns over the government's take on last week's talks, part of the seventh round of official negotiations on a single text NCA. He said the ethnic negotiating bloc had asked government representatives not to post misleading information on Facebook after Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) advisor Nyo Ohn Myint wrote a post on Friday indicating the ethnic groups' had agreed to the principle of a single armed force in the country. Ethnic leaders have proposed the creation of a federal army, a major sticking point in negotiations. Following talks between Kachin leaders, President Thein Sein and army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw in mid-March, senior MPC representative Hla Maung Shwe told The Irrawaddy that the KIO had accepted that the country should only have one army. But when pressed on whether this army would be a federal force, in line with ethnic groups' demands, the MPC member could not elaborate. Some ethnic leaders and other observers remain concerned that key issues concerning federalism, troop deployments and a code of conduct will be deferred until political talks that the government insists take place after the signing of a nationwide ceasefire. An ethnic representative and NCCT member who wished to remain anonymous told The Irrawaddy on Monday: "Our NCCT has proposed the issue of the military code of conduct, but the UPWC [Union Peacemaking Working Committee] told us that they do not dare to ask Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to discuss the issue or even President Thein Sein. They told us, let's discuss the issue later." The source said other similarly important but potentially divisive issues had been put on the backburner, describing the situation as "like a time bomb" unless both parties hashed out their differences. The post Ethnic Reps Remain Wary During Pause in Peace Talks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Chevron Inks Oil, Gas Production Sharing Contract in Burma Posted: 25 Mar 2015 04:10 AM PDT A sign advertising gas prices is seen at a Chevron station in Los Angeles, California March 4, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) SINGAPORE — Chevron Corp has signed a production sharing contract (PSC) with Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE) to explore oil and gas in the Rakhine Basin. The contract covers an offshore area known as Block A5, which lies 200 km (124 miles) northwest of Rangoon and spans more than 10,600 square kilometers, the company said in a statement issued late on Tuesday. The PSC comes a year after Chevron was granted exploration rights to block A5 and is the first to come with a majority share for the U.S. explorer. "The exploration of this block is aligned with Chevron’s long-term strategy to find and develop resources that will help meet the growing energy needs in the Asia Pacific region," said Brad Middleton, managing director of Chevron Asia South Business Unit. Chevron’s subsidiary Unocal Myanmar Offshore Co. Ltd. will operate the block with a 99 percent interest, while local company Royal Marine Engineering Co. Ltd. holds the remaining share. The post Chevron Inks Oil, Gas Production Sharing Contract in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nationwide Ceasefire Unlikely Before Burmese New Year: KIA Leader Posted: 25 Mar 2015 04:01 AM PDT Gen. Gun Maw talks to Irrawaddy editor-in-chief Aung Zaw in Rangoon on Wednesday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A Kachin rebel leader has said a nationwide ceasefire between ethnic armed groups and the government cannot be signed before the Burmese New Year in mid-April, while he warned that a recent army airstrike on the rebels had negatively affected ceasefire negotiations. Kachin Independence Army (KIA) Deputy Chief of Staff Gen. Gun Maw told Irrawaddy editor-in-chief Aung Zaw during an exclusive interview in Rangoon on Wednesday that it would be impossible to secure a nationwide ceasefire accord between Naypyidaw and the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) before the Water Festival starts on April 13. "It cannot be [completed] before the Water Festival. If we get the draft agreement we need to inform our leaders first," he said. The NCCT, which represents an alliance of 16 ethnic armed groups, met with the Union Peacemaking Working Committee of Minister Aung Min in Rangoon last week for the seventh round of high-level negotiations and the sides are scheduled to resume talks on March 30. According to some leaders on both the government and NCCT side, the upcoming negotiations could result in an agreement soon. Burmese-language government mouthpiece The Mirror quoted Aung Naing Oo, associate director of the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center, as saying on Monday that an accord could be completed "within days." Over the weekend, however, shortly after a recess in what appeared to be positive negotiations, the KIA said the army launched an aerial attack on a rebel base along a frequent timber trade route near the border with China. Minor clashes continued on Monday for the third day. Gun Maw said on Wednesday that the airstrike carried out amid ongoing negotiations had complicated the ceasefire process. "It makes our meeting difficult. For example, we were discussing about the issue of troops [movement] in the evening when the [jet fighter] arrived. When I prepared to inform our central committee about the difficult issues in the meeting, the jet fighter attacked so I stopped informing them," he said. Gun Maw said the air attack raised questions about the government's commitment to achieving a nationwide ceasefire. "When the peace talks are progressing … fighting operations [such as airstrikes] that are under direct high-level command can really damage negotiations," he said. "We are now analyzing this issue [of the airstrike] on two points: Is it meant to force us to sign a ceasefire agreement quickly, or do they [the government] think they don't need to have peace?" Meanwhile, in northern Shan State, some of the heaviest fighting in years is taking place between the Burma Army and the Kokang rebels of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). Tens of thousands of civilians have been displaced and dozens of soldiers and rebels have been killed. The Kokang rebels are a NCCT member, but Naypyidaw refuses to acknowledge the MNDAA as a potential signatory to a ceasefire agreement. The post Nationwide Ceasefire Unlikely Before Burmese New Year: KIA Leader appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kyaw Thu Makes a Somewhat Ironic Return to the Big Screen Posted: 25 Mar 2015 03:54 AM PDT Kyaw Thu, an actor and founder of the Free Funeral Service Society, will return to the big screen in "Professor Dr. Sate Phwar." (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Kyaw Thu's reputation precedes him; his name has become virtually synonymous with his work as a founder and director of the Free Funeral Service Society (FFSS). What many are about to be reminded, however, is that he used to have a different claim to fame. Less than a decade ago, Kyaw Thu was known as shining star of the silver screen. An inspired actor and film director, he even once won a Burmese Academy Award. After an eight year hiatus, Kyaw Thu is planning a return to his previous life—ironically in the role of an undertaker, a part he has practically lived since establishing the FFSS in 2001. "I have no particular difficulty acting as an undertaker character," he told The Irrawaddy, remarking that he was excited to be back in the game with his old buddies, beloved Burmese movie stars including Yan Aung, Ye Aung and Min Oo. Kyaw Thu will be taking the lead role in the new film, "Professor Dr. Sate Phwar," directed by Khin Saw Myo and expected to be complete late this year. The film will be a highly anticipated adaptation of a Burmese detective novel published in the 1980s, which Kyaw Thu described as "not an entertainment-only movie, but sort of philosophical." Now in his 50s, Kyaw Thu said he accepted the role because the character interested him, and many friends and fans wished to see him return to the big screen. "Plus," he said, "I want to show the younger generation who I am, many young people do not know me." Indeed, Kyaw Thu's film career was stifled at its peak. He was barred from Burma's government-controlled film industry because he was among those pro-democracy supporters who offered alms to Buddhist monks who had taken to the streets of Rangoon during the Saffron Revolution in 2007. "I was angry at first," he now recalls, but in retrospect he is grateful that he had more time to devote to his work with the FFSS. Founded in 2001, the organization offers funeral services free of charge and provides a free health clinic to people in need. As one of the Burma's biggest charities, it has inspired and encouraged many of the country's youths to take up similar work. Director Khin Saw Myo said he was pleased about the opportunity to work with Kyaw Thu again, as the duo has a history of making successful films together. "I chose veteran actors who would be suitable for this project," he said. "It has been a long time since he has starred in a movie, and he happily accepted my offer. The audience will love it." The post Kyaw Thu Makes a Somewhat Ironic Return to the Big Screen appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

80 Letpadan Detainees Appear in Court Posted: 25 Mar 2015 02:23 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — Eighty people arrested during a crackdown on student demonstrations earlier this month were reunited with their families as they appeared in a central Burma court on Wednesday. Eleven detainees were reportedly freed, while 69 remain in custody. The detainees—students and supporters of a student protest movement—were permitted to meet with their families, many for the first time since their arrest. Robert San Aung of the Myanmar Lawyer's Network, which has just been authorized to provide counsel for the detainees, said the group could face various charges including unlawful assembly, rioting, incitement and causing harm to a public servant. Some of the charges carry penalties of up to three years under articles 143, 145, 147, 332 and 505 (b) of Burma's Penal Code. Arrest warrants have been issued for four leaders of the student movement, which since November has launched nationwide protests against a controversial National Education Law, according to Robert San Aung. Kyaw Ko Ko, Ye Yint Kyaw, Myat Thu and Nanda Sitt Aung are wanted for arrest, he said. The next hearing has been scheduled for April 7, a full four weeks since the students were detained. The post 80 Letpadan Detainees Appear in Court appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Jetties Reopened After BGF Resolves Fuel Dispute With Thais Posted: 25 Mar 2015 02:04 AM PDT Passengers prepare to board a boat at a Mae Sot-Myawaddy jetty. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Ferry transit at the Mae Sot-Myawaddy border crossing resumed on Tuesday, after the Karen State Border Guard Force (BGF) resolved a trade dispute with Thai authorities that had prompted the temporary closure of more than 20 jetties along the Moei River. BGF General Secretary Col. Saw Chit Thu had closed the jetties in response to a Thai tightening of regulations on diesel and petroleum imports. The Karen BGF on Tuesday morning shut down eight main jetties under its control between Shwe Kokko and Minletpan villages at the Thai-Burma border, and more than a dozen smaller jetties were also closed. Maj. Naing Maung Zaw, the personal assistant of Saw Chit Thu, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that Thai authorities had backed off a plan to limit fuel imports into Burma to the Mae Sot-Myawaddy Friendship Bridge, and the BGF allowed the resumption of water crossings at 5 pm on Tuesday. "They coerced us into using the bridge to transport the fuel, which we had been transporting by ferry," he told The Irrawaddy prior to the jetties' reopening on Tuesday evening. "It seems that it was not a decision from the Thai central government, but a low-level [regulatory] group has done it for money. So, we closed the ferry gates so that the Thai central government knows about it." There are more than 20 jetties along the Moei River that provide water links between Mae Sot and Myawaddy in eastern Burma. The BGF-controlled jetties mainly handle imports of motorbikes and other vehicles, consumer goods and household materials. Though the Mae Sot-Myawaddy Friendship Bridge is commissioned as an official transportation route between the two countries, trade has long relied on ferries because of bridge restrictions on vehicle weights. Fuel prices have reportedly risen since the Thai attempt to tighten import regulations. A Myawaddy local told The Irrawaddy: "It has been two or three days that fuel prices have been going up. Previously, a gallon of petrol was sold for 3,200 kyats [US$3.20] and today it is 4,300 kyats." "The shortage of fuel has affected the people in our region," said Naing Maung Zaw, the BGF major. "The prices of other commodities will go up if the fuel prices increase. Thai authorities frequently tighten regulations against us. That's why we have done so [closed the jetties]." BGF troops under Saw Chit Thu accepted a government proposal in 2010 to transform themselves into a so-called Border Guard Force under the government's control. The BGF is granted the right to control some border trade and businesses. The group was a faction of the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) until 2010. The DKBA split from the Karen National Union (KNU) in 1994 and made peace with Burma's central government in late 2011.   The post Jetties Reopened After BGF Resolves Fuel Dispute With Thais appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Are Slaves From Burma Catching the Fish You Buy? Posted: 24 Mar 2015 11:29 PM PDT Migrant workers from Burma unload fish at a seafood market in the town of Mahachai near Bangkok in 2010. (Photo: Reuters) BENJINA, Indonesia — The Burmese slaves sat on the floor and stared through the rusty bars of their locked cage, hidden on a tiny tropical island thousands of miles from home. Just a few yards away, other workers loaded cargo ships with slave-caught seafood that clouds the supply networks of major supermarkets, restaurants and even pet stores in the United States. Here, in the Indonesian island village of Benjina and the surrounding waters, hundreds of trapped men represent one of the most desperate links crisscrossing between companies and countries in the seafood industry. This intricate web of connections separates the fish we eat from the men who catch it, and obscures a brutal truth: Your seafood may come from slaves. The men The Associated Press spoke to on Benjina were mostly from Burma, one of the poorest countries in the world. They were brought to Indonesia through Thailand and forced to fish. Their catch was shipped back to Thailand, and then entered the global commerce stream. Tainted fish can wind up in the supply chains of some of America's major grocery stores, such as Kroger, Albertsons and Safeway; the nation's largest retailer, Wal-Mart; and the biggest food distributor, Sysco. It can find its way into the supply chains of some of the most popular brands of canned pet food, including Fancy Feast, Meow Mix and Iams. It can turn up as calamari at fine dining restaurants, as imitation crab in a California sushi roll or as packages of frozen snapper relabeled with store brands that land on our dinner tables. In a year-long investigation, the AP interviewed more than 40 current and former slaves in Benjina. The AP documented the journey of a single large shipment of slave-caught seafood from the Indonesian village, including squid, snapper, grouper and shrimp, and tracked it by satellite to a gritty Thai harbor. Upon its arrival, AP journalists followed trucks that loaded and drove the seafood over four nights to dozens of factories, cold storage plants and the country's biggest fish market. Some fishermen, risking their lives, begged the reporters for help. "I want to go home. We all do," one Burmese slave called out over the side of his boat, a cry repeated by many men. "Our parents haven't heard from us for a long time, I'm sure they think we are dead." Their catch mixes in with other fish at numerous sites in Thailand, including processing plants. US Customs records show that several of those Thai factories ship to America. They also ship to Europe and Asia, but the AP traced shipments to the United States, where trade records are public. The major corporations identified by AP declined interviews but issued statements that strongly condemned labor abuses; many described their work with human rights groups to hold subcontractors accountable. National Fisheries Institute spokesman Gavin Gibbons, speaking on behalf of 300 US seafood firms that make up 75 percent of the industry, said his members are troubled by the findings. "It's not only disturbing, it's disheartening because our companies have zero tolerance for labor abuses," he said. "These type of things flourish in the shadows." The slaves interviewed by the AP described 20- to 22-hour shifts and unclean drinking water. Almost all said they were kicked, beaten or whipped with toxic stingray tails if they complained or tried to rest. They were paid little or nothing. Runaway Hlaing Min said many died at sea. "If Americans and Europeans are eating this fish, they should remember us. There must be a mountain of bones under the sea," he said. "The bones of the people could be an island, it's that many." The small harbor in the village is occupied by Pusaka Benjina Resources, whose five-story office compound includes the cage with the slaves. The company is the only fishing operation on Benjina officially registered in Indonesia, and is listed as the owner of more than 90 trawlers. However, the captains are Thai, and the Indonesian government is reviewing to see if the boats are really Thai-owned. Pusaka Benjina did not respond to phone calls and a letter, and did not speak to a reporter who waited for two hours in the company's Jakarta office. At the Benjina port, the AP interviewed slaves from a dozen fishing vessels offloading their catch into a large refrigerated cargo ship, the Silver Sea Line. The ship belonged to the Silver Sea Reefer Co., which is registered in Thailand and has at least nine refrigerated cargo boats. The company said it is not involved with the fishermen. "We only carry the shipment and we are hired in general by clients," said company owner Panya Luangsomboon. "We're separated from the fishing boats." The AP followed that ship, using satellite tracking over 15 days to Samut Sakhon, Thailand, and journalists watched as workers packed the seafood over four nights onto more than 150 trucks, following deliveries to factories around the city. Inside those plants, representatives told AP journalists that they sold seafood to other Thai processors and distributors. US Customs bills of lading identify specific shipments from those plants to American firms, including well-known brand names. For example, one truck bore the name and bird logo of Kingfisher Holdings Ltd., which supplies frozen and canned seafood around the world. Another truck went to Mahachai Marine Foods Co., a cold storage business that also supplies Kingfisher, according to Kawin Ngernanek, whose family runs it. "Yes, yes, yes, yes," said Kawin, who also serves as spokesman for the Thai Overseas Fisheries Association. "Kingfisher buys several types of products." When later asked about abusive labor practices, Kawin was not available. Instead, Mahachai Marine Foods manager Narongdet Prasertsri responded: "I have no idea about it at all." Kingfisher did not answer repeated requests for comment. Every month, Kingfisher and its subsidiary KF Foods Ltd. sends about 100 metric tons of seafood from Thailand to America, according to US Customs records. These shipments have gone to Stavis Seafoods, a Boston-based Sysco supplier, and other distributors. "The truth is, these are the kind of things that keep you up at night," said CEO Richard Stavis, who grandfather started the company. He said his business visits international processors, requires notarized certification of legal practices and uses third-party audits. "There are companies like ours that care and are working as hard as they can," he said. A similar pattern repeats itself with other companies and shipments. The AP followed another truck to Niwat Co., where part owner Prasert Luangsomboon said the company sells to Thai Union Manufacturing. Weeks later, when confronted about forced labor in their supply chain, Niwat referred several requests for comment to Luangsomboon, who could not be reached for further comment. Thai Union Manufacturing Co. is a subsidiary of Thai Union Frozen Products PCL., Thailand's largest seafood corporation, with US$3.5 billion in annual sales. This parent company, known simply as Thai Union, owns Chicken of the Sea and is buying Bumble Bee, although the AP did not observe any tuna fisheries. Thai Union says its direct clients include Wal-Mart, and ships thousands of cans of cat food to the United States every month, including household brands like Fancy Feast, Meow Mix and Iams. These end up on shelves of major grocery chains, such as Kroger, Safeway and Albertsons, as well as pet stores. Again, however, it's impossible to tell if a particular can of cat food might have slave-caught seafood. Thai Union said it takes multiple stakeholders to eradicate labor abuses. "We all have to admit that it is difficult to ensure the Thai seafood industry's supply chain is 100 percent clean," Thai Union CEO Thiraphong Chansiri said in an emailed statement. The enslaved fishermen on Benjina had no idea where the fish went, only that it was too valuable for them to eat. Their desperation was palpable. A crude cemetery holds more than 60 graves strangled by tall grasses and jungle vines. The small wooden markers are neatly labeled, some with the falsified names of slaves and boats. Only their friends remember where they were laid to rest. In the past, former slave Hla Phyo said, supervisors on ships simply tossed bodies into the sea to be devoured by sharks. But after authorities and companies started demanding that every man be accounted for on the roster upon return, captains began stowing corpses alongside the fish in ship freezers until they arrived back in Benjina. "I'm starting to feel like I will be in Indonesia forever," said Phyo, wiping a tear away. "I remember thinking when I was digging, the only thing that awaits us here is death." The Associated Press' Robin McDowell and Esther Htusan reported from Benjina, Indonesia. Margie Mason reported from Samut Sakhon, Thailand; and Martha Mendoza reported from Boston, Massachusetts. The post Are Slaves From Burma Catching the Fish You Buy? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Sino-Supplied Kokang Conflict Posted: 24 Mar 2015 11:18 PM PDT Burma's Sino-Supplied Kokang Conflict The post Burma's Sino-Supplied Kokang Conflict appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Scenes of Serenity on View at Lokanat Gallery in Rangoon Posted: 24 Mar 2015 10:30 PM PDT A painting featured in Win Pe Myint's solo exhibition at Lokanat Gallery in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A selection of paintings by artist Win Pe Myint, often known simply as WPM, will be on display at Rangoon's Lokanat Gallery through March 26. The solo exhibition, curated by art collector Kyi Thar Aye, features 34 paintings created since 1994, covering an important period in his artistic career. "I've been collecting WPM's paintings for about five years, and this is the first time I've put them on display," said Kyi Thar Aye. WPM's representational works are produced in a range of materials including watercolor, oil and pastels. His subject matter often includes still life and landscapes, focusing on scenes of natural beauty or nostalgic significance, such as the campus grounds at Rangoon University. All works will be on sale at prices ranging from US$50 to $3,000, but those looking to buy would be well advised to hurry up, as 15 paintings have already been sold. Lokanat Gallery is located at No. 62 Pansodan Road in Rangoon's Kyauktada Township, and is open daily from 9 am to 5pm. Click to view slideshow. The post Scenes of Serenity on View at Lokanat Gallery in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

As Lee Era Ends, Singapore Braces for Change as Young Worry About Future Posted: 24 Mar 2015 10:24 PM PDT A commuter passes by a signboard bearing an image of the late first prime minister Lee Kuan Yew in a train station at the central business district in Singapore March 24, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) SINGAPORE — If Lee Kuan Yew represented the Singapore of yesteryear, his death this week raises the question of whether the generation of leaders in waiting will reshape the mold that transformed the city-state from a colonial backwater to a haven of prosperity. While Lee had long retired from active leadership, his son, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, is still the standard-bearer of a free-market model that relied on efficiency, low taxes, zero tolerance for corruption and a distaste for the welfare state. Like his father, he has continued to curb free speech and use defamation laws to muzzle critics and political opponents. But Lee has said he will hand over power by 2020 and speculation over his successor has swelled since he was treated for prostate cancer last month. That, along with a decline in the popularity of the long-dominant People's Action Party (PAP), has brought an unfamiliar whiff of uncertainty to Singapore. Years of galloping growth have led to income inequality, resentment over immigration, overcrowded trains and expensive housing, issues that knocked the PAP's share of the vote down to 60 percent from 67 percent in elections four years ago. Since then, the PAP has faced calls to abandon what one senior party member dubbed a policy of "growth at all costs." "Some of our young were starting to doubt about their future in Singapore as they saw housing and cars beyond their reach because of the rapid rise in prices," said Inderjit Singh, a sitting member of parliament for nearly 20 years. The party must address these and other challenges, he said. "Failing to do so will see an erosion of support." Manu Bhaskaran, a partner at research and advisory firm Centennial Asia Advisors, said that the 2011 election had forced the ruling party's hand on policymaking. "The next generation of leaders will be different… failure to adapt to the new reality would of course mean that the ruling party could eventually lose power, so there is a powerful incentive to adapt." Singapore's two previous changes of prime minister since independence in 1965 were well-flagged transitions to anointed successors. Lee Kuan Yew himself said in 2007 that he had "ensured succession, so that the system will continue to work." No-one is suggesting that the script behind Singapore's success is about to be torn up, but there is a sense—heightened by Lee's death—that an era has ended, and the system will not "continue to work" as it used to. "Singapore needs a new strategy yet again, but it is not going to be like the past where the PAP decided what it was and announced to the population," said Robert Broadfoot, managing director of the Hong Kong-based Political & Economic Risk Consultancy. "The government has to become more inclusive." Already it has raised its spending on social development to roughly 8 percent of gross domestic product this year from 6.2 percent in 2011, though that is less than half of the proportion that the United States and Britain spend on welfare. In its 2015 budget, the government uncharacteristically raised spending and assistance for poorer citizens and the elderly, while increasing tax rates for top earners by two percentage points to 22 percent. A Young Generation of Leaders Awaits Who will take the baton from junior Lee is anyone's guess. There are currently two deputy prime ministers—Teo Chee Hean, 60, who heads the powerful home affairs ministry, and Tharman Shanmugaratnam, 58, also the finance minister and a well-respected international economist. Either of these men could hold the fort if Lee decided to step down earlier. But eyes are on younger leaders. Three names have surfaced in the media as likely candidates—former army chief and Social and Family Development Minister Chan Chun Sing, Manpower Minister Tan Chuan-Jin and Heng Swee Keat, who is in charge of the education ministry. For many the leading candidate is Chan, 45, who is set to take over as the head of the powerful labor body next month. He is a relative newcomer to politics, bursting onto the scene in 2011 when he won a parliamentary seat in a walkover in the Tanjong Pagar constituency—home to Lee Kuan Yew. Eugene Tan, associate professor of law at the Singapore Management University, said succession plans would be clearer after the next general election when Prime Minister Lee names his deputy. "It all depends whether the fourth-generation leadership is ready to take over when PM Lee steps down," said Tan. "However, should the fourth-generation leadership require more time, the current DPMs are ready and equal to the task… and can step up if need be," he said, referring to the deputy prime ministers. Whoever takes the reins, the next leader will inevitably be cut from the same cloth as Lee, who opted for pragmatism over ideology and social stability over civil rights. "Senior figures don't join the PAP because they have a strong ideological mindset, they're recruited because they're seen as the best civil servants or military leaders," said one Western diplomat in Singapore. "A safe pair of hands and someone already known well to the government." The post As Lee Era Ends, Singapore Braces for Change as Young Worry About Future appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tug-of-war Between China, Turkey Over Suspected Uighurs in Thailand Posted: 24 Mar 2015 09:33 PM PDT Suspected Uighurs are transported back to a detention facility in the town of Songkhla in southern Thailand after visiting women and children at a separate shelter on March 26, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — A group of suspected Uighur Muslims has become the focus of a diplomatic tug-of-war in Thailand between China and Turkey, with both countries wanting to repatriate them and hundreds of other suspected Uighurs detained in Thailand as illegal immigrants. The group of 17, all from the same family, were detained by Thai police in March 2014 after illegally entering overland from Cambodia, said their lawyer Worasit Piriyawiboon. Two of the family's 13 children were born in custody. The family, who use the name Teklimakan, have spent most of the past year in the main police immigration detention center in Bangkok. The group claimed to be Turkish and, while still in detention, were issued with passports by the Turkish Embassy and granted permission to travel to Turkey. China insists the 17 detainees are Chinese Uighurs who should be returned to the northwest Chinese region of Xinjiang, according to court documents seen by Reuters. Hundreds of people have been killed in unrest in Xinjiang in the past two years, prompting a crackdown by Chinese authorities and small numbers of Uighurs to try and flee the country. Hundreds, possibly thousands, have traveled clandestinely through Southeast Asia en route to Turkey. Thai National Security Council secretary-general Anusit Kunakorn told Reuters that China and Turkey have asked Thailand for help in repatriating those detained. "Both China and Turkey have asked for our help in repatriating Uighurs," Anusit told Reuters, adding that he would not be drawn on whether Thailand sides with one country over the other. "Their nationalities need to be verified. Thailand is just on the receiving end." On Tuesday, there was palpable tension in the Bangkok South Criminal Court where the case of the 17 suspected Uighurs was being heard. Representatives from the Turkish and Chinese embassies assembled to hear the case sat far apart. "These are Turkish citizens. They have Turkish passports. These people want to go to Turkey and we've already said they can," said Ahmet Idem Akay, a Turkish diplomat who attended the hearing. Chinese officials who attended the hearing declined to comment. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said she was not aware of the details of the case, but that China was willing to increase cooperation with Thailand, Turkey and other nations to fight illegal immigration. The court will decide on Friday whether to order the group's release. Under Thai law, court approval must be sought for detention periods over seven days. Rights groups, including the New-York based Human Rights Watch, have urged the Thai government not to forcibly repatriate the Uighurs to China, adding that many face severe persecution, including the threat of arrest and torture. The Uighurs are a Turkic-speaking people officially regarded as "brothers" in Turkey, which already hosts large Uighur populations. The post Tug-of-war Between China, Turkey Over Suspected Uighurs in Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Amid a Fragile Peace, Uncertainty and Enduring Scars Posted: 24 Mar 2015 05:30 PM PDT Ethnic Karen children from Burma look out from inside their shelter at the Mae La refugee camp outside Mae Sot near the Thai-Burma border in 2010. (Photo: Reuters) THANDAUNG, Karen State — Tamalar Paw and Thar Doh are desperate to see peace in their ethnic Karen State—more so, they say, than Burma's President Thein Sein and the Karen rebel leader Mutu Say Poe. "I don't want to talk about our life. It will shock you," Tamalar Paw tells me, rocking a bamboo cradle that holds her 1-year-old grandson. "You know, I lost six kids out of nine because there was no peace in our area," said the Karen woman in her 50s, between chews of betel nut. "To have peace is really needed." Sitting cross-legged not far away from her on the floor, her husband Thar Doh interrupts in a soothing tone: "Oh… we are not alone. Others have faced the same experience as us," the shirtless 60-year-old Karen man says. "Ours was worse," his wife firmly contends. In response, silence from Thar Doh as he stares off into the distance. Tamalar Paw and Thar Doh were married in the early 1980s in the village of Thay Yar Yu, located about a two days' drive away from Thandaung Township in Karen State. As a couple, they have never known peace due to fighting between the government and the Karen National Union (KNU), an ethnic minority army that has waged one of the world's longest civil wars. The KNU is not alone, of course: It is just one of Burma's many ethnic groups that have fought for autonomy and equality since 1948, when Burma regained its independence from the British. Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org. "Six of my kids died when they were infants," Tamalar Paw explains, "because we always had to run away from our home whenever the government's troops came to the village. We had to go into hiding in the jungle, where there is nothing. Sometimes it took weeks or even months [before a safe return was possible]." "How could they survive there? They died, six of my kids," she says, with tears in her eyes. Despite the hardship, there are blessings to acknowledge: The Karen couple has three surviving children, who have in turn given them three grandsons. The Karen couple's hope is that their children's progeny can avoid the fate of generations of men and boys before them, who Thar Doh says were forced to serve as porters for the Burma Army if they didn't hide in the jungle. He says his village and surrounding villages each had several dozen households, with the families fleeing into the jungle whenever government troops passed through. Animals were victims too. "All of my chickens and pigs were taken away by those soldiers. They were not even enough for them," Thar Doh says. Until the late 1990s, the couple was among tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) who were forced to leave their homes temporarily, or permanently, due to the country's civil war. The Burma Army under late dictator Gen. Ne Win's rule and successive regimes developed notoriety in ethnic areas, greater Burma and beyond the country's borders. While the ethnic majority Bamar were not spared, the military was particularly unsparing in perpetrating human rights abuses against ethnic minority populations. According to a 2014 report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), an estimated 400,000 internally displaced persons remain in the region of eastern Burma, the Karen couple among that tally. Unlike Thar Doh and Tamalar Paw, some affected by conflict fled Karen State across the Thai border. The HRW report said that another 130,000 refugees live in nine camps along the Thai-Burma border, where some have been living for nearly three decades. Most, like Tamalar Paw and Thar Doh, are ethnic Karen. Seeking greener pastures, Thar Doh and Tamalar Paw left their village in 2000 for Thandaung, where they started a new life doing landscaping for a hotel. Since then, their lives have settled down, in a relative sense. But the couple is aware that peace in Karen State remains tentative at best, and fragile, despite talks between Thein Sein's government and the Mutu Say Poe-led KNU that have led to the signing of a ceasefire between the two sides in 2011. "We don't know what either side [the government and the KNU] is doing," Thar Doh said. The government has been pushing for a far more ambitious nationwide ceasefire accord with most of the country's ethnic armed groups, but that goal remains elusive. The ethnic groups have demanded that federalism be implemented and autonomy guaranteed, but assurances from the government have not fully bridged a trust deficit, and differences on ceasefire-related matters persist. For Thar Doh and Tamalar Paw, the KNU-government ceasefire and a reduction in fighting do not necessarily presage a lasting peace. Thar Doh and Tamalar Paw still worry for the future of their children and grandchildren, though they acknowledge that their circumstances are much improved in a town where their children can work and grandchildren can attend school. They haven't had to flee into the jungle for years. As the family's three chickens and one pig laze away the afternoon in various states of repose nearby, Thar Doh indulges in a dark hypothetical. "They wouldn't even be enough if they were in our village in the past," he says of the animals' ability to satisfy the needs of hungry Burma Army troops. Tamalar Paw brings our conversation full circle: "Peace is needed," she utters. The post Amid a Fragile Peace, Uncertainty and Enduring Scars appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Game Changer Posted: 24 Mar 2015 05:00 PM PDT The Cho family in Myanmar: Rich Cho is in the center with his older sister Sanda, left, brother Chris and parents Shirley and Alan. (Photo courtesy of Rich Cho) Rich Cho sounds laid back, but steer him onto the topic of food and he soon turns into an animated guide who can rattle off a list of where to find the best Myanmar cuisine across the United States, from San Francisco to Philadelphia. "I love it all," said the Yangon-born son of Myanmar emigrants who made a splash a few years ago when he became the first Asian-American general manager in the history of the top professional basketball league in the United States. Mr. Cho, 49, was just 3 years old when he left Myanmar with his parents for the United States in 1968. But the man who now rubs shoulders with some of the stars of the National Basketball Association (NBA) has never lost his links to the homeland where his family has a distinguished history. Last August Mr. Cho took time off his current job as general manager of the Charlotte Hornets team to visit relatives in Yangon and catch up with local basketball players. That was his third trip back since his first visit here in 2004, which left a strong impression. "It was unbelievable to see where I came from," he told The Irrawaddy by phone from his home in North Carolina. Mr. Cho hadn't traveled much as a youth, so it had been "hard to picture" Myanmar. Isolated Yangon in 2004 felt a very long way from Washington State where Mr. Cho spent his childhood and developed an early passion for tennis, softball and basketball. After he gained a degree in engineering and worked for a time at Boeing in Seattle, that love of sports made him decide to take a punt on a new career. In 1995 he secured an internship with the Seattle Supersonics basketball team. Over the next 15 years he rose to become assistant general manager and also secured a law degree. His ground-breaking appointment as general manager with the Portland Trail Blazers team in 2010 was "definitely humbling," he said. It was also a rocky experience, lasting only around a year. "That was a tough thing to go through [losing the job with Portland]. But that's part of this business, the NBA. There's a lot of volatility with the job.'' Mr. Cho was soon recruited as general manager with the Charlotte Hornets and moved across the country to North Carolina. "Fortunately I was able to land back on my feet pretty quickly," he said. Family Influence Riding the knocks, that essential immigrants' skill, was something he had seen his parents accomplish as they worked to build a successful life in the United States. Former journalist U Aung Aung Cho (Alan) and Daw Nwe Nwe Yi (Shirley) left Myanmar for the United States to find "a better life" after they obtained sponsorship from a church in Fort Wayne, Indiana. They ended up settling in Seattle, Washington State, where their distinguished family pedigree, Myanmar work experience and the new university degrees they earned didn't prevent life from often being a challenge. "My dad had a number of odd jobs. He worked the graveyard shift at 7-Eleven for a number of years," Rich Cho recalled. "My mom worked at a library just to make ends meet. There was a period when we were on welfare. Like for a lot of immigrant families that come to the States, it was a tough road." There wasn't much time to dwell on former times when family members had made a mark in Myanmar. Rich Cho's paternal grandfather, U Cho, was the first education minister in the post-independence period, a position he held until his retirement in May 1951. U Cho visited France, Switzerland, Germany, China, England, Scotland, and the United States to study each country's education system and published several books including "The Effect of War on Education in Burma During Japanese Occupation," in 1949. He was also a member of the Burmese Translation Society, which was established in 1947 and was for a time chaired by Prime Minister U Nu. U Cho died in 1966, two years before Alan and Shirley Cho and their young family departed for the United States. Rich Cho's maternal grandfather, U Thant Gyi, was a former deputy education minister who also worked as educational attaché at the Myanmar Embassy in the United States. Bouncing Back U Thant Gyi would have been proud of the cultural diplomacy his grandson embraced in 2012 when he traveled to Yangon as a sports envoy sponsored by the US State Department. Together with three other envoys, Mr. Cho held basketball workshops and clinics with young local players. "I saw the passion that a lot of kids have for basketball, so it was really fun to be a part of," Mr. Cho said, adding that he was surprised at the high skill level of some of the players. The following year the NBA and the State Department sponsored 12 young Myanmar basketball players, accompanied by members of the Myanmar Basketball Federation (MBF), to take part in basketball clinics in the United States. The group also attended a Charlotte Hornets home game. Basketball is still struggling to find its way in Myanmar. There is no annual basketball competition and the game has failed to gain widespread appeal due to a lack of financial resources and mismanagement, U Maung Maung Myint of the MBF told The Irrawaddy. But he's hoping for better days ahead. "The younger generation must have the right to play, the time to play, a place to play," U Maung Maung Myint said. Rich Cho's experience may provide an inspiration for young players. The boy from Yangon, who once washed dishes at a pancake chain and rose to head a significant NBA team, knows a thing or two about rising from humble beginnings. Wei Yan Aung and Thet Ko Ko contributed to this article, which first appeared in the March 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Game Changer appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Journalists Bemoan Scant Information on Military Affairs Posted: 24 Mar 2015 06:58 AM PDT Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing watches a presentation on the Solar Impulse 2 at Mandalay international airport on March 20, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — While Burma's military has disseminated selective morsels of information to the media over the past few months, local journalists said most of the information was either bland or biased and could not be used. "They give news that promotes themselves rather than information [about] their activities, so we cannot use it," said Kyaw Soe Lin, editor-in-chief of the Myanmar Post Journal. He said there were currently around five dispatches per week that reached local media outlets. Aung Thu Ra, a senior reporter at 7 Day News Journal, said, "Most of the information—about 75 percent—we cannot use and there is no one to contact." Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing assigned three generals to serve as press liaisons following a meeting with the Interim Press Council in mid-October. However, contact information for the three men was never provided. At a second meeting in November, the press council was informed that the Defense Ministry's Department of Public Relations and Psychological Warfare would instead be tasked with handling media relations. The military also pledged to set up an official email service to handle media enquiries, although, that too has not been made public. While there remains no assigned Burma Army spokesperson, the Interim Press Council has been acting as a conduit through which officials from the Office of the Commander-in-Chief (army) can send email updates that the press council then forwards to select media outlets, according to press council member Myint Kyaw. "They still don't know how to understand and handle the media," Myint Kyaw said. Aung Thu Ra said the military should issue press releases with full and detailed factual information including providing a media contact person. Local journalists, including Aung Thu Ra, said more frequent media updates have been issued since February, a month when fierce fighting first broke out between the Burma Army and Kokang rebel group, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in and around Laukkai in the Kokang Special Region. However, much of the information the military currently provides concerns the daily and often mundane activities of army chief Min Aung Hlaing, Aung Thu Ra said. Min Aung Hlaing has lately granted a handful of interviews to local and foreign news organizations, with some observers questioning whether the army chief is laying the groundwork for a possible run at the presidency following national elections later in the year. Kyaw Soe Lin said the army chief should instead focus on providing information and updates on issues such as the killing of the journalist Par Gyi in October and the ongoing conflict in Kachin State. The post Journalists Bemoan Scant Information on Military Affairs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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