The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Fried Chicken Frenzy as KFC Arrives in Rangoon
- Severe Floods Take Heavy Toll in Arakan State
- NLD Members Accused of Trespassing While Verifying Voter Lists in Naypyidaw
- As Election Nears, Migrant Voters Left in the Dark
- Government Projects Delayed, Expensive and Poorly Planned: Report
- 3,600 Kyat Daily Minimum Wage Proposed for All Sectors
- Burma Army Chief Says Ethnic Rebels Should Abandon Arms, Make ‘Logical’ Demands
- Mysterious Motives: India’s Raids on the Burma Border
- Time to Return Home?
- UWSA Vows Peaceful End to Tensions With Burma Army
- Indonesian Military Plane Crashes in Northern City, Killing at Least 30
- ‘Voluntourism’ Boom Sparks Concerns over Local Benefits
- India’s Next Weapon Against Climate Change? The Heat-Tolerant Dwarf Cow
- China to Hold Some Veto Powers in New Asian Bank
| Fried Chicken Frenzy as KFC Arrives in Rangoon Posted: 30 Jun 2015 10:03 AM PDT          RANGOON — Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) opened its pioneering outlet in the heart of Burma's commercial capital on Tuesday, marking the first foray of an American fast-food franchise into the Burmese market. A crowd of hungry customers more than 100-strong formed lines that spilled out onto the sidewalk adjacent Bogyoke Aung San Road soon after KFC opened its doors near Bogyoke Aung San Market, the sprawling downtown Rangoon bazaar popular with tourists. Queuing patiently in front of the shop, one woman from Kyimyindaing Township said it was her daughter, and social media, that brought her out to the opening. "My daughter asked me to come here after she saw the news of its opening on Facebook. She is very excited to taste it," she said. Scores of young people and families waited in line to get their hands on Colonel Sanders' famed fried chicken, some having arrived hours before KFC opened its doors at noon. "I have been here since 9 am with my friends," said Thi Thi Nay Lin, 19, from Botataung Township. "I like it very much and was very happy when I heard they would open here. I never imagined that it would open here, even though they open their outlets around the world," she said. Myat Min Thu, a 35-year-old resident of 39th Street, also made hurried lunch plans after he too was alerted to the restaurant's opening thanks to Facebook. "Since last year, I was looking forward to it and was excited for it," he said. "At first, we didn't know where it would open. I was reading news and watching their Facebook, waiting for this day," he said. "Frankly, I was very happy when I got the slip in my hand," he said, brandishing his order voucher. "All of the fatigue from waiting for one hour healed at that moment." American multinational Yum! Brands and local partner Yoma Strategic Holdings first announced plans to open KFC outlets in Burma in October 2014. Yum! Brands' KFC subsidiary is the world's second largest fast food chain, with more than 19,400 KFC outlets in 120 countries around the globe. Burma, however, was for years a no-go zone for the company, which was prevented from setting up shop in the Southeast Asian nation due to US economic sanctions that were eased in 2012. Myo Oo, 41, also a downtowner, said he could still recall his first exposure to KFC in neighboring Thailand four years ago. "I ate [KFC] in Bangkok four years ago and wanted to eat it here again. So, I am satisfied since I can eat now what I want to eat," he said. Just two hours after KFC opened to an eager throng of fried chicken lovers, however, satisfaction and anticipation gave way to disappointment for some as staffers announced that the outlet had run out of chicken. "It is just too much," said a girl in her teens. "They should at least let the customers get inside but now we are just standing outside for a long time, watching others eat." The KFC employees told customers to return at 3 pm, when more chicken would be available. The post Fried Chicken Frenzy as KFC Arrives in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Severe Floods Take Heavy Toll in Arakan State Posted: 30 Jun 2015 09:39 AM PDT  Structures destroyed by flooding in Taungup Township, Arakan State. (Photo: Aung Ko Min / Facebook) RANGOON — Severe flooding in Burma's Arakan State over the past few days has hit locals hard, with businesses and transportation disrupted and reports that several people have died. Myo Lwin, the founder of a community-based organization in Arakan State's Ann Township, said five people had died due to the flooding in Ann and four others from surrounding villages. Around 130 homes had been destroyed, he said, with hundreds waiting to receive support from the government and relief organizations. Transportation in and out of the region has been disrupted for days. Over ten bus lines operate from Rangoon's Aung Mingalar terminal to areas in Arakan State, with the majority forced to suspend services. Shwe Tin Aung of bus company Aung Thit Sar said the Nghet Pyaw Chaung bridge near Taungup, on the main road linking Kyaukphyu to Rangoon, had been impassable since June 25. The company's Kyaukphu-Rangoon express service was cancelled until Tuesday, June 30, affecting scores of Rakhine passengers. "I hope the road conditions will be fine again within a week," Shwe Tin Aung said. Htet Hlaing Htun, a villager from Tat Taung in Ann Township, told The Irrawaddy he was forced to buy a bus ticket from Rangoon to Taungup and from there take a boat to his village. "We don't have many other options," he said. Oo Nanda Wantha, a monk originally from Arakan State, came to the Aung Mingalar bus terminal to send a small parcel to his relatives, but the company would not accept it. "They said transportation is only for passengers. I will make a request with the bus driver because the package is small and it's very important for my nephews," he said. A bus driver with Ye Aung Lan Express, Hein Zaw Oo, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday he came across a damaged bridge between Pa Zun Pyae and Kyae Pin villages in Thandwe Township on the main highway. "We spent nearly half an hour there [before] I requested that all passengers disembark while I find a way to pass," he said. The owner of Ye Aung Lan Express, Kyaw Zin Latt, said the company owed money to customers after cancelling the service for two days. The company has now arranged for buses to meet on opposing sides of the damaged Nghet Pyaw Chaung bridge to exchange passengers, enabling the service to continue. Kyaw Zin Latt added that the company's warehouse was almost full with goods they had been unable to transport over the past few days. A bus driver with the company KISAPA who declined to give his name said that around the town of Ann, where every vehicle would travel on the road from Sittwe to Yangon, three sections of the road were almost impassable. The Irrawaddy repeatedly tried to contact Hla Han, Arakan State's minister for transport, on Tuesday without success. The post Severe Floods Take Heavy Toll in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| NLD Members Accused of Trespassing While Verifying Voter Lists in Naypyidaw Posted: 30 Jun 2015 05:52 AM PDT  A woman examines voter lists posted alongside election education materials in Rangoon in March. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Two opposition party members have been accused of trespassing while carrying out a voter list verification drive earlier this month, a party official said, and could face legal action in the coming weeks. Tin Htay and Sein Maung Myint, members of the Naypyidaw chapter of the National League for Democracy (NLD), were notified by police on Friday that they had been reported as trespassers while visiting a residence in the capital's Zabuthiri Township. The pair was among a crew of NLD members canvassing door-to-door to check residents' names and personal information against newly released preliminary voter lists that have been called out as highly erroneous. The voter lists, which have been displayed in batches across the country since March, have come under intense scrutiny as a landmark general election nears. Township NLD Chairman U Swe told The Irrawaddy that the party was notified nearly a week after the two men visited residents, and that it is unclear what—if any—legal action will follow. The pair was accused of violating article 447 of Burma's Penal Code, which could result in up to three months in prison. "We learned about it on Friday last week, as the police summoned us," U Swe said. "Since then we haven't heard anything else about it yet." One of the accused, Tin Htay, said he and Sein Maung Myint had sought permission to enter the premises in question on the day of their visit, and that nothing seemed amiss. Tin Htay, one of the accused, told the Irrawaddy that they first sought permission to enter the building on the day. "We explained why we were there. They warmly welcomed us and provided a list of eligible voters in their household," he recalled. "We saw nothing going wrong there." The NLD's U Swe said he suspected that local authorities could have manufactured the problem, as he was also recently summoned to the township election commission office and asked to sign a paper acknowledging that the party's voter list verification practices could turn out to be problematic. U Swe said that he refused to sign the document on the grounds that the Union Election Commission (UEC) Chairman, Tin Aye, had publicly called on political parties to participate in ensuring that voter lists were accurate. "I refused to do what they asked, we are just reviewing the voter lists to be sure they are accurate," he said. The Zabuthiri Township election commission office was not immediately available for comment. Burma's opposition leader, NLD Chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, told reporters at the nation's Parliament on Monday that she believed the accusation could have been meant to intimidate her party. "Without the house owner's permission, no one would have gotten inside. Plus, there were other people there at the time. This could be regarded as intimidation, the truth will be revealed in court," she said. The post NLD Members Accused of Trespassing While Verifying Voter Lists in Naypyidaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| As Election Nears, Migrant Voters Left in the Dark Posted: 30 Jun 2015 05:35 AM PDT  The Burmese Embassy in Bangkok will offer migrant workers a chance to vote in Burma's general election later this year. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — First-time voters among some 1.8 million officially registered Burmese migrants in Thailand say little to no information has been provided regarding voting in Burma's upcoming general election, slated for early November. The Burmese Embassy in Bangkok said last month that Burmese nationals living in Thailand would be able to register for enumeration on an overseas voter list by filling in form No. 15 and returning it to the embassy's electoral committee for further scrutiny on their eligibility to vote. Win Maung, Burma's ambassador to Thailand, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the embassy had been receiving the forms from prospective overseas voters since the announcement was made. "The information [on how to vote from Thailand] has been shared," he said, through the 70-member, embassy-led Protecting Committee for Burmese Migrants Staying in Thailand, a network of NGOs and civil society organizations based in different parts of Thailand, including Chiang Mai in the country's north, Mae Sai along the Thai-Burmese border, Nakhon Sawan in central Thailand and Phang Nga in the south. Win Maung added that information on the deadline for returning the forms and procedural details for advanced voting would be made available as soon as directives were received from the Union Election Commission (UEC) in Naypyidaw. Burmese migrants who are deemed eligible to vote in the 2015 poll will be able to choose between voting in person at the Bangkok embassy in advance or on election day, which is yet to be announced. But Burmese migrants, many of whom have lived in Thailand for years but did not have a chance to vote in Burma's last nationwide election in 2010, largely remain in the dark when it comes to registering to vote abroad. Tun Tun, a young migrant worker from Phuket in southern Thailand, said last week that he had not heard of the ambassador's remarks on voting abroad, a matter of little consequence since he "has no interest in the election." Ying Horm, a field officer for the Chiang Mai-based Migrant Action Program, said she had not yet heard any clear indication of how the process would work for Burmese migrants in Thailand who want to vote. "This is my first opportunity to vote in my life, but I still have little information on how to do it," Ying Horm told The Irrawaddy, adding: "If even people like me have no idea how this will work, I have no doubt that the migrant community is also unaware of it." The community worker highlighted the need among migrant communities for voter awareness campaigns that would include information on the voter registration process and how to cast a ballot. Htoo Chit, director of the Foundation for Education Development based in Phang Nga, told The Irrawaddy recently that his group has been sharing the embassy's announcement and distributing copies of form No. 15 to migrants who are interested in voting. "We need to encourage the migrants, regarding voter registration awareness, to contact their families back home [to ensure they are enumerated on voter lists there]," he said, referring to the fact that voter lists in Burma have been compiled based on household registration data. In the 2010 election, Burmese migrants were not eligible to vote in part because a national verification program to issue identity documents to the millions of Burmese migrant workers in Thailand had only been initiated a year prior. Htoo Chit shared the view that migrants' knowledge about the general election was low and could presage a poor voter turnout among the eligible Burmese migrants in Thailand. The embassy's distribution of voting information was also lackluster, he added, saying that if the government genuinely wanted to respect migrant workers' suffrage, a more effective approach would be to have embassy staff and electoral commission members proactively reaching out to migrant communities to raise awareness. According to the electoral bylaws published on the UEC website, diplomats, scholars, and delegates and their dependents are specifically guaranteed the right to vote abroad, either in advance or on election day, at the arrangement of individual embassies. Win Maung said that for the 2015 election, any holder of an "ordinary" Burmese passport would be eligible to vote. In Thailand, ordinary passports for Burmese nationals are distinguished from temporary passports, a travel document that the majority of Burmese migrant workers hold. Burmese migrants in Thailand are being asked to bring their ordinary passport, and copies of their national identity card and household registration certificates, when filing form No. 15 at the embassy. The form will then be sent on to the election subcommission with which the prospective voter is registered, to confirm eligibility and remove the individual from the voter roll in Burma. The number of Burmese ordinary passports holders in Thailand, including diplomats, scholars and migrant workers, is about 220,000 people, according to the ambassador. Among them, about 200,000 are migrant workers in a variety of Thai industries who have applied for a program begun last year that has allowed them to swap their temporary passport for an ordinary passport by providing their national identity card and household registration certificate as proof of Burmese citizenship. The ambassador told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that a Burmese consulate in Chiang Mai was on schedule to be opened on July 29. He added that a decision had not been made yet on whether Burmese migrants will be able to vote at the mission in northern Thailand. The post As Election Nears, Migrant Voters Left in the Dark appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Government Projects Delayed, Expensive and Poorly Planned: Report Posted: 30 Jun 2015 05:25 AM PDT  Civil society organizations, economists and officials from the Ministry of Finance discuss budget issues at a conference last year. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Government infrastructure projects in Burma are rife with inflated cost projections, long delays and a lack of advance planning, according to a budget monitoring report this week. Compiled jointly by the Institute for Peace and Social Justice, the Capacity Development Centre and the Renaissance Institute, the report monitored nearly 1,300 projects in 110 townships across the country, funded by state, divisional and Union budgets from April 2013 to March 2015. "One of the main problems is that specific locations of some projects are not included in budget planning, which shows that governments are haphazardly planning without making necessary advance land surveys," said Lwin Ko Latt, one of the report's project monitors. According to the report's findings, there were often large discrepancies between the estimated budget outlays and equivalent private infrastructure spending, with locals left in the dark about how much money is allocated for regional projects. "We met with contractors, who told us that [government] estimates were more than local prices," Lwin Ko Latt said. Despite budgets often providing for well over the equivalent cost of a private sector project, many departments had a recurrent habit of seeking additional funding for individual projects—usually over 10 percent of original budget estimates. The report said that with adequate forecasting in foreign exchange rates and essential materials, cost overruns would be at most five percent of the original budget. "It should not be over the budget if there is no disruption, like a sudden increase in fuel prices or exchange rates," economist Dr Aung Ko Ko told The Irrawaddy. "We can easily estimate how much a project will cost. It should not run over the budget in normal times." Of the projects surveyed by the report, 22 percent had yet to commence and 56 percent were still in the process of being implemented. As the report authors were not granted access to government information, monitoring did not include assessments of the capacity of public officials, auditing government accounts and checking the transparency of government tenders. The post Government Projects Delayed, Expensive and Poorly Planned: Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| 3,600 Kyat Daily Minimum Wage Proposed for All Sectors Posted: 30 Jun 2015 05:07 AM PDT  Employees of the Tai Ye Shoe Factory camp out in Rangoon's Hlaing Thar Yar Township demanding higher wages, Feb. 19, 2015. (Photo: Sai Zaw/ The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's National Minimum Wage Committee proposed on Monday that the country's minimum wage be set at 3,600 kyats (US$3.24) for an eight-hour day. Organizations and individuals will have a two-week window to submit feedback on the proposal before the wage can be enacted. If approved, the proposed wage—which amounts to less that 50 cents per hour—will be applied across all sectors nationwide, with the exception of certain small and family businesses. After the feedback window closes, state- and division-level wage committee members will review public input and submit it to the national committee within 30 days. The national wage committee will then convene with government, industry and labor force stakeholders to reach a final decision within 60 days of Monday's announcement. The committee is bracing to face criticism from all sides. Labor unions have pushed for higher pay, while factory owners in some sectors have said that the proposal would make their businesses unsustainable. Sai Khaing Myo Tun, secretary of the Rangoon University Teachers' Union and a labor representative on the wage committee, said while the proposal didn't live up to the hopes of labor rights advocates, "we can say it's getting better with these national measures." Some sectors, he said, are likely to request exceptions during the revision period. Employers in the garment cutting, measuring and packaging (CMP) industry have already suggested a gradual hike from 2,500 to about 4,000 kyats over the next three to four years. The Myanmar Trade Union Federation (MTUF) has remained firm in its demand of at least 4,000 kyats per day, slightly more than proposed. The group's chairman, Aung Lin, said it will prepare recommendations on behalf all member unions. MTUF members of a wide array of sectors, he said, are going to demand higher pay to tackle rising commodity and housing costs. Even if the wage was set immediately at 4,000 kyats, he said, "it's not gonna be easy to cover the costs." Emphasizing the long-term effects of low-paid labor, Aung Lin said many workers in Burma's budding manufacturing sector risk getting caught in a cycle of urban poverty. "Low wages can't cover the costs of a family," he said. "Children cannot continue to go to school and they become child laborers. Then they become day-laborers without finishing middle or high school. This is worrisome for our country; if the wages don't go up, our human resources will never recover from poor situations." The post 3,600 Kyat Daily Minimum Wage Proposed for All Sectors appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma Army Chief Says Ethnic Rebels Should Abandon Arms, Make ‘Logical’ Demands Posted: 30 Jun 2015 04:33 AM PDT  Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing meets China's Asian affairs envoy Sun Guoxiang in Naypyidaw on Monday. (Photo: Min Aung Hlaing / Facebook) RANGOON — Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing reaffirmed the military's position that ethnic armed groups should disarm in their pursuit of peace, during a meeting with a Chinese diplomat, according to the military-owned Myawaddy newspaper. Min Aung Hlaing offered his views on the stalled nationwide ceasefire process and the Kokang conflict along the Burma-China border during a meeting with China's Asian affairs envoy Sun Guoxiang in Naypyidaw on Monday. Sun Guoxiang attended an ethnic summit in Karen State's Law Khee Lar earlier this month during which ethnic armed groups voted against endorsing the draft ceasefire text in its current form and established a new negotiating bloc to replace the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT). Min Aung Hlaing said the army's "true wish" was to restore peace but that some ethnic armed groups were pursuing their own aims. Although they were demanding their ethnic rights, he said, "we already have the constitution which offers equal rights." According to Myawaddy, the commander-in-chief told Sun Guoxiang that it was important ethnic rebels abandon armed struggle and accept the process of DDR—disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration. "In any country there is only one armed force," Min Aung Hlaing said, adding that ethnic armed groups should have the will to integrate according to the law and that their demands should be "logical." Nai Hong Sar, the head of the NCCT, refuted Min Aung Hlaing's comments on Tuesday, calling for wholesale reform of the political system before such demands could be countenanced. "We cannot accept their DDR. We cannot trust it. Our belief is that this country needs to establish a federal system. The army has to reform when the country has a federal system. There will only be a military regime if there is no reform within the Burma Army, even if the country has a federal system," Nai Hong Sar said. He said that ethnic minorities would not be able to voice demands for their political rights if they laid down their arms and cited the 2008 constitution as only entrenching the military's political power. "Burma does not have real democracy yet and it is not the right time to abandon the ethnic armed groups," Nai Hong Sar said. "We agree there should only be one armed force in a country, but our ethnic armed forces need to take care of security in our regions." Regarding fighting in the Kokang Special Region, which began in February between the government army and Kokang rebels of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Min Aung Hlaing reportedly told the Chinese envoy that the rebels, who he claimed were engaged in drug production, should not be allowed to harm Burma-China relations. Sun Guoxiang told the Burmese army chief that China would not allow any group to use its territory to launch attacks on Burma and that Beijing respected its neighbor's "independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity." The post Burma Army Chief Says Ethnic Rebels Should Abandon Arms, Make 'Logical' Demands appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Mysterious Motives: India’s Raids on the Burma Border Posted: 30 Jun 2015 03:03 AM PDT  Naga leader S.S. Khaplang being treated in a Rangoon hospital, receiving Burma's Union Minister Aung Min. (Photo: Courtesy of Bertil Lintner) It has been several weeks since Indian troops crossed the Burma border and attacked camps where ethnic rebels form India's volatile northeast have camps, and, despite some press coverage immediately after the event, few details have emerged—and what has been said has been utterly contradictory. A statement from the presidential office in Naypyiaw, issued the day after the attacks took place, asserted that fighting had only broken out on the Indian side, denying that any outside forces were using Burma as a staging ground for attacks into India. The Indian cross-border raids came in response to a rebel ambush on an Indian army convoy in Manipur on June 4, when 18 soldiers were killed and at least 11 injured. It was the deadliest in a spate of similar attacks in India's northeastern states over the past few months. The Burmese government's account of events is the easiest to refute. As The Irrawaddy reported in November of last year, Indian rebels have had camps in northwestern Burma since the 1970s, when the Indian Army managed to drive ethnic Naga rebels out of their bases on the Indian side of the border. From there, beyond reach of the Indian Army, they have been able to launch cross-border raids into India. In late 2011, the Indian journalist Rajeev Bhattacharyya and photographer Pradip Gogoi trekked across the border and reached Taga, a village near the Chindwin River north of Singkaling Hkamti, where they met and interviewed Paresh Barua, the commander of the United Liberation Front of Asom [Assam] (ULFA), Shangwang Shangyung Khaplang, the leader of one faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland named after himself (NSCN-K, "K" for Khaplang), and rebels from the Indian state of Manipur. Khaplang is a Naga from the Burma side, but has also a following inside Manipur and Nagaland in India. It is because of Khaplang's influence in the Naga Hills of Burma that the other insurgents can maintain bases there. Bhattacharyya chronicled his trek and his impressions of this remote corner of Burma in several articles in the Indian media, and his excellent book Rendezvous With Rebels: Journey to Meet India's Most Wanted Man, which was published in India last year. The camp near Taga serves as headquarters for a new alliance of rebels on the Indo-Burma border, the oddly named United Liberation Front of Western Southeast Asia (ULFWSA), which brings together NSCN-K, ULFA and two smaller groups in Assam. Manupuri rebels are also attached to the united front. According to Bhattacharyya, there are altogether about sixty camps inside Burma where rebels from the Indian side are staying. Some of these are big, like the one near Taga, while others are medium-sized or small. The NSCN-K entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Indian government in 2001, and also struck a ceasefire deal with Burmese authorities in April 2012, making it the only insurgent group in the region to have ceasefire agreements with the governments of two sovereign states. However, in March of this year the NSCN-K abrogated its ceasefire agreement with Burma—and the ambushes on the Indian side began. It is unclear what prompted the NSCN-K's decision to go back to war, but the brain behind the ULFWSA is not Khaplang—who is in his mid-70s and, because of his age and stature in the Naga Hills of Burma, was made the official head of the alliance—but the younger and much more dynamic ULFA leader Paresh Barua. While Bhattacharyya and Gogoi met him at Taga, he is known to be spending most of his time in China. The weapons used by the united-front rebels are acquired from arms dealers on China, or they are made in a gun factory at Pangwa, just across the border in Kachin State. Pangwa is in an area controlled by Zakhung Ting Ying, a former commander of the Communist Party of Burma who made peace with the Burmese government in 1989 and now heads a local, government-recognized militia force. Ting Ying is also a member of the Amyotha Hluttaw, the Upper House of Burma's Parliament. The factory is known to have been producing automatic rifles, pistols, revolvers and shotguns—and among Ting Ying's customers are rebels from India's northeast. The guns are transported in vehicles along the road down to Myitkyina and on to Mogaung and the jade mining area at Hpakant. From there—in order to bypass areas controlled by the Kachin Independence Army, which would levy "taxes" in cash or in kind on the shipments—the guns are transported along smaller roads to Singkaling Hhamti and beyond. Guns from China are smuggled across the Burma border at Ruili and then trucked via Lashio, Mandalay and Monywa up to the Indian border. So is China involved with the Indian rebels, as alleged in many press reports in India? Perhaps not directly, but it is evident that Chinese security services, at the very least, are turning a blind eye to the traffic—which would serve China's geopolitical interests in the region. Apart from sheltering Barua, Chinese intelligence officers are also known to have visited the camp near Taga on more than one occasion. The Chinese may not want to set India's northeast ablaze, but it is in Beijing's interest to cause frictions and disruptions in Burma's relations with India. Over the past four years, Burma has distanced itself from its old ally China—and established closer contacts not only with the West but also India. A closer, more cordial relationship between Burma and India is not in China's interest. Instability along the border—rebel raids into India and retaliatory, Indian cross-border attacks—would serve that purpose. It is to China's advantage that Burma's authorities are paying only scant interest in events along the country's western border. As long as the Indian rebels are not bothering the Burma Army, they are being left alone. According to a testimony by an Indian soldier who took part in the June cross-border raids and published in the Indian press, the operation was kept secret even for the Burma Army officers in the area so they would not tip off the Indian rebels in advance. Several of those officers are collecting protection money from the Indian rebels, the soldier alleged. It is also clear that the Burmese government was not informed about the Indian cross-border raids until after they had taken place. For this and other more compelling reasons, it is highly unlikely that Burma would agree to take part in any joint operations with the Indian Army. On the formal level, the Burmese government does have a ceasefire agreement with the NSCN-K—and while the attacks in India and the cross-border raids into Burma were taking place, Khaplang himself was recuperating in a Rangoon hospital, where he was visited by no other than Aung Min, the Burmese government's chief peace negotiator. Perhaps more importantly, the Burma Army is already stretched thin on too many fronts in Kachin and Shan states, where it for several years has been battling Kachin, Palaung and Kokang rebels—and there suffered extremely heavy casualties. The Burma Army has neither the resources nor the manpower to become engaged in yet another battlefront in the country. Fighting India's wars is not a priority for the Burma Army; it's not even on its agenda. And if the Burma Army were to agree to joint operations with India, it would be tantamount to admitting what the Burmese government has consistently denied—that rebels from India have bases on the Burmese side of the border—and such an admission is extremely unlikely to happen. Thus, we may see more cross-border raids into India and Indian counterattacks into Burma's territory. So China may, in the end, get what it wants—the mayhem will continue along the Indo-Burma border—and that, as long as Burma remains in a total denial of the actual situation on the ground, is bound to have an adverse impact on any future relations between New Delhi and Naypyidaw. The post Mysterious Motives: India's Raids on the Burma Border appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 30 Jun 2015 02:59 AM PDT  Ko Ko Lay visited Pathein Prison during a trip dubbed the "Peace Mission to Motherland" when a group of former student activists returned to Myanmar in 2012. (Photo: Courtesy of Kenneth Wong) SAN FRANCISCO, California — Htun Myat Oo keeps a photo of Aung San Suu Kyi on the dashboard of his San Francisco cab. Many of his passengers recognize the image. It's the face of Myanmar's struggle for democracy, made famous in the covers of Time, the front pages of Newsweek and the biopic by Luc Besson. Inevitably, questions follow: Why do you have her photo? Are you from Myanmar? Have you ever seen her? In quick chats between lane changes and traffic jams, some taxi riders learn that their cabbie not only knew The Lady but once worked for her and went to jail for her. "They tend to be surprised, sometimes even shocked," Htun Myat Oo said. Nicknamed Ko Pan Thee, Htun Myat Oo was formerly part of the National League for Democracy (NLD) Youth leadership—a fact that was more than enough to get him arrested under a military junta intent on stamping out political dissent. After serving four years in jail from 1989 to 1993, Htun Myat Oo was released under a general amnesty. In 2008, he arrived in the San Francisco Bay Area as a refugee. He has lived in the United States long enough to qualify for citizenship. "But I'm not applying yet," he said. "I'm holding out, waiting to see what happens in 2015." For Htun Myat Oo and many like him, the general election due to take place in Myanmar later this year will be the best barometer to measure the shifting political winds. Its outcome may help them make one of the toughest choices they confront: to go home or remain abroad. When Going Home was a No-Go US Census Bureau data for 2010 show an estimated 100,000 Myanmar living in the United States, though this is almost certainly an underestimation for today. Fort Wayne, Indiana, is home to one of the largest overseas Myanmar communities. Other communities have sprung up around immigrant-friendly places like California and New York. Former political prisoners and dissidents like Htun Myat Oo began arriving in larger numbers after the 1988 uprising and subsequent crackdown. Many of them remained politically active overseas. While learning English in community colleges and eking out livings in entry-level jobs, they continued to organize and hold political rallies for their homeland. In late 2007, when news broke of the authorities' use of force against the Saffron Revolution monks, Bay Area-based activists staged a sidewalk protest in front of the Chinese consulate in San Francisco to pressure the Chinese government to rethink its policy towards its neighbor. In the following year, they held fundraisers in local monasteries to help the victims of Cyclone Nargis. Every year on June 19 they lit candles on a cake to wish The Lady "Happy Birthday!" "Going home" was something they talked about, but didn't think possible. For many, the thought of return meant facing the prospect of arrest. Rightly or wrongly, many dissidents assumed they were on the government blacklist. In August 2012, President Thein Sein's office released the names of more than 2,000 individuals taken off a blacklist believed to number around 6,000, a gesture signaling his administration's commitment to reform. The status of the remaining blacklisted persons is still unclear. One month after the president's announcement, former student leader Moe Thee Zun landed at Yangon's Mingaladon airport to a cheering crowd. His return from New York was a good test case. In 2009, when the then-prime minister Thein Sein came to New York to attend the UN General Assembly, Moe Thee Zun was among a small but vocal crowd of overseas activists who staged a protest across the street from the hotel that housed the Myanmar officials. When the delegation exited the hotel, Moe Thee Zun threw a shoe at the motorcade. If Moe Thee Zun was permitted to return, the path seemed clear for those associated with even lesser offences. Testing the Waters Ko Ko Lay and Moe Thee Zun—both of whom were once part of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front—joined eight others for a 2012 trip dubbed "Peace Mission to the Motherland." "We wanted to test the waters, to see if we could trust them," Ko Ko Lay recalled. "Would they arrest us? Would they do something to us? Whatever they might do, we were ready." Despite their trepidation, the delegation was invited to meet with representatives of various ministries and its members were treated with courtesy and respect. Emboldened, they returned in 2013 to attend the silver jubilee of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. It also proved a successful trip but still, Ko Ko Lay found it difficult to trust the incumbent government. He thinks the feeling is mutual. "These people were once part of the leadership of a military regime," he reasoned. "I don't think they trust us either. How could they? We took up arms against them. But the thing is, if we want democracy, we have to sit down and have discussions. We can't keep fighting each other. We have to start building trust." Salai Tun Than, formerly professor and dean of Yezin Agricultural University, made headlines when he was arrested in 2001 for staging a solo protest in front of Yangon City Hall. He was sentenced to seven years imprisonment. He had previously studied in the United States in Georgia, Wisconsin, and Florida universities as a state scholar, and calls for his release reverberated overseas. In May 2003, the government released him, citing "health and humanitarian concerns." Salai Tun Than traveled to San Francisco to visit his children, but ended up staying indefinitely. Eventually he applied for US citizenship, in order to be able to sponsor his wife to join him. "I never really intended to live abroad," he explained. "But six months later, when I tried to return, they refused to let me go back in." In June 2006, Salai Tun Than attempted to enter Myanmar, but was stopped before he could board his Thai Airways flight at Bangkok's Don Mueang airport. Then, in 2014, he heard from several sources that he was no longer on the government's blacklist. Last December, at his former students' urging, he decided to try to attend the 90th anniversary of his alma mater, Yezin Agricultural University. This time, he wasn't stopped, although the visit was not without incident. "My former students came to visit me at the guesthouse where I was staying. Sometimes the whole class would come to pay homage. They posted photos on Facebook. I think it got too much attention and made the authorities uneasy," he said. "Eventually, I was told I couldn't stay at the guesthouse anymore." Political Lives on Pause If the military regime hadn't nullified the outcome of Myanmar's 1990 general election, Maung Maung Latt would have been a member of Parliament. Born and raised in the town of Bilin in Mon State, Maung Maung Latt represented his district for the NLD. He sought and received political asylum in the United States in 1999 and, once abroad, joined the Burmese American Democratic Alliance, a nonprofit advocacy group. Today, he is the organization's vice president. In June 2013, Burma's Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann paid a visit to the overseas Myanmar community in the Bay Area. Maung Maung Latt was in attendance and the men shook hands. "I've been studying [Shwe Mann]," Maung Maung Latt said. "I think he cares about the people. But I also think he remains loyal to the military." Maung Maung Latt's political inclinations remain strong. He listens to the BBC, RFA and VOA for the latest developments back home. In his free time, he reads up on the US Constitution and has a lot to say about how the US model could be applied to Myanmar. Ideally, he said, he would like to resume his political career in Bilin. "But that wouldn't be possible under current Union Election Commission rules," he said. The rules state that one must have lived in the country for at least 10 consecutive years prior to the election in order to run for Parliament. Maung Maung Latt has never applied for a visa. He suspects he risks arrest and might put his loved ones in the country in jeopardy by going back because of his political activism overseas. If he is given the chance to return home, Maung Maung Latt said he'd like to pay homage to his parents, whose funeral he wasn't able to attend. "Maybe I can organize a donation ceremony in a monastery in their name," he said. "And I'd also like to report to my constituents. They elected me. I owe it to them to let them know about the work I've been doing." Waiting for Signs Typical immigrants work to integrate themselves into the social fabric of their new home country and make the most of newfound socio-economic opportunities. It's different for political refugees and former dissidents. The possibility of one day going home, and the duty they feel to do so, prevent many from fully resettling in the new land. Ko Ko Lay said, "I haven't done anything in the US that would tie me down. I haven't bought a home. I don't have children. I've arranged my life so that I can pick up and go." His personal policy, he said, is to "work together [with the government] so long as they show signs of genuine reform." But one factor he finds troubling is the current government's reluctance to amend the 2008 Constitution, which bars Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency and guarantees the military 25 percent representation in Parliament. "To me, that Constitution is not democratic," Ko Ko Lay said. "If they change the Constitution today, I'll go back tomorrow." Salai Tun Than also charts a course between hope and hesitation. "If the same government is reelected, I don't want to go back," he said. "If there are signs that prove their mindset has changed, perhaps I might go back, but I haven't seen such signs so far." For Htun Myat Oo, the decision to return is no longer his alone to make. "My son said he likes living in the US so I can't just drop everything and go back. I'd have to split my time between the US and Myanmar," he said. "I didn't leave my homeland by choice. I left fully thinking of going back one day. I'm ready to go. I think the new government should welcome back overseas dissidents like us, who have gained lots of experience. We have a lot to contribute to the country's rebuilding." Some Bay Area couples have been surprised to learn that the man hired to shoot their wedding photos, Ko Ko Lay, once belonged to a ragtag student army that fought against a brutal military regime. Circumstances have forced these activists, aspiring lawmakers and civic leaders to become photographers, taxi drivers and deck builders. Their humble occupations seem a mismatch for the historic events they participated in and the roles they played. Many continue to harbor aspirations to go home, to help make history, or—at least—to witness it. But they also see the present political landscape of Myanmar as fraught with risks and uncertainties, making it difficult for them to give up what they have as immigrants and start all over again. "I know of at least one comrade who became homeless in the US," Ko Ko Lay said. "But even so, he wouldn't go back. He'd rather live homeless in a free country than go back to live under an unjust system. Look at the way the police shot a protester in Letpadaung. Look at the way they used force to crush the student protest in Letpadan. These [incidents] should tell you what kind of government this is." The Myanmar Embassy in Washington DC was asked to provide clarification on its policy regarding overseas dissidents for this article, specifically on the proper procedures required to remove oneself from the blacklist. At press time, it had not yet responded. Kenneth Wong is a Myanmar-American author and blogger who grew up in Yangon. He now lives in San Francisco, California. His essays, short stories, and poetry translations have appeared in Grain, AGNI, Eleven Eleven and San Francisco Chronicle magazines. This article originally appeared in the June 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Time to Return Home? appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| UWSA Vows Peaceful End to Tensions With Burma Army Posted: 30 Jun 2015 02:50 AM PDT  Bao Youxiang, left, the chairman of the United Wa State Army, in Panghsang, capital of the Wa Special Region, in May 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The United Wa State Army (UWSA) says it has committed to peacefully resolving military tensions with government troops in the Mongton Township village of Pon Pa Kyin in eastern Shan State. Tensions there arose after Burma Army personnel arrested 16 members of the UWSA who were cutting down trees in Mongton Township on June 1 and began legal proceedings against the men on the grounds that they were logging illegally. Last week, UWSA representatives held talks with a government delegation in the capital Naypyidaw, but the meeting reportedly failed to defuse the tensions. "Government troops are still [in the township] and so are our troops," Aung Myint, a UWSA spokesman, told The Irrawaddy. "But both sides are trying to resolve things peacefully and are exercising caution to avoid problems." The Burma Army has released the 16 UWSA members, but continued militarization by both sides in the Wa Special Region and surrounding townships has hindered a full resolution. The Burma Army's deputy commander in chief, Snr-Gen Soe Win, made a recent visit to eastern Shan State, meeting with Lt-Gen Aung Than Htut of the Office of the Commander in Chief and senior regional military leaders. Aung Myint said he had heard that President Thein Sein has instructed the Burma Army to avoid clashes with the UWSA, and the Wa group's spokesman added that he was optimistic the tensions would soon dissipate. "The government does not want to fight and we also can't afford to lose the peace that we have maintained for 26 years," said Aung Myint, referring to a longstanding ceasefire between the two sides. While the latest tension has been linked to the arrest of the 16 UWSA members, Khun Sai, the chief editor of Shan Herald News Agency, said more deep-rooted differences—over matters such as the Wa Special Region's autonomous status, the nexus of Sino-Burmese-Wa relations and the illicit narcotics trade—were likely to be complicating factors, as well as "undeclared disputes." "I don't think mere logging would create tensions," Khun Sai told The Irrawaddy. "They need to negotiate thoroughly to avoid clashes. Unless they negotiate, they will not be able to resolve [tensions]." The UWSA is the largest ethnic armed group in Burma, with some military observers estimating that it has more than 30,000 troops at its disposal. The UWSA has opted not to participate in the Burmese government's ongoing efforts to reach a nationwide ceasefire agreement with Burma's ethnic armed groups, saying the bilateral peace deal struck in 1989 is sufficient. The Wa rebel group does intend to join a political dialogue that is expected to follow the signing of a nationwide ceasefire accord, an achievement that has proven elusive to date. The post UWSA Vows Peaceful End to Tensions With Burma Army appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Indonesian Military Plane Crashes in Northern City, Killing at Least 30 Posted: 30 Jun 2015 02:48 AM PDT  Firemen attempt to extinguish the fire surrounding the wreckage of an Indonesian military transport plane after it crashed in the North Sumatra city of Medan, Indonesia, June 30, 2015. MEDAN, Indonesia — An Indonesian military transport plane crashed into a hotel and residential area in the northern Sumatra city of Medan on Tuesday, killing at least 30 people, a national search and rescue agency official said. "That's the latest information, the number could go up," Hisar Turnip of the Basarnas agency told Reuters. Military spokesman Fuad Basya said that 12 personnel, including the pilot, had been aboard the C-130 Hercules. The bodies of five of them had been found. According to the Aviation Safety Network, there have been 10 fatal crashes involving Indonesian military or police aircraft over the last decade. The accidents put under a spotlight the safety record of Indonesia's aviation and its ageing commercial and military aircraft. Basya said the plane that crashed on Tuesday was built in 1964. An AirAsia plane crashed less than halfway into a two-hour flight from Surabaya in Indonesia to Singapore on Dec. 28. All 162 people on board the Airbus A320 were killed. The Hercules transport plane was on its way from an air force base in Medan to the remote Natuna islands and crashed a few minutes after take-off, Basya said. Media said the pilot had asked to return because of technical problems. "It passed overhead a few times, really low," said Elfrida Efi, a receptionist at the Golden Eleven Hotel. "There was fire and black smoke. The third time it came by it crashed into the roof of the hotel and exploded straight away," she told Reuters by telephone. She said the plane also hit a massage parlor, where there are normally several people during the daytime. Sairi M. Saragih, a public relations official at the nearby Adam Malik Central General Hospital, said 11 bodies had been brought in so far. The post Indonesian Military Plane Crashes in Northern City, Killing at Least 30 appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ‘Voluntourism’ Boom Sparks Concerns over Local Benefits Posted: 29 Jun 2015 10:53 PM PDT
 Children eat dinner at an orphanage in Battambang, Cambodia. Concerns have been raised over the potentially negative impact of 'voluntourism' on young and vulnerable children in the developing world. (Photo: Reuters) LONDON — Rapid growth in the multi-billion dollar volunteer tourism industry has prompted calls for tighter controls with concerns over exposing vulnerable communities to unskilled foreign labor and dodgy operators exploiting foreigners for profit. Voluntourism, which allows socially conscious holiday-makers to pay thousands of dollars to work in poor communities across South America, Asia and Africa, has become a boom sector of the global travel industry. Estimates of its size vary widely. Nancy Gard McGehee, an expert on sustainable tourism at the US university Virginia Tech, says as many as 10 million volunteers a year are spending up to $2 billion on the opportunity to travel with a purpose. Carnival Corp., the world’s largest cruise operator, this month announced a “social impact” cruise which allows travellers to take part in three days of volunteering, helping to cultivate cacao plants, building water filters and providing English tuition. But with no industry regulator, campaigners within the sector are concerned about the rising numbers of companies involved, with no mechanism to hold them to account for the work that they do. “One of the challenges facing people wishing to volunteer responsibly is that there is no independent quality standard, no recognised regulatory body,” said Simon Hare, development director of British charity Globalteer. “There are small local outfits as well as big corporations who see volunteering as a way of driving profits rather than an integral part of a long term strategy for communities with real needs. At best this can make volunteering a waste of time and at worst it can actually be harmful.” Critics warn the lack of oversight means volunteers can easily end up in parts of the world without the skills needed to help, take away local jobs, and form bonds with children in need that are short-lived as they quickly move on. In the wake of the April 25 earthquake in Nepal, the United Nations children’s agency, UNICEF, said it became alarmed by reported cases of child trafficking, calling on orphanages and volunteer agencies to stop sending more willing workers. “We would ask people to consider carefully the impact of volunteering or donating funds to post-earthquake Nepali children’s homes in Kathmandu. Without realizing it, such support may be indirectly harming children,” UNICEF said. UNICEF said it had encountered the same problem in Cambodia, where there has been a rise in the number of unregistered childcare institutions, kept afloat by the funds and steady influx of volunteer tourists from abroad. “Many volunteers have absolutely no childcare skills, and they’re being asked to perform a duty of care for children who are vulnerable. In a developed country, that would not happen,” said James Sutherland from Friends-International, a children’s charity based in Southeast Asia. Australian academic Nichole Georgeou, co-author of “Looks good on your CV: the sociology of voluntourism recruitment in higher education”, said part of the problem was that the industry is consumer driven rather than driven by the needs of the local communities involved. “There’s this idea that is in-built in voluntourism that we in the West have the knowledge and the skills to make a difference, we have a right to make a difference,” said Georgeou from the Australian Catholic University. “It doesn’t even matter if we’re unskilled, it’s just the good will that matters because we’re somehow bonding anyway.” A recent study by Britain’s Leeds Metropolitan University, published in the Journal of Sustainable Tourism, warned students considering a project for a gap year or summer break that the most expensive trips were found to be the “least responsible”. Authors Victoria Smith and Xavier Font said volunteer tourism organisations needed to take more responsibility. “These organisations have a responsibility to ensure their programmes have positive and not negative impacts and should offer financial transparency,” said their report. “This means proper needs assessments, appropriately recruited, matched and skilled volunteers working with locals, with clear objectives, sustainable programme management, reporting and lasting impact and respect.” Some returning volunteers have expressed their concerns about the negative impact they might have had. “The kids [in the orphanage] were so used to seeing volunteers that they were barely paying attention to us,” said Carla Salber, who volunteered in Cambodia with Projects Abroad, one of the largest voluntourism companies. “We felt betrayed.” Voluntourism proponents dispute the claim that the industry is doing more harm than good, citing numerous schools and homes that would not have been built without voluntourists and their funding. “The idea that people shouldn’t come at all in case they traumatise a child who had the most terrible in their life already is really verging on the ridiculous. All our volunteers want to do is help,” said Peter Slowe, founder and director of voluntourism provider Projects Abroad. Globalteer’s Hare said it was a mistake to lump together good volunteering with bad volunteering and call it all ‘voluntourism’. “This is a shame because there are organisations running really impactful volunteer programmes,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. Regulation of the industry was the next step. “For volunteering to be effective, more focus needs to be on making sure it is done properly,” he said. The post 'Voluntourism' Boom Sparks Concerns over Local Benefits appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| India’s Next Weapon Against Climate Change? The Heat-Tolerant Dwarf Cow Posted: 29 Jun 2015 10:44 PM PDT  Vechur cattle, pictured, are one of two varieties of dwarf cows that livestock experts say could help farmers cope with climate change. (Photo: Wikimedia Commons) THIRUVANANDHAPURAM, India — Worsening heat, fodder shortages and the threat of drought are forcing many hard-hit dairy farmers in the Anantapur area of India's southern Kerala state to reduce their herds, experts say. "This is nothing less than a catastrophe," said Ananthakrishnan Kannappan, a livestock agent for 30 years in Anantapur. "This is the first time that due to lack of water and fodder, farmers are eagerly competing to sell off their livestock for throwaway prices." But the solution to the problem is simple and small, livestock experts argue: heat-tolerant dwarf cows. A team of researchers from Kerala Veterinary and Animal Sciences University and the state government's Animal Husbandry Department are now promoting a switch to Vechur and Kasargod cattle, two local varieties known for being easy to raise, resistant to diseases and—most important—better at tolerating high temperatures than the more popular crossbred cattle. "High-yielding crossbreed varieties of cattle can faint or even die during hot and humid summer days," said E.M. Muhammed, an expert on animal breeding and genetics at the university. "Our natural breeds can better withstand the effects of climate change." Dwarf cows, on the other hand, appear to carry a "thermometer gene" that allows them to better tolerate high temperatures, researchers said. Dwarf cows were already gaining popularity among some farmers because they consume less food and water than conventional cattle varieties, the experts said. Small-scale farmers need only one or two dwarf cows to meet the milk needs of their households, they said. The breeds are also less susceptible to mastitis, a common udder infection. Kerala farmers lose at least 250 crore rupees (around US$40 million) each year due to mastitis in crossbreed varieties, according to researchers at the animal husbandry department. According to the 2012 Kerala livestock census, not a single case of severe mastitis has been reported among dwarf cows. Still, many commercial cattle farmers are skeptical about the benefits of downsizing to dwarves. Of the 2.3 million cattle in Kerala, only 6.5 percent are dwarf varieties, agricultural experts say. One issue is cost. A dwarf cow costs almost the same as a larger crossbred—about 20,000 rupees ($300). But a crossbreed cow, when it is healthy, produces much more milk than its dwarf counterpart, making crossbreeds a popular choice among farmers. "I am concerned about the commercial aspects," said K. Ravindran, a farmer from Palakkad. "In order to produce 10 liters of milk, a farmer has to rear at least four Vechur cows instead of one crossbreed." But Basha Balakrishnan, a farmer living in Calicut, argues that customers are willing to pay more for milk from dwarf cows. Her dairy herd includes 35 crossbreeds and 15 dwarf varieties, and she says she can sell a liter of milk from the smaller animals for three times as much as the larger cows. "Though dwarf milk is costlier, many people—especially the rich who live in flats in Calicut—are eager to purchase it because it is thought to be more nutritious than crossbred milk," she said. Balakrishnan's dwarf cows are even famous. One of her Vechur cows was recently featured in the Guinness Book of World Records as the world's shortest cow at a height of 61cm (24 inches). With India facing growing heat and drought threats, other state governments have reached out to learn more about Kerala's dwarf cows as a way to help protect their own cattle and dairy industries. Government officials from the state of Gujarat recently bought three Vechur cows from Kerala, while Punjab Chief Minister Prakesh Singh Badal took six dwarf cows from Kerala to his farm in Chandigarh, livestock experts say. "It is a fact that the characteristics of the seasons have been altered by the disastrous impacts of climate change, so our lifestyle needs to adapt to using our indigenous flora and fauna," said K. Ramankutty, a dairy farmer in Palakkad. "The dwarf cow is a great weapon against climate change," he said. The post India's Next Weapon Against Climate Change? The Heat-Tolerant Dwarf Cow appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| China to Hold Some Veto Powers in New Asian Bank Posted: 29 Jun 2015 09:56 PM PDT  China's President Xi Jinping, front center, poses for photos with guests at the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank launch ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Oct. 24, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BEIJING — China will hold more than a quarter of the votes in the new Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), its finance ministry said on Monday, giving it a veto in some key decisions despite Beijing insisting it will not have such powers. Delegates from 57 countries gathered in Beijing to witness the signing of the articles of agreement for the Chinese-led development bank, which is expected to rival institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. Fifty countries signed the agreement, the ministry said in a statement on its website, amongst them Iran, Australia, Georgia and Britain. Seven—Denmark, Kuwait, Malaysia, Philippines, Holland, South Africa and Thailand—refrained from signing as they had not yet won domestic approval and are likely to do so later in the year. The ministry said China would have 26.06 percent of the voting rights in the bank. This would effectively give the country a veto on votes requiring a "super majority," which need to be approved by 75 percent of votes and two-thirds of all member countries. A super majority vote is needed to choose the president of the bank, provide funding outside the region and allocating the bank's income, among other decisions. The United States, which initially cautioned nations against joining the AIIB, has expressed concern over how much influence China will wield in the new institution. China has maintained it will not have veto powers, unlike the World Bank where Washington has a limited veto. Xinhua news agency quoted China's vice finance minister Shi Yaobin as saying that China did not seek a veto in the bank, describing its stake and voting share in the initial stage as a "natural result" of current rules. The ministry added that the initial stakes and voting rights of China and other founding members would be gradually diluted as other members joined. Foreign Policy Win The AIIB, first proposed by President Xi Jinping less than two years ago, has become one of China's biggest foreign policy successes. Despite the opposition of Washington, almost all major US allies—Australia, Britain, German, Italy, the Philippines and South Korea—have joined. The major holdouts in the bank are Japan, the United States and Canada. "This proposal was designed to meet Asia's infrastructure development and promote Asia's connectivity and also deepen regional cooperation for the sake of development," Xi told delegates at the signing ceremony. "In a relatively short period of time we have been able to reach agreement on the articles of agreement of the AIIB…This testifies to the solemn commitment of all the AIIB's countries to setting up the bank." The United States said there was an enormous need for infrastructure in Asia and it was "a positive sign for China to look to play an expanded role in providing that infrastructure and investment." However, State Department spokesman Mark Toner added that Washington wanted to see "high standards of governance reflecting the way international financial organizations like the World Bank and the IMF have operated over the past 70 years." The AIIB is slated to start operations by the end of the year. It will be headquartered in Beijing and English will be the working language. Like the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, the bank's officers will get tax-free salaries. China's finance ministry said China would be the bank's biggest shareholder by subscribed capital with a 30.34 percent stake, followed by India, Russia, Germany and South Korea. The AIIB's authorized capital will be $100 billion. Countries defined as "within the region" will hold a 75 percent stake in the bank, the ministry said. Johann Schneider-Ammann, head of the federal department of economic affairs, education and research for Switzerland, called the AIIB a "necessary supplement" to other multilateral development banks and stressed the need for compliance to international standards in terms of transparency and governance. "I am thus glad to know that it is the AIIB's declared objective to position itself as a responsible player among the multilateral development banks," he said, seated next to Xi. The post China to Hold Some Veto Powers in New Asian Bank appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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