Tuesday, December 29, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Riding the Rails to Rangoon

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 11:46 AM PST

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RANGOON — A rush of cold air bathed my face as the train started.

I was beginning a 24-hour journey from Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, to Mandalay, the historic capital of the last independent Burmese kingdom. From there, it would be another 15 hours to Rangoon—previously the only place where I had been on a train.

Rail transport was introduced to Burma in the late 19th Century. The British-built Rangoon-Myitkyina route stretches over 1,163 kilometers (723 miles) and was finished in 1898. But despite the long existence of trains in Burma, travel by rail was not as popular before 2012, due in part to safety issues and unreliable schedules.

Indeed, I only decided to take the grueling ride because I figured it would be one of the only ways to get a genuine, local travel experience.

I paid 17,500 kyats (US$13) for a comfortable upper-class seat that allowed me to talk with other passengers in my carriage. The train set out from Myitkyina at 8:30 am, with a slated arrival time in Mandalay of 10:15 the following morning.

The carriage was jam-packed with locals wrapped in layers of clothing to protect against northern Burma's chilly temperatures. My travel mates and I, clutching our cameras, came off as unmistakable foreigners until we spoke Burmese with our fellow passengers.

The train zigzagged through Kachin State and Sagaing and Mandalay divisions, where the scenery was punctuated by foggy mountains, yellow paddy fields, small cities and the old-fashioned train stations that are impossible to see when traveling by bus or plane.

We stopped for a short while at some stations and rode past others entirely. People waited at some stations to see their friends and family.

Occasionally, people equipped with a basket or tray hopped onto the train and tried to sell us some local snacks—which were sometimes quite delicious, or at least enough to tide us over.

Each of these moments, no matter how short, was a new and stirring experience for me.

Yet some sights were more disheartening. For instance, passing through ordinary class carriages revealed people crammed on uncomfortable wooden seats or on the floor, their luggage and other belongings splayed across the aisle.

As the afternoon wore on, I read through some books, listened to music, and eventually settled in to sleep. But not before peering at the sunset, of course. Nature never bores us in Burma. Once the sun went down, I climbed into another layer of clothing to ward off the cold. Despite the jolting of the train, I soon drifted off.

I woke up the next morning to Burma's famous winter—and it had chilled me to the bone! I wished that I had packed some blankets. We stopped at Padu Village, in Sagaing Division, for about ten minutes. There, people were selling water for passengers to wash their faces.

Sunrise brought with it warmth, and the train continued rolling along the tracks as upper Burma's beautiful landscape of palm trees and sunflowers was made visible in the growing light.

We crossed the Irrawaddy via the Inwa Bridge at Sagaing and pulled into Mandalay Central Railway Station around 9:00am—more than an hour ahead of schedule.

My train was scheduled to leave Mandalay for Rangoon at 3:00pm, so I had time to wander around the station and eat a local lunch.

Depending on the driver's unpredictable speed, the journey to Rangoon ricocheted between relative smoothness and terror, marked by jarring movements and the hissing of the engine along the dusty tracks.

Rangoon's familiar weather greeted me as we rolled into the city around 6:30am. My sore body signaled to me that my first priority ought to be to get more rest.

Still, despite the literal bumps along the way, snaking along the rails from Myitkyina to Rangoon introduced me to a world that was different yet in many ways the same—much like Burma itself, the experience was full of colors, and chaos.

The post Riding the Rails to Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lawmakers Sign Off On First Phase of Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 04:56 AM PST

 Oil tanks are seen at the oil pipeline project on Madae Island, Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State, October 7, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Oil tanks are seen at the oil pipeline project on Madae Island, Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State, October 7, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Lawmakers approved initial development of the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone on Tuesday, with over 400 MPs voting in favour of the 4,289-acre project, the first phase of which the government hopes to begin next year.

Incumbent lawmaker Ba Shein of the Arakan National Party told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that he, alongside several MPs from the National League for Democracy (NLD), voted against the proposal. Of 511 MPs that voted in Burma's Union Parliament, 424 MPs gave their approval, with 23 voting against and other MPs abstaining.

Ba Shein, who is on a parliamentary committee monitoring the SEZ in Arakan State, expressed disappointment at the legislature's decision to give the green light to the zone.

"Although I was involved in the SEZ monitoring committee, I know very little [about the project]. They always told me good things but when they [proceed], it's quite different to what they said," he told The Irrawaddy.

Ba Shein said that the result of a long-delayed tender for the project was likely to be announced on Wednesday.

After bidding for the project, slated to include an industrial zone, a housing estate and two deep sea ports on Ramree and Maday islands in western Arakan State, closed in November 2014, the announcement of successful proposals was originally expected the following January.

Last week, Burma's president Thein Sein weighed in, calling for the tender results to be swiftly announced "so that the next government can continue to implement the project."

Around 85 percent of investment into the Kyaukphyu SEZ is slated to come from Chinese companies.

Ba Shein expressed concern over local grievances, citing cases of inadequate compensation for confiscated land and unresolved issues over the deep-sea port and constructed oil and gas dual pipelines.

Over 650 villagers, who will be affected once the project begins, gathered in Kyaukphyu on Sunday to urge the government to halt the project until it had provided employment opportunities and regional development programs.

The post Lawmakers Sign Off On First Phase of Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Concerns Raised over Last Minute Defense Council Bill

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 03:03 AM PST

Military parliament members arrive for Burma's first parliament meeting after the Nov. 8 election in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Military parliament members arrive for Burma's first parliament meeting after the Nov. 8 election in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Critics claim a new bill clarifying the role of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) will pave the way for the military to exercise more power over civilian lawmakers, based on provisions that reduce the president's clout in the council.

The National Defense and Security Council bill was distributed to Upper House lawmakers in Naypyidaw last week. The draft has so far not been made public, but could potentially be tabled in parliament before election winners take their seats at the end of January, despite a senior official telling The Irrawaddy that the bill had not yet been scheduled for discussion.

"It's not a proposed bill yet. We just delivered them for lawmakers to study," he said.

Burma's military-drafted 2008 Constitution enshrines an 11-member council serving as an executive body to make policy on certain military and security issues. The NDSC can implement conscription policies, agree to amnesties at the request of the president and request the president to declare a nationwide state of emergency. Under latter, the normal executive, judicial and legislative functions of the government are suspended and transferred to the commander-in-chief and elections can be postponed for up to 12 months.

With six members, the military already has a majority on the council, which includes the president, the two vice-presidents (one of which is chosen by the Union Parliament's military bloc), both speakers of Union Parliament, the commander-in-chief and deputy commander of the Burma Armed Forces, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the military-appointed ministers of Home Affairs, Border Affairs and Defense.

The nine-page bill presented to lawmakers last week, seen by The Irrawaddy, elaborates the NDSC's responsibilities and procedures in six chapters.

Article 14 of the bill gives the president no right to vote on council matters, except to cast a deciding vote in the event of a deadlock. The same article also says that the council must strive to reach a consensus in its decisions, and to accept a majority vote if a unanimous resolution cannot be reached.

Khin Zaw Win, founding director of the Tampadipa Institute think tank, said the bill strengthens the military's hand in dealing with civilian politicians, at a time when the National League for Democracy (NLD) is preparing to form the next government after its emphatic election win in March.

"It's unnatural that the head of state is not allowed to vote. For defense and security issues, the president is not supposed to be in the middle," he said. "It sounds they would like to limit the power of the new president while the army wants to have a dominant role."

Questions have been raised as to why the bill has come into consideration only now, more than four and a half years before the council was established with the appointment of outgoing President Thein Sein.

"The current president and speakers came from the military and the military-backed ruling party," said Khin Zaw Win. "In the near future, there will be outsiders. They have done this in a hurry as there will soon be new council members who are not from their side."

It is unclear whether the bill will be considered in the current session of parliament, the last before the NLD takes a majority in both chambers. Myat Nyana Soe, a current NLD lawmaker in the Upper House, told the Irrawaddy he considered it very unlikely that the bill would be approved before the end of January.

"So far it is not a proposed bill. Even if it has been submitted to the parliament, we will have to discuss first whether it deserves any debate. As the parliament is going to close soon, I doubt the draft will be approved in this term," he said.

Political analyst Yan Myo Thein said that new NLD lawmakers would have to consider what amendments would be possible for the bill when the matter was raised in the next parliament.

The post Concerns Raised over Last Minute Defense Council Bill appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Heated Rhetoric at Koh Tao Verdict Protest in Rangoon

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 02:25 AM PST

 U Pamaukka, a senior monk within the Ma Ba Tha movement, addresses protesters in Rangoon on Tuesday. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

U Pamaukka, a senior monk within the Ma Ba Tha movement, addresses protesters in Rangoon on Tuesday. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Around 500 protesters, including monks from Buddhist nationalist organization Ma Ba Tha, gathered in Rangoon on Tuesday to voice their opposition to the death sentence handed down to two Burmese migrants by a Thai court last week.

Protests in Rangoon have been ongoing since Friday, the day after a Koh Samui Court sentenced migrants Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo to death for the killing of two British backpackers, David Miller and Hannah Witheridge, on Koh Tao in September 2014.

Tuesday's event, held at a football stadium in Thaketa Township, opened with a nationalist song, with lyrics that referenced the country's sovereignty and freedom, before a senior Ma Ba Tha figure, U Pamaukka, addressed protesters.

The monk denied the well-known Buddhist nationalist group organized the demonstration, claiming those gathered were simply patriots who had come together to fight for justice in the case of the two accused Burmese men.

"We are here today to condemn the injustice of the Thai court. Firstly, I want to say we condemn the court's decision," he said.

"The Thai Prime Minister spoke at a press conference yesterday and mentioned that our country asked to review the case. But he told the press conference that his government could not do this. For us, we condemn his speech."

Many attendees on Tuesday held photographs of the two detained Burmese men, banners of support or pictures of Thailand's revered king.

U Pamaukka's speech also contained the kind of inflammatory rhetoric that has often been synonymous with Ma Ba Tha rallies.

"Our country has an army. And our army do not wear skirts," he said. "I want to say to the Thai Prime Minister, don't touch a finger on our two citizens."

The monk flagged a boycott of Thai goods if justice was not served and waded into increasingly nationalistic territory, referencing the need for a robust military to uphold the country's interests.

"If needed, I will disrobe to join the army for my country and my people," he said.

U Pamaukka said his group would see how Thailand responds and, if there were few signs of progress, may protest again early in the new year.

Nay Myo Wai, chairman of the nationalist Peace and Diversity Party, also spoke at the event.

"We are Buddhist. We hate those who are rapists. But we have doubts about Thai justice and we are here today because we want to fight for justice, real justice," he said.

"We even have questions for the British Embassy in Rangoon. Why are they quiet about this case? They should speak out about the case. We are worried the Thai mafia who really committed the crime have escaped, while our two citizens who are innocent have to serve the punishment."

A young protester who was at the demonstration was accused of interrupting a speech and bundled away by members of the Ma Ba Tha. The group's members demanded local media not take photographs as they grabbed the youth.

After Tuesday's rally at the stadium, which lasted around 2 hours, protesters made their way to the Thai Embassy on Pyay Road to continue demonstrations.

The Thai Embassy in Rangoon on Friday issued a notification warning Thai citizens to take precautions in Burma and avoid identifying as Thai nationals if not necessary. The embassy has shut down its consular section until Wednesday while protests are ongoing.

The post Heated Rhetoric at Koh Tao Verdict Protest in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kachin Farmer Brang Yung Released, Recounts Torture in Military Custody

Posted: 29 Dec 2015 01:59 AM PST

Lashi Lu, left, and Hkawn Nan, the wives of Lahpai Gam and Brang Yung. (Photo: Bai Rui Ming / The Irrawaddy)

Lashi Lu, left, and Hkawn Nan, the wives of Lahpai Gam and Brang Yung. (Photo: Bai Rui Ming / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Brang Yung, a Kachin refugee arrested by the Burma Army and sentenced to 21 years' imprisonment on spurious allegations of links to Kachin rebels, was set free on Monday nearly two months after his conviction was overturned by the Supreme Court in Naypyidaw.

Brang Yung, Laphai Gam and two other men were arrested in June 2012 by the Burma Army's 37th Infantry Battalion while herding cattle outside the Shwe Zet refugee camp, accused of being high level operatives of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

The families of the Brang Yung and Laphai Gam claim they spent the following days subjected to brutal physical and sexual torture before signing confessions later used to convict the pair.

The other two men, also refugees from the renewed conflict between the KIA and the Burma Army, have already been released after completing shorter sentences. The 20-year sentence for Laphai Gam, 57, was upheld by the Supreme Court in October despite an appeal identical to Brang Yung, which argued that the Military Affairs Security (MAS) agency had no legal authority to obtain confessions for use in criminal proceedings.

Despite the Supreme Court overturning his convictions in October, 25-year-old Brang Yung remained in prison for two months, ostensibly because of a clerical error in court filings that printed one digit of his inmate number incorrectly.

After being detained for three years, the Supreme Court decided [Brang Yung] is innocent," said Mar Khar, the Myitkina-based lawyer who represented Brang Yung and Laphai Gam. "The government should release Laphai Gam too. He is also innocent.”

On Monday, Brang Yung corroborated reports of his sexual torture alongside Laphai Gam while in the custody of MAS in 2012.

"They asked whether we have wives," he told The Irrawaddy. "Then they took off our clothes and longyis and forced us to have sex with each other. Our hands and legs were cuffed. We could not do anything."

Mar Khar told The Irrawaddy that the arbitrary detention and persecution of innocent civilians should be stopped and the government and military should offer assistance to those traumatized by torture.

The post Kachin Farmer Brang Yung Released, Recounts Torture in Military Custody appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dr Pornthip: ‘Victims or Suspects Have the Right to Ask For a Second Opinion’

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 11:53 PM PST

The head of Thailand's Central Institute of Forensic Science, Dr Pornthip Rojanasunand. (Photo: Reuters)

The head of Thailand's Central Institute of Forensic Science, Dr Pornthip Rojanasunand. (Photo: Reuters)

Thailand's most prominent forensics expert, Dr Pornthip Rojanasunand, who is head of the country's Central Institute of Forensic Science, was recently called on by the defense team representing two Burmese men accused of murder to reexamine crucial DNA evidence. Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo were arrested last year for the killing of British backpackers David Miller and Hannah Witheridge on a Thai resort island on the night of September 15, 2014. However, the handling of the case by Thai police has been the subject of significant controversy and the two Burmese men have alleged they were tortured into a confession. The trial is continuing on Koh Samui. The Irrawaddy's Saw Yan Naing spoke with Dr Pornthip about her team's findings and ongoing involvement in the case.

How did you become involved in this case?

First of all, the defendants' lawyers came into the institute [the Central Institute of Forensic Science] and asked us for our interpretation of the scientific evidence. They asked us to support this case. Secondly, there was a request for a second DNA [testing] of the evidence in the case. There was also a request from the National Human Rights Commission [of Thailand] for an investigation into [allegations] the suspects were tortured. So there were three issues.

Please explain what your institute's findings were regarding the DNA test.

Our team found that the DNA profile on the weapon [a garden hoe police believe was used to kill the British tourists] didn't belong to the suspects [Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo]. It belongs to an unknown man. We need to have the DNA of other people [involved]. We only found the DNA from an unidentified man which was not compatible with the suspects' [DNA].

Who else should be subject to DNA testing?

That is not my duty. I can't say who else needs to be tested. It is the task of the police.

What other requirements should be carried out in the course of fact finding for this case?

In this case, I can't say anything because I didn't have a chance to look at the DNA profile [related to] all the evidence. I just looked at the DNA from the weapon that the police sent to our institute. There are some [aspects] of the DNA profile that I can't discuss. We have to wait.

There were previous reports that DNA found on the butt of a cigarette shared by the two suspects matched that found on the female victim's body. Were you able to consider that evidence?

No. Because the police said that all that evidence was destroyed already. The police said there was no evidence left to send to our institute.

From now on, how will you and your team be involved in the process?

In the next [week or two], there will be scientific testimony given in [Koh Samui Provincial] court. Two scientists and one doctor [from the Central Institute of Forensic Science] will testify at the court. The two scientists will testify about the DNA findings. And a doctor will testify on the physical examination of the two suspects because they [the suspects] told judges and the National Human Rights Commission that they were tortured by the police [during interrogation]. The doctor did the physical determination when the suspects were in prison. So that will be our institute's testimony.

You are very well respected for your expertise in DNA analysis. The Burmese public would be very interested in your comments. What is your message to them?

In Thailand, we have the chance to ask for help on issues of human rights. This means that victims or suspects have the right to ask for a second opinion on forensic investigations. And it's our duty, at the Central Institute of Forensic Science under the Ministry of Justice, to do that job. We can help suspects or victims. If they want a second opinion, they can ask for it. And we will try our best.

The post Dr Pornthip: 'Victims or Suspects Have the Right to Ask For a Second Opinion' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

2015 in Burma: One for the History Books

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 10:34 PM PST

National League for Democracy campaigners travel through Rangoon's Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township on Sept. 27. (Photo: J Paing/The Irrawaddy)

National League for Democracy campaigners travel through Rangoon's Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township on Sept. 27. (Photo: J Paing/The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — As 2015 dawned in Burma, there was little doubt that the year's news cycle would be dominated by the general election held last month. And while that proved true in many ways, there was plenty else to keep reporters busy as the months unfolded, in what turned out to be an historic year for the country on several fronts.

Much like the year that preceded it, 2015 could be described as one of setbacks and successes as the country moved uncertainly toward a Nov. 8 vote that many viewed as a key bellwether on future prospects for the country, which only five years ago began its transformation from dictatorship to democracy. The National League for Democracy's thumping victory was widely hailed as a triumph for the country's long-persecuted pro-democracy movement, but the coming year sees the party take the reins of government amid no shortage of festering problems, ensuring that, if nothing else, an eventful 2016 is on the horizon.

Developments on the business front were as much about what comes next as what we see today in the fast-changing economy. Foreign banks opened branches in Burma for the first time in decades and for a time, downtown Rangoon was gripped by (Kentucky) fried chicken frenzy as the first US fast-food chain opened its doors in the country. With the year winding down, Burma's first-ever stock exchange was christened, albeit with no shares yet to trade.

On the other side of the coin, the kyat continued its three-year slide against the US dollar and agricultural output was hit hard by widespread flooding across much of the country mid-year, an economic toll surpassed only by its counterpart in human lives: More than 100 people were killed across the country in Burma's worst natural disaster since the unspeakable devastation wrought by Cyclone Nargis in 2008.

Progress in bringing an end to six decades of ethnic conflict was also a mixed bag. The persistence of peace negotiators was rewarded with a fourth-quarter victory of sorts for the government, as eight non-state armed groups signed a "nationwide" ceasefire agreement—over a dozen more declined to participate. Several rounds of peace negotiations and the eventual realization of the ceasefire signing had little impact on the ground in many places, with fighting reported between the Burma Army and at least seven ethnic armed groups this year. That included skirmishes Kachin State, where the protracted conflict between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army entered its fourth year, and in northeastern Shan State, where ethnic Kokang fighters put up some of the fiercest armed resistance the government has seen in decades.

The police were kept busy too. Scores of detentions on a variety of dubious charges—from irreverent social media posts deemed criminally defamatory to "illegal" prayers and protests—swelled the ranks of Burma's political prisoners and left President Thein Sein ever further from achieving his stated intention to rid Burma's jails of prisoners of conscience. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said this week that the number of political detainees sentenced or facing trial stands at 528, up from 233 at the end of 2014.

Despite a newsreel that, on the whole, would appear weighted toward negative developments, the remarkable conduct and outcome of the year-end general election was without doubt the defining moment of 2015. Despite obvious flaws, the largely successful poll won international plaudits—including winning Burma the Economist magazine's "country of the year" honor—and inspired widespread optimism going into the new year.

As we look to 2016 and consider what might lie ahead, it helps perhaps to take a closer look at the momentous year that was.

January

The first of several high-profile detentions in 2015 took place in northern Kachin State, where more than 100 Chinese nationals were arrested on charges of logging illegally. Their arrest sparked the first of two diplomatic rows this year between Beijing and Naypyidaw, culminating in the accused being sentence to life in prison. They were later released in a presidential amnesty.

The firebrand monk U Wirathu ensured that he inserted himself into the headlines early in the year, when on Jan. 16 he called the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Yanghee Lee, a "bitch" and "whore" in a speech denouncing her opposition to the four so-called race and religion protection bills advocated by Ma Ba Tha, also known as the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion. The legislation eventually made its way to Parliament and ultimately the president's desk in an indication that Buddhist nationalism would continue to be a potent force in 2015.

On Jan. 20, the badly beaten bodies of two Kachin schoolteachers in northern Shan State were discovered, prompting an investigation which determined that they had been raped and murdered. Suspicions fell on a deployment of Burma Army soldiers stationed nearby, leading the military at one point to threaten legal action against anyone implicating its personnel in the killings. To date, no suspects have stood trial.

February

Fighting flared on Feb. 9 in Shan State's Kokang Special Region between the Burma Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an ethnic Kokang rebel group. Though by no means the only conflict to punctuate 2015, it would go on to become the year's most sustained and deadly, sending tens of thousands of refugees into neighboring China and leading the government to declare martial law in the region.

The President's Office announced on Feb. 11 that it had revoked the right of so-called white card holders to vote in a constitutional referendum that was ultimately scrapped. The largest group of the cardholders was Rohingya Muslims, and the decision and minority's subsequent disenfranchisement from voting in the November election were criticized by human rights groups, the United Nations and Washington.

March

As the calendar turned to March, tensions rose between student protesters, their supporters and police in the town of Letpadan, Pegu Division, where a standoff was playing out as authorities refused to let the protestors continue a march to Rangoon, about 80 miles southeast. Nearly 200 protestors had begun their march more than a month earlier in Mandalay, traveling hundreds of miles on foot to voice their opposition to the controversial National Education Law passed in September 2014.

As the stalemate dragged on, a smaller solidarity demonstration sprung up in Rangoon, and took an ugly turn when authorities moved in to break it up forcibly. Police were accompanied by plainclothes thugs wearing red armbands printed with the word "duty" in Burmese, a tactic that critics said hearkened to the junta era.

On March 10, the standoff at Letpadan came to a head, with more than 100 protestors jailed after police unsheathed their riot batons and brutally cracked down on the demonstration, injuring several and prompting condemnation both at home and abroad. Dozens of those detained in March remain on trial facing a variety of charges.

In the Kokang Special Region, fighting continued and Burma again provoked the ire of China when a stray bomb landed in Chinese territory, killing five villagers there.

The high-profile trial of two Burmese men and a New Zealand national who were business partners of the V Gastro Pub in Rangoon concluded, with the trio sentenced to two and a half years in prison with hard labor for "insulting religion," after a promotional flyer circulated online in December 2014 depicting the Buddha wearing headphones.

A report from The Associated Press exposed slavery-like bondage in the Thai fishing industry, with hundreds of men, many Burmese, found laboring in the Indonesian archipelago under in appalling conditions. Many of these slave laborers were repatriated to Burma over the months that followed, in what was just the first of two grim regional human trafficking stories to make international headlines in 2015.

April

April brought two high-level dialogues in quick succession: the first featuring 48 parties and the second, six of Burma's political heavyweights. Their common participants were NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, Thein Sein and the two parliamentary speakers. The latter meeting marked what at the time was the closest forum approximating the four-party talks on political reform that Suu Kyi had long sought. Participants agreed to meet again, but little more was learned about what was discussed.

The president assigned a press corps and enlisted the Podesta Group, but lost a presidential adviser, who would resign shortly after helping to set up a new political party. Meanwhile, the declaration of commitment to a nationwide ceasefire agreement, which Thein Sein signed with 16 ethnic armed groups on March 31, looked unlikely to bring any immediate reduction in conflict, as three ethnic armed groups reported fighting with the Burma Army little more than a week after the accord was agreed.

May

The month of May was dominated by a regional story with roots in Burma and Bangladesh, as a crackdown on human trafficking in Thailand led traffickers to abandon their living cargo, mostly Rohingya Muslims and Bangladeshis, at sea. Thousands of refugees and economic migrants began washing ashore in Indonesia and elsewhere, with thousands more said to be stranded on the high seas, as Asean nations struggled to cope with the growing crisis. A regional summit at the end of the month aimed at addressing the situation yielded little in the way of solutions, with Burma deflecting blame and other Asean member states reluctant shoulder the burden of resettling the so-called boatpeople.

Back in Naypyidaw, Thein Sein signed a controversial population control bill into law, the first of the four pieces of "race and religion protection" legislation criticized by human rights advocates as targeted toward Muslims.

The results of Burma's 2014 census were released, revealing that the country's population stood at just shy of 51.5 million people. The number was well short of the 60 million figure that had commonly been cited prior to the census, and the government withheld data on religion and ethnicity, citing that information's potential to cause instability.

June

The writer Htin Lin Oo became another case study in arbitrary enforcement of the criminal code when he was found guilty on June 2 of causing religious offense. The former NLD official was sentenced to two years in prison for a speech in which he said that bigotry and racism were incompatible with the central tenets of Buddhism. Yes, you read that correctly.

Also at the intersection of Buddhist nationalism and politics, there were growing signs that the NLD was beginning to fall out of favor with the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, the country's foremost nationalist group. In a speech, one of Ma Ba Tha's senior members told followers to vote for the incumbent Union Solidarity and Development Pary (USDP), in a further indication of Burma's increasingly intertwined religious and political spheres.

The release of more than 30 townships' eligible voter lists was met with alarm as the NLD complained that 30 to 80 percent of the rosters were inaccurate, raising the prospect of mass disenfranchisement in the election. The story was one of the major issues in the lead-up to the vote as the Union Election Commission (UEC) continued to insist that corrections could be made, while dishing blame for the shortcoming on a variety of other actors.

After three days of debate, parliamentarians voted on a series of proposed constitutional amendments, with all but one—a trivial change to wording—failing to clear the 75 percent threshold needed for passage. The amendments were approved by large but insufficient majorities, with appointed military parliamentarians and a faction of elected lawmakers blocking the proposals.

July

A controversial high-rise project near Rangoon's revered Shwedagon Pagoda was scrapped after months in limbo, as city officials bowed to pressure from some groups, including the influential Buddhist clergy, to nix the developments. Concerns that the project could impact the sacred shrine's structural integrity had suspended construction on the five developments, and the successful campaign to have the high-rises cancelled was viewed as a major political victory for Buddhist nationalists that heritage advocates also applauded.

Another victory for the Buddhist nationalist movement came the same day, with passage of a second "race and religion protection" bill in the Union Parliament, this one restricting interfaith marriage.

The election commission announced on July 8 that Burma's general election would take place four months later, on Nov. 8, and a second raft of charter changes largely met the same fate of constitutional amendments the month prior.

Aung Thaung, a senior USDP lawmaker and notorious hardliner, died in Singapore on July 23, two weeks after he was hospitalized suffering a cerebral hemorrhage.

With July coming to close, the full extent of flooding began to become clear as pictures circulating on social media and in the press painted a picture of large swaths of the country underwater after weeks of heavy rains. All told more than 100 people died and 1 million people were affected across 12 of Burma's 14 states and divisions.

August

The release of the NLD's election candidate list earns the party weeks of negative press, with several prominent figures who were expected to be given candidacies shunned and local NLD chapters claiming their nominations were ignored by the central leadership. Additionally, the party fielded no Muslim candidates in an apparent attempt to blunt nationalist attacks.

The USDP, meanwhile, was grappling with turmoil of its own following the late-night ouster of chairman Shwe Mann, who was purged in a surprise shakeup of the party leadership. The drama played out in what a US official would later say recalled "the dark old days of dictatorship," with armed security personnel surrounding the USDP headquarters in Naypyidaw as the party pecking order was rearranged.

Just one week later, Parliament returned for its last session ahead of the Nov. 8 election. Its most consequential vote was arguably the USDP-majority legislature's move to pass the last two "race and religion" laws, on monogamy and religious conversion. In another telling metric of the USDP schism laid bare by the Shwe Mann sacking, lawmakers voted to postpone consideration of a bill on recalling sitting parliamentarians, which was brought to the floor after a recall petition was filed against the speaker. Some interpreted the outcome of that vote as indication of substantial support for the Shwe Mann faction within the party.

September

The election's official campaign period kicked off on Sept. 8, a largely subdued affair in which only the country's two largest parties, the NLD and USDP, rolled out notable launches of their electoral bids. Suu Kyi hit the road just days later, travelling to Karenni State for rallies that drew thousands of red-clad supporters, a scene that would repeat itself with every stop on the campaign trail made by the popular party leader.

As the campaign period entered its third week, Ma Ba Tha members escalated their divisive political rhetoric, calling the NLD the "party of Islamists" at a rally held to celebrate the race and religion legislation passed by Parliament, which NLD lawmakers opposed. The party said it had filed election complaints against Ma Ba Tha, contending that the Constitution forbids the use of religion for political purposes, but a UEC claimed the commission was not empowered to take action against religious figures or organizations.

October

More political muscle flexing from Ma Ba Tha as the group held a 10,000-strong rally in Rangoon to celebrate passage of the race and religion laws.

NLD complaints continued into the second month of campaigning as attacks turned from verbal to physical, in one case involving a ransacking in Kachin State and another a sword-wielding assailant in Rangoon.

Long-laid plans for the election were thrown into doubt as political parties revealed on Oct. 13 that the UEC had floated the idea of postponing the vote, citing the lingering aftermath of the flooding that had affected much of the country over the previous months. Less than 12 hours after word got out, the commission reversed course and said the election would go forward as planned.

Eight ethnic armed groups and the government inked a so-called "nationwide ceasefire agreement" on Oct. 15, though critics pointed out that several rebel armies, including some of the nation's largest, opted not to sign, citing ongoing Burma Army offensives and the government's exclusion of some groups from the accord.

November

More than 26 million people turnout out to cast ballots on Nov. 8, a day marked by long queues at some polling stations and a smattering of reported irregularities, but a vote otherwise widely praised. Polls closed at 4pm and counting of ballots began, with NLD party agents reporting widespread success as initial tallies came in from across the country.

Those reports proved accurate in the days to come, as the UEC released election results in batches beginning on Monday and lasting until the following Sunday, with the exception of a handful of races in remote Kachin State constituencies. It was on Nov. 13 that the party notched enough seats to ensure that it would choose the country's next president.

Jitters over how the ruling party and military would handle the opposition's decisive victory gradually subsided as senior members of the defeated USDP and Burma Army commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing gave every indication that they accepted and would honor the result.

The post-election euphoria was tempered by tragic news out of Kachin State, where at least 113 "hand-pickers" were killed when a pile of mining tailings collapsed. Not the first of its kind but the deadliest, the incident heaped additional scrutiny on the jade mining industry in Hpakant Township, epicenter of the prized gem's extraction, which an environmental watchdog said earlier this year was valued at $31 billion in 2014 alone.

As the month came to a close, a reminder of the harsh realities that are likely to await the incoming government, as renewed fighting was reported in the Kokang Special Region, coming after a peaceful few months that had apparently prompted the lifting of martial law just two weeks prior. The same day, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) claimed that its troops exchanged hostilities with a combined Burma Army and Shan State Army-South force, underlining complex battlefield dynamics that will not always comport with the narrative of Burma's November democratic triumph.

December

The victorious Suu Kyi met separately on Dec. 2 with Thein Sein and Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw, meetings she had requested shortly after the NLD's overwhelming election victory became clear in November. The three parties offered only vague details about the content of their discussions, but statements by both the incumbent president and the military further bolstered their previously stated intention to do their parts to ensure a smooth transfer of power.

Three days later, the NLD chairwoman met with Than Shwe, the retired senior general and former leader of the military junta that ceded power in 2011. Following the meeting, Than Shwe's grandson quoted the former junta chief as referring to Suu Kyi as Burma's "future leader," fueling speculation that she might still have a shot at the presidency, despite the constitutional ban currently in place.

A bipartisan transition committee began meeting to hash out details of the power transition and a new investment law was passed on Dec. 17, as entrepreneurs look to next year as a potential business bonanza, given the political developments of 2015.

The President's Office announced on Dec. 18 that a long-awaited political dialogue aimed at ending decades of civil war would begin on Jan. 12, ensuring that the peace process will make a prominent early 2016 appearance on the agenda of the nation's big political stakeholders.

Burmese migrant workers Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo were sentenced to death in Thailand on Dec. 24 after their conviction for the September 2014 murders of two British backpackers on the island resort of Koh Tao. The case had been plagued by controversy from the outset, with claims by rights activists that the pair had been tortured into confessing and questions over the integrity of forensic evidence linking them to the crime. The decision prompted several days of protests outside the Thai embassy in Rangoon, while military chief Min Aung Hlaing issued a public call for a review of the evidence. Both men are expected to appeal the decision in the new year.

Additional research by Feliz Solomon and Yen Snaing.                

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Burma’s Rights Body Calls on Thai Counterpart to Assist Koh Tao Accused

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 10:27 PM PST

People collect signatures in Rangoon in support of two Burmese migrants sentenced to death by a Thai court last week for murder. (Photos: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

People collect signatures in Rangoon in support of two Burmese migrants sentenced to death by a Thai court last week for murder. (Photos: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Amid ongoing protests in Burma against the sentencing of two Burmese migrants to death for murder in a Thai court last week, the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) has called on its Thai counterpart to support the defendants' appeals process.

A Koh Samui Court on Thursday sentenced migrants Zaw Lin and Wai Phyo to death for the killing of two British backpackers, David Miller and Hannah Witheridge, on Koh Tao in September last year—a high profile case that has attracted significant controversy amid allegations Thai police mishandled evidence and mistreated the accused.

In a letter to the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand, signed by MNHRC chair Win Mra on Monday, the commission requested that the defendants' be accorded "the rights they are entitled to; that fair and equal justice be meted out to them by the Thai Court; that they are accorded equal protection of the law without any discrimination and the enjoyment of the right to life."

The commission cited reports of several troubling aspects of the investigation, including over the forensic evidence, that there were no eyewitnesses and that the accused had allegedly been tortured during police interrogations.

Many Burmese have reacted with anger to the verdict, with hundreds protesting outside the Thai Embassy in Rangoon over consecutive days since Friday, and in several Thai-Burma border towns.

The Thai Embassy announced on Sunday that its consular section would be closed from Monday to Wednesday due to the ongoing demonstrations.

Other Burmese officials, including army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, information minister Ye Htut, President's Office Minister Zaw Htay and Burmese Ambassador to Thailand Win Maung have expressed hope the verdict will be thoroughly reviewed.

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Thai Deputy PM Labels Koh Tao Protests ‘Instigated’

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 10:03 PM PST

Demonstrators outside Aung San Suu Kyi's residence in Rangoon on Sunday in protest against the Koh Tao verdict. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Demonstrators outside Aung San Suu Kyi's residence in Rangoon on Sunday in protest against the Koh Tao verdict. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Thailand's Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon believes the protests against the Koh Tao murder case ruling have been instigated by those who want to cause problems for the government.

"I want to know who instigated people to protest against the ruling, particularly those in Thailand," Gen Prawit said.

"A police investigation is under way and those involved must be dealt with."

He insisted those behind the protests intend to prevent the government from working smoothly.

His comment came amid demonstrations in Burma against Thursday's sentencing to death of Burmese migrant workers Zaw Lin and Win Zaw Htun, both of them 22.

They were convicted of raping and murdering Hannah Witheridge, 23, and killing David Miller, 24—both British backpackers—on the resort island in Surat Thani province on Sept 15, 2014.

Burma's armed forces chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing also asked Thailand for a "review of the evidence" against the men, the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported on Sunday.

Responding to the call, Gen Prawit said Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing may have possibly disagreed with the ruling, adding if Burmese authorities have some information which is different from the Thai police investigation, they can forward it to their Thai counterparts.

He said he would give Burma's armed forces chief the explanation that Thailand has a three-tier court system—the first instance, appeal and supreme courts. Additionally, the convicts can still seek a royal pardon.

Supreme Commander Gen Sommai Kaotira has been assigned to explain the matter to his Burmese counterpart, Gen Prawit said.

Gen Prawit said the case would be left to the normal judicial procedures and there is no need for it to be reviewed.

Such a process can be ensured through the Appeal Court, he said.

"Thailand's judicial process is trustworthy," said Gen Prawit, adding the authorities cannot re-investigate the case since this would mean the judicial process has been incompetent.

The deputy premier insisted the case would not affect bilateral ties.

Responding to the protests outside the Thai Embassy in Rangoon, he said Burmese authorities can handle the matter and there is nothing to be worried about.

Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha, responding to the Burmese demonstrations, said: "They [the two migrant workers] can still appeal, can't they? Isn't this the same legal practice all over the world?"

Meanwhile, national police chief Chakthip Chaijinda said Monday that police are on the lookout for the people who instigated the protests against the ruling.

"I have ordered all security-related agencies, particularly the Special Branch, to track down those who are behind the Burmese demonstrations," said Pol Gen Chakthip, noting he did not yet know which group was involved.

The murder case has gone through judicial procedures and there are still the appeal and supreme courts to go, he said.

He said there have been a number of cases in which Burmese nationals murdered Thai people in Thailand, but no similar protests had taken place before.

Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai said the ministry has contacted Burma's Foreign Ministry to ensure the protests are under control because the rallies have spread to other places outside Rangoon and the number of participants shows signs of increasing.

In some places, the rallies appeared to be set up, Mr Don noted.

Meanwhile, ministry officials said 72 Burmese monks gathered at the Thai embassy in Colombo, Sri Lanka, on Monday to submit a petition calling for justice for the two Burmese convicts. They dispersed peacefully afterwards.

Elsewhere, Burmese protesters turned out in force again Monday at the Phaya Tong Su border checkpoint, opposite Three Pagodas Pass in Kanchanaburi's Sangkhla Buri district—the second protest in that location within three days.

The demonstrators handed a petition to Thai authorities, calling for a re-investigation of the case and the release of the two convicts.

Burmese authorities closed the checkpoint to prevent Thais from entering the country, fearing for their safety.

Bertil Lintner, a Burma specialist based in Chiang Mai, said he did not believe the growing protests against the ruling were instigated by opponents of the Thai junta as suggested by Gen Prawit.

"The anger is genuine and comes after what many Burmese perceive as years of exploitation of Burmese migrant workers by Thai employers and harassment by the Thai police," said Mr Lintner.

However, he did acknowledge several interest groups in Myanmar are trying to take advantage of the situation to enhance their own popularity.

For instance, Ma Ba Tha, the nationalistic Buddhist Association, has issued a statement stressing they want to have good neighbourly relations with Thailand, but this case is a black mark on Bangkok's international reputation when it comes to human rights and democracy.

This article originally appeared here on the Bangkok Post.

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Activists Welcome China’s 1st Domestic Violence Law

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 09:05 PM PST

 Women walk out of the Tiananmen Gate in Beijing, China, December 1, 2015. (Photo: Damir Sagolj / Reuters)

Women walk out of the Tiananmen Gate in Beijing, China, December 1, 2015. (Photo: Damir Sagolj / Reuters)

BEIJING — Activists largely welcomed China's first national anti-domestic violence law on Monday, although some criticized the apparent omissions of sexual violence and gay couples.

The law approved Sunday by China's legislature will take effect in March, the official Xinhua News Agency reported.

Women's federations and civil organizations have been pushing for a law to protect victims of domestic violence for more than 10 years. In that time, almost all the country's provinces have instituted regulations against domestic violence.

Part of the battle was a traditional belief that family conflicts are private, which an official alluded to at a news conference Sunday when announcing the law.

"Relations between family members are complex, it is this complexity that has caused us much delay in promulgating this law," said Guo Linmao, a member of the legislative affairs commission of the legislature.

Xinhua said the law defines domestic violence as physical, psychological and other harm inflicted by family members with beatings and verbal threats listed as examples. It protects married partners, children and the elderly, as well as cohabiting heterosexual couples.

People in immediate danger can file for a personal protection order that can require the abuser to move out of the home and the court must rule within 72 hours.

Longtime campaigner Feng Yuan welcomed the law, but said it doesn't protect gay partners or state clearly whether sexual violence is covered.

"It cites physical and psychological violence, but it does not say clearly whether sexual violence is also violence," she said.

At least one in four women in China is estimated to have been a victim of domestic violence at some point in her life, surveys show, with the rate in rural areas as high as two out of every three women. The violence takes many forms, from physical and sexual assault to emotional abuse or economic deprivation.

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South Korea, Japan Agree to Irreversibly End ‘Comfort Women’ Row

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 08:58 PM PST

 Demonstrators sit around a

Demonstrators sit around a "comfort woman" statue during the weekly Wednesday protest demanding an apology and compensation from the Japanese government in Seoul, South Korea, July 22, 2015. (Photo: Kim Kyung-Hoon / Reuters)

SEOUL — South Korea and Japan reached a landmark agreement on Monday to resolve the issue of "comfort women," as those who were forced to work in Japan's wartime brothels were euphemistically known, an issue that has long plagued ties between the neighbors.

The foreign ministers of the two countries said after a meeting in Seoul that the "comfort women" issue would be "finally and irreversibly resolved" if all conditions were met.

South Korean President Park Geun-hye and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe pledged to take the opportunity to boost bilateral ties following the agreement, in which Japan made an apology and promised about one billion yen ($8.3 million) for a fund to help former "comfort women."

The accord was welcomed by the United States, which has been keen for improved relations between its two major Asian allies in the face of an increasingly assertive China and an unpredictable North Korea.

Strains between Tokyo and Seoul have prevented the two countries from signing an agreement to share sensitive military information, so a year ago they signed a three-way pact under which Seoul routes its information to the United States, which then passes it on to Japan, and vice versa.

Park "hoped that since the two governments worked through a difficult process to reach this agreement, they can cooperate closely to start building trust and open a new relationship," her office quoted her as saying to Abe.

Abe told reporters in Tokyo that Japan has apologized and expressed its remorse, but added future Japanese generations should not have to keep on doing so.

"We should never allow this problem to drag on into the next generation," he said, echoing remarks he made marking the 70th anniversary of the end of World War Two on August 15. "From now on, Japan and South Korea will enter a new era."

Japan was "painfully aware of its responsibilities" for the affront to the women's honor and dignity, Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida told a news conference in Seoul with his South Korean counterpart.

"Prime Minister Abe expresses anew his most sincere apologies and remorse to all the women who underwent immeasurable and painful experiences."

Calling the agreement "epoch-making," Kishida told reporters later: "I believe this has set up a stage for advancement of security cooperation between Japan and South Korea, as well as among Japan, the United States and South Korea".

White House national security adviser Susan Rice said the United States supported the agreement and its full implementation.

"This comprehensive resolution is an important gesture of healing and reconciliation," she said in a statement.

A senior US Department of State official said the agreement was particularly important given the threat posed by North Korea's nuclear and missile programs.

"The world simply can't afford for Japan, Korea and the US to operate at anything less than full capacity in terms of our security cooperation," said the official, speaking on condition of anonymity.

'Finally and Irreversibly'

Japan will work with South Korea to run a programme to restore the honor and dignity of former "comfort women," Kishida said.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon —a former South Korean foreign minister—welcomed the agreement and said in a statement he hoped it would "contribute to improving the bilateral relationship between the two countries."

Scholars continue to debate the number of women exploited. Activists in South Korea say there may have been as many as 200,000 Korean victims, only a few of whom came forward.

Only 46 survivors remain of the 238 women in South Korea who came forward, and their average age is 89.

South Korea's Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se said he valued Japan's efforts.

"On the premise that the steps pledged by the Japanese government are earnestly carried out, the Korean government confirms that the matter [of comfort women] is finally and irreversibly resolved," Yun told the news conference.

The two countries have been trying for decades to overcome divisions over the "comfort women" issue, but past efforts have not succeeded.

Japan had been insisting South Korea state its intention to lay the issue to rest this time, since many officials resent what they see as South Korea's use of the "comfort women" issue for domestic political gain despite past steps taken by Tokyo.

South Korea, for its part, wanted a clearer statement by Japan of its responsibility for the women's suffering.

Former Japanese diplomat Kunihiko Miyake said the timing was right for the deal, since Abe wanted to resolve the dispute this year, the 70th anniversary of World War Two's end, and Park doubtless felt it was better to do so well ahead of a parliamentary election set for next year.

A powerful symbol of success would be the fate of a statue symbolizing "comfort women" that has been put up in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul and has been an irritant to Tokyo.

Although South Korea did not agree to remove the statue, Yun said Seoul recognises Japan's concerns and will hold discussions with the group that erected it to address the issue.

The two countries have been pushing to improve relations since Abe met Park last month. That meeting took place partly under pressure from Washington.

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Attackers Kill 3 Policemen in Indonesia’s Papua Province

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 08:51 PM PST

An activist shouts near a police line during a rally to commemorate the West Papuan declaration of independence from Dutch rule in Jakarta, Indonesia, December 1, 2015. (Photo: Darren Whiteside / Reuters)

An activist shouts near a police line during a rally to commemorate the West Papuan declaration of independence from Dutch rule in Jakarta, Indonesia, December 1, 2015. (Photo: Darren Whiteside / Reuters)

JAYAPURA, Indonesia — A group of about 15 gunmen attacked a police station in Indonesia's restive Papua province, killing three officers and wounding two others, police said Monday.

Local police spokesman Col. Patrige Renwarin said the assailants attacked the station in Sinak town in the mountainous district of Puncak late Sunday while the victims were watching television.

He said the attackers took away seven assault rifles and a crate of ammunition.

Police are investigating the motive for the attack, which occurred ahead of a planned visit by President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo to the province.

Jokowi is planning to visit Papua to celebrate the New Year in the province, where a giant US-owned mine run by Phoenix, Arizona-based Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. is located.

In the capital, Jakarta, national police spokesman Maj. Gen. Anton Charliyan said it was too early to say whether the attackers were from separatist groups operating in the region.

A low-level insurgency for independence has continued in the region since it was transferred from Dutch to Indonesian rule in 1963.

In 2013, gunmen killed seven unarmed soldiers in Sinak, about 3,500 kilometers (2,175 miles) east of Jakarta.

The post Attackers Kill 3 Policemen in Indonesia's Papua Province appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Where Are the Women in Burma’s Peace Process?

Posted: 28 Dec 2015 08:26 PM PST

President Thein Sein (front row, 4th from right), government officials, ethnic rebel group leaders and international witnesses pose for a picture after the signing ceremony of the

President Thein Sein (front row, 4th from right), government officials, ethnic rebel group leaders and international witnesses pose for a picture after the signing ceremony of the "nationwide" ceasefire agreement in Naypyidaw, Oct. 15. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Women have been consistently excluded from Burma's peace negotiations and their continued absence could undermine the success of the talks aimed at ending long-running ethnic conflicts that have displaced more than half a million people, women's rights activists say.

The exclusion at talks of representatives of more than half of Burma's population is particularly egregious given that women have suffered disproportionately in the wars that have raged in the country's borderlands for more than half a century.

Rape and sexual violence, especially of ethnic women and girls, are rampant and well-documented, and human rights groups have accused the Burma Army of committing abuses with impunity in conflict zones.

"The long-term impact of conflicts are on women," Nang Raw Zakhung, a female activist from conflict-torn Kachin state told Myanmar Now.

"Even if it is the men who die or are wounded in the conflict, it's the women—wives and mothers—who have to look after the rest of the family," added Zakhung, assistant director of Shalom (Nyein) Foundation and one of the few women who have been involved in the peace process in her role as technical advisor to the coordinating team set up by ethnic armed groups.

The nationwide peace process, underway since 2011, has been wholly male-dominated with women barely visible, despite a rhetoric of inclusiveness.

With two weeks to go before the start of a landmark national conference on peace, female politicians and women's rights activists are voicing concern that the exclusion of women would undermine prospects for long-term peace.

Among two major government committees that negotiated the ceasefire from 2011 to 2015—the 52-member Union Peacemaking Working Committee (UPWC) and the 11-member Union Peacemaking Central Committee (UPCC)—there were only two women, according to the Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP). Both were in the UPWC.

One of the women, Kachin lawmaker Doi Bu, told the audience at an event on women and peace on Dec. 17 that her participation was in "name only".

"We did not get the opportunity to really air our concerns…And even when we did, we were only given five minutes to talk about gender issues," she said. "We were always being told, "This is a discussion on war, so women should not be involved.'"

Women were also poorly represented among the ethnic armed groups negotiators, with just two women included, one of them Naw Zipporah Sein, Vice-President of the Karen National Union.

Lean In?

On Oct. 15, the Burmese government and eight ethnic armed groups, including the Karen National Union, signed the so-called Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement amid much fanfare.

But the deal fell short of its nationwide billing given that numerous other groups, including the powerful Kachin Independence Army and United Wa State Army, declined to sign as the government refused to include several smaller groups in the deal.

The three new committees set up to implement the NCA and continue the peace process has a grand total of three women out of 96 confirmed members, said AGIPP.

One represents a political party and two are from ethnic armed groups. None are from the government.

Burma's peace agreement would be fairer and more sustainable with women's participation, said Nan Nan Nwe, general secretary (2) of the Pa-O National Liberation Organisation, one of the signatories of the NCA.

Yet attempts to adopt a gender quota into the nationwide ceasefire talks failed. Currently, the agreement only says there should be "a reasonable number" of women representatives.

Such vague and subjective wording offers no guarantees for women's meaningful participation in the peace processes and contravenes Burma's obligations under international laws, say women's rights groups.

"As we are the ones who suffer the consequences of it, we are also the ones who wrack our brains to think about achieving peace. That's why women's strengths, views and approval should be sought," Zakhung said at the Dec. 17 event organized by the Swedish embassy and AGIPP.

The lack of women at the negotiating table is symptomatic of entrenched patriarchal attitudes in Burma. Despite the popularity of Aung San Suu Kyi, who led her National League for Democracy to a landslide victory in the Nov. 8 elections, the country remains socially conservative, with relatively few women in leadership roles.

Peace Conference

The President's Office announced last week that the Union Peace Conference will be held on Jan. 12, 2016. It will be attended by 700 delegates from the government, parliament, military, political parties, ethnic armed groups, ethnic leaders and other "appropriate" individuals, according to media reports.

Some have questioned the speed and manner in which the outgoing administration is pushing through the peace process, but the key issue for women's rights activists is how many women will be invited to attend.

They worry that if women are poorly represented in the conference, it could set a standard and make it harder for women to participate in the future.

"We are concerned because the date of the conference is getting close. If anyone asks, we tell them there are these competent women, but then they always say, 'Would they really want to do it? Can they give time?' It's like they're looking for excuses," said Zakhung.

"Looking at what's happening to the new Union-level committees where there are very few women, there's a strong chance the same thing would happen again at the conference. We need to work on (changing) that," she said.

AGIPP is calling for a minimum 30 percent quota of women to be included in the political dialogue, the next step of the peace process. It also says the 30 percent quota should be seen as a starting point, rather than a ceiling.

Thu Wai, vice-chair of the 45-member Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), told local media on Dec. 20 that he supported the 30 percent quota for women attendees at the conference.

"We will try to include as many women as possible. If there are women who are really competent, of course we will include them," he said.

Zakhung, also one of the founding members of AGIPP, however, said determining "competence" is a subjective issue.

"How do you measure competence? Is it based on academic qualification, how many years you've been in politics, or how familiar are you with the topics that will be discussed at the conference?" she told Myanmar Now.

A Man's World

For AGIPP, the low participation of women in the peace process is "indicative of the parlous status of women in Myanmar".

Women's participation in the public sphere in Burma is still limited, and female politicians regularly face ridicule, intimidation and harassment, ranging from husbands and family members who feel women do not belong in politics to smears and personal attacks by other politicians or the media.

There are currently only two female ministers at the union level, and less than 5 percent of Burma's parliament members are women. This will increase to 12 percent in the new parliament, which convenes at the end of January.

Doi Bu, the Kachin parliamentarian and member of the UPWC, said her male colleagues would constantly make excuses for women to be left out of the peace process, a reflection of the wider discrimination against women in Burma.

"The (men) regularly told me the roads are so bad and it's not easy for women to travel to these places where the talks (with the ethnic groups) were held. I told them that my own constituency is very far and remote and I go there," she said last week.

Doi Bu had some advice for women politicians and activists: "Please don't wait to be called. We have to push for it ourselves."

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