The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Salween Farmers Demand Government Accountability for Land Confiscation
• Govt Urged to Prepare Rice Reserves Ahead of El Niño
• Anti-Poppy Campaigners Blocked by Authorities in Waingmaw
• Mandalay’s Changing Tea Shop Culture
• Hpakant Protesters Yet to Reach Agreement With Authorities Over Dumping of Mining Waste
• Tensions High in Multiethnic Kyaukme after Recent Clashes
• Suu Kyi, Army Chief Hold Third Meeting in Naypyidaw
• Long Awaited Film on Burma’s First Airplane Hijacking Premieres This Month
• Ethnic Media Coalition Demands Parliamentary Access, Journalistic Safeguards
• Charting the Contours of India-Burma Ties
• South Korea’s Leader Warns of North Korea Collapse
• 2 Foreign Suspects in Bangkok Bombing Plead Innocent
• Obama, SE Asian Leaders Seek Resolution to Maritime Disputes

Salween Farmers Demand Government Accountability for Land Confiscation Posted: 17 Feb 2016 05:18 AM PST Farmers plant rice seedlings in a paddy field on the outskirts of Rangoon, July 13, 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Participants at a land rights seminar in Mon State urged the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government to address past practices of land confiscation with a special court dedicated to the issue. Mon State's Salween Eastern Farmers and Land Users Seminar was held in Moulmein for two days, from February 14-15, with over 90 representatives participating from five Mon State townships and one Tenasserim Division township, all selected for their locations east of the Salween River. Also present were Moulmein-based farmers' organizations and civil society groups focused on land rights. At the seminar, it was demanded that farmers should be able to bring land rights cases to a special court when conflicts over ownership occur. Participants also called on the government to create a policy that would give land users the right to own land rather than simply being allowed to work on it. The right to land continues to be an important concern in southeastern Burma. Based on complaints from farmers and indigenous communities, from 1999 until 2010, there were a total of over 60,000 acres of land confiscated in Mon and Karen state for military bases under the country's previous military junta. If Tenasserim Division is added to these figures, some predict that the number would double. "It would be over 120,000 acres including the 60,000 acres confiscated in Tenasserim for the Mawrawaddy Navy Base," said Naing Aung Than Lwin, director of Mon Area Social Development Organization. "Farmers want their land back. If not, they want appropriate compensation for their crops. When their land is confiscated, they don't get crop compensation and they have to pay rent in order to cultivate the same land," he explained. It is noteworthy that much of the confiscated land in the region is used to cultivate rubber trees, which are often cut down by the military to make way for other projects. When the trees are spared, farmers often find themselves working as laborers, "renting" trees on land they once owned in order to harvest the rubber. "These farmers have to produce rubber from their own land after paying rent [to the military]. Before, they had to pay about 1,200 kyats [rent] per tree [US$1] when rubber was priced well. This year, they had to pay about 400 kyats [US$0.30] per tree. I don't think it's realistic to pay rent for your own trees to the military," Naing Aung Than Lwin said. The purchase of land for private projects at prices lower than the market value was also a practice documented in Mon State's Kyaikmayaw Township in particular. "We have also found out about the construction of a cement factory, without an EITI [Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative] process, without informing the locals," Naing Aung Than Lwin added, saying that such actions "lack transparency." The two-day seminar in Moulmein explored the strengths and weaknesses of the current land laws, vacant land management laws, laws that protect farmers' rights and national land use policies. Participants called on the incoming NLD government to review and revise laws based on this assessment, and to redistribute land to landless citizens, internally displaced people and refugees. Additionally, the seminar also asked for legislation rights for traditional and customary land management and a separate policy on the issue to be drafted in division and state parliaments. A network of land users from Mon and Karen states and Tenasserim Division will also be formed to work on land rights issues after the seminar. The post Salween Farmers Demand Government Accountability for Land Confiscation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Urged to Prepare Rice Reserves Ahead of El Niño Posted: 17 Feb 2016 04:40 AM PST Women work on rice fields in Mrauk-U Township, Arakan State, on August 5, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — The Myanmar Rice Federation (MRF) is urging Burma's government to prepare rice reserves for a potentially extreme El Niño period in the months ahead. Weather specialists anticipate El Niño, which has a 12- to 18-month cycle, to produce dangerous heat waves in the first six months of this year. As a result, the government is warning people to make adequate preparations, particularly those in the agriculture sector. "Due to El Niño, the summer paddy will be cultivated late as we may face water shortages. There may be a rice shortage and as a consequence, rice prices would go up," Soe Tun, MRF vice chairman, told The Irrawaddy. "That's why we're encouraging the government to prepare rice reserves." In Burma, the annual paddy-harvest runs from around June-July until September-October. This year Soe Tun said rice should be stored starting in April and May. The outgoing government has recently been calling on farmers to take the necessary steps to brace themselves for another El Niño, including more economical use of drinking and irrigation water, regular checks for irrigation leaks and improving irrigation channels. The government already appears to be heeding the rice federation's advice. On Wednesday, a report in the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar stated that the ministry of commerce had prepared over 40 warehouses for the storage of rice in Rangoon, Mandalay and Irrawaddy divisions, as well as Arakan State. Tun Lwin, considered Burma's most trusted weather forecaster after having served in the Ministry of Meteorology and Hydrology for more than 30 years, said recently that El Niño could soon ratchet up temperatures in Burma to 45 degrees Celsius. "El Niño started mid-last year, and it's expected to linger until about the same time this year. We'll have to prepare for some of the highest temperatures yet this summer," he said. The majority of Burma's rice fields are located in Magwe, Pegu and Irrawaddy divisions, which could see temperatures of more than 40 degrees Celsius as early as this month. Rice is one of Burma's primary export items, but as a result of widespread flooding in July and August of last year, as well as an increase in crop prices, the commodity's trading power has experienced a dramatic decline. According to MRF estimates, more than 700,000 acres of paddy fields can be replanted out of the more than 1 million lost. The post Govt Urged to Prepare Rice Reserves Ahead of El Niño appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Anti-Poppy Campaigners Blocked by Authorities in Waingmaw Posted: 17 Feb 2016 04:29 AM PST Anti-drug campaigners wait in Waingmaw Township after being prevented by the military from carrying out a poppy eradication mission. (Photo: Htoi Awng / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A group of vigilante anti-drug campaigners on a mission to destroy poppy fields in Kachin State's Waingmaw Township on Wednesday were blocked by authorities, according to members of the group. The team, reported to include up to 2,000 members, was seeking to reach poppy fields in Sadung and Kambaiti sub-townships of Waingmaw Township but were blocked at an army checkpoint near the junction of Sadung and Chipwi roads at noon. Mong Seng, one of the group's leaders, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday morning, "We are still being blocked. Four more military trucks arrived this morning. We asked for a meeting with the commander, who is of colonel rank, but this has yet to happen." A week ago, Mong Seng said, the anti-drug team had requested security support from the Kachin State chief minister and from the military command, but on failing to receive a response, the group decided to carry on with its campaign plans. Local civil society organizations have been leading anti-drug campaigns to destroy poppy fields for nearly two years. The groups claimed to have destroyed over 3,000 acres of poppy fields in 2015 alone. Poppy destruction has focused on five townships in the northern state, Sumprabum, Putao, Chipwi, Tanai and Waingmaw. Last month, a teenage member of the anti-drugs group, known as Pat Ja San, was shot and killed while on a poppy eradication drive in Tanai Township, allegedly by a poppy plantation owner. Maran Ja La, a member of Hpakant Township's community drug-eradication team, told The Irrawaddy that campaigners "want government support for people who voluntarily participate in the initiative to fight against poppies and other drugs, which discredit the country." Translated by Nyein Nyein. The post Anti-Poppy Campaigners Blocked by Authorities in Waingmaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mandalay’s Changing Tea Shop Culture Posted: 17 Feb 2016 03:28 AM PST Click to view slideshow. MANDALAY — Mandalay's tea shops are present on nearly every street and in every ward. Former US Ambassador to Burma Derek Mitchell once remarked, while making small talk with locals in the former royal city, that "in Mandalay, important words start at tea shops." Department personnel and company staff members are known to talk over a cup of tea before formal meetings and discussions back at their workplace. Likewise, many business transactions, concerning purchases ranging from crops to jade, begin in tea shops. These small enclaves have given birth to some of Burma's most renowned artists, writers, poets, politicians and cartoonists; in tea shops, smoking one cheroot after another, drinking pots of plain green tea, they developed their art. After the student uprising in 1988, tea shops began to noticeably change. They became bigger and neater. And of course, the prices increased. Apart from the standard offerings of tea, coffee and basic snacks, they started to sell Burmese cuisine, Asian and western snacks, and ethnic foods. Tea shops installed televisions and showed football matches and Burmese and foreign movies to captive audiences. With many offering free Wi-Fi, tea shops are now connected to the outside world and serve as hubs for customers who come to chat on social media. The shift is ongoing, marking a significant change in the tea shop culture that once thrived on simplicity. The post Mandalay's Changing Tea Shop Culture appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hpakant Protesters Yet to Reach Agreement With Authorities Over Dumping of Mining Waste Posted: 17 Feb 2016 03:26 AM PST Hand-pickers search for jade stones in Hpakant. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Negotiations between authorities and locals in Kachin State's Hpakant Township failed to end in an agreement on Wednesday after villagers called for an end to the dumping of mining waste in the area. Hpakant Township residents have been protesting since February 13 against the continued dumping of waste soil from jade mines. They issued a set of demands to local authorities and mining companies operating in the jade-rich region and created roadblocks to stop trucks from depositing more waste, but have suspended their activities during the negotiation period. Authorities agreed to a dialogue with the protesters on Monday, who came from three villages—Lone Khin, Seng Taung and Sabaw. "We demand that the creek [in the area] be dredged and some of the waste soil pile removed. If it is not done, it will collapse in the rainy season and block the creek, burying the old Seng Taung Village," Zaw Shan, one of the locals who took part in the negotiations, told The Irrawaddy. He said authorities are inspecting the waste soil piles, which are so high that they are at risk of collapsing. Despite the construction of a log wall to prevent soil waste from falling into the creek, Zaw Shan explained that the structure is not strong enough to save the waterway if a landslide occurs. "[On Monday] I heard authorities telling the companies not to use their trucks in the area until an agreement has been reached," said La Htaw, a local resident. Hpakant Township saw at least six landslides in 2015 including one incident in November that claimed the lives of more than 100 local prospectors at the site of a jade mine. Locals also claim that dump trucks have caused traffic accidents in the area, killing as many as 20 people, while the irresponsible dumping of waste soil has blocked waterways. Translated by Thet Ko Ko. The post Hpakant Protesters Yet to Reach Agreement With Authorities Over Dumping of Mining Waste appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tensions High in Multiethnic Kyaukme after Recent Clashes Posted: 17 Feb 2016 02:56 AM PST Displaced persons gather at a shelter in Kyaukme after recent conflict between Shan and Ta'ang armed groups. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) KYAUKME, Shan State — Amid ongoing conflict and heightened ethnic tensions, thousands of displaced persons have converged on the northern Shan State town of Kyaukme to seek refuge after recent conflict between two ethnic armed groups. More than 10 Buddhist monasteries have been transformed into shelters for internally displaced persons (IDPs), including both ethnic Shan and Palaung (Ta'ang), who have fled ongoing clashes between the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). The UN estimates that over 3,000 people have been displaced, including some 2,500 from Tauk San village, around 40 miles west of Kyaukme. Following the fighting, which first flared in November but intensified earlier this month, tensions in the multiethnic communities of Kyaukme Township have risen. An ethnic Shan motorbike taxi driver in Kyaukme told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that he no longer felt safe walking in the town at night. His comments reflected the level of distrust that has grown in the community in recent weeks. "There were many TNLA troops in the town," he said. "They are trouble makers. They have a powerful armed force and attacked the Shan. They also have an alliance with the Kokang and Kachin." When the taxi driver overheard this reporter speaking on the phone to a Mon friend, he questioned whether I was ethnic Palaung. His tone softened when I replied that I was Mon. "There are many spies from the Palaung here," said a community leader sheltering in a monastery in the town who goes by the nickname of Dragon. "We have to be careful when we talk." A Divisive Pact Several villagers and ethnic leaders who spoke with The Irrawaddy cited the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) as sowing the seeds for conflict between the two ethnic armed forces. The Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), also known by its political arm the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCCS), was one of eight signatories to the NCA in October last year. The TNLA, by contrast, was excluded from the negotiations. Several major armed groups, including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N), refused to sign the pact, in part due to Naypyidaw's sidelining of several smaller ethnic armed factions including the TNLA. Soe Myint moved to Kha Hein village in Kyaukme Township around 20 years ago when he married his Palaung wife. A community leader, he is now sheltering in a monastery in the town after fleeing clashes. In the past, Shan and Palaung had got on well, he said. Leaders of the TNLA and the SSA-N had stayed on friendly terms and there had been few issues. But tensions rose late last year, according to Soe Myint, over territorial struggles. "Those southern Shan [SSA-S] wanted to control areas where their ethnic Shan live. But the Palaung also wanted to control these areas. Therefore, there has been fighting," he said, hinting that neither side was blameless. "In our village, both sides' soldiers were killed," Soe Myint said.  "Our village held funeral services and donated food to the monks. But the villagers did not do anything for the deceased Palaung members. The Palaung then got very angry and threatened to destroy our village." Sai Su, a spokesperson for the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), the political wing of the SSA-N, cited October's peace pact as triggering tensions. "Shan and Palaung stayed together peacefully for a long time in the community, but now they kill each other. Before the NCA, they could all [live] peacefully," he said. Watching a Cockfight Sai Su and other representatives of the SSPP visited several areas that have been affected by the conflict, including the village of Tauk San. "I did not expect to see that so many people had fled their villages," he said. "The Tatmadaw [Burma Army] need to maintain peace and stop the fighting between the two armed groups. The government and Tatmadaw have a duty to stop this fighting." Sai Su claimed that Burma Army soldiers were located near villages where clashes took place, but did not join the fighting. He compared government troops to onlookers at a cockfight, waiting to see which protagonist would emerge on top. "They just watch," he said, adding that it suited the army's interests to let the two sides grow "tired from fighting." Both the TNLA and SSA-S have traded blame over the cause of the fighting, and over civilian deaths. The TNLA has also accused the Shan armed force of cooperating with government troops, a charge the SSA-S has repeatedly denied. Sai Su related the alleged killing of seven people at the hands of the Ta'ang group. "We have evidence of three victims who were killed, but in total there were seven people [killed] according to their families. They were shot in the head according to photographic evidence," he said, adding that the families accused the TNLA of perpetrating the executions. Speaking to the Myanmar Times about the alleged killings on Wednesday, TNLA vice chair Tar Gote Ja denied the armed group was responsible. "We don't do those kind of lawless activities. If they have evidence, then show it," he told the local news outlet. Sai Su told The Irrawaddy he condemned any side which committed abuses against civilians. "Our country will have a transfer of power soon. We do not need this fighting," he said. "Thousands of people have fled their homes during this time, this has no benefit for the country." The post Tensions High in Multiethnic Kyaukme after Recent Clashes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi, Army Chief Hold Third Meeting in Naypyidaw Posted: 17 Feb 2016 02:43 AM PST Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing met with NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday in Naypyidaw, the pair's third known dialogue since the election. (Photo: Snr-Gen Min Aung Hliang / Facebook) RANGOON — Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing met with National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday afternoon in Naypyidaw, the pair's third known dialogue since last November's general election. Also present at Wednesday's meeting was the head of military security affairs Lt-Gen Mya Tun Oo, alongside Lt-Gen Ye Aung, who represented the Burma Army during peace talks with ethnic armed groups. NLD central committee member Zaw Myint Maung and Suu Kyi's personal physician Dr. Tin Myo Win also joined the dialogue, according to the office of the commander-in-chief. "The two sides frankly discussed matters related to the rule of law and approaches to be taken to build permanent peace," read a typically brief statement on the over one hour meeting issued by the commander-in-chief's office. After the election, Suu Kyi and Min Aung Hlaing met in December and again on Jan. 25. With the military controlling three powerful ministries and a quarter of legislative seats, relations between Suu Kyi and the army chief are seen as crucial. A new NLD-led government will assume power on April 1. The NLD won nearly 80 percent of seats contested in November and commands a sufficient majority to select the country's next president. With Suu Kyi constitutionally barred from the position, much speculation has centered on whether the clause may be sidestepped, with the cooperation of the military. The post Suu Kyi, Army Chief Hold Third Meeting in Naypyidaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Long Awaited Film on Burma’s First Airplane Hijacking Premieres This Month Posted: 17 Feb 2016 01:10 AM PST Official poster for "With the Dawn," shown at the special screening in Rangoon on February 14, 2016. (Photo: Yu Mon Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The premiere of "With the Dawn: Burma's Hijack," which is based on a 62-year-old true story, was shown to special guests and the press at Rangoon's Thamada Cinema on Sunday and will be screened for the public later this month. The film was based on Burma's June 1954 hijacking when Major Saw Kyaw Aye and two other members of the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO) took control of a Dakota passenger plane en route to Sittwe from Rangoon. The KNDO had formed in opposition to the Burmese government, campaigning for the liberation of Karen State. As it needed weapons to support its revolution, the group plotted a hijacking scheme to retrieve a suspected store of abandoned Japanese weapons from the mountains of Karen State. The KNDO members were unable to complete the mission due to a lack of fuel, and instead landed in Arakan State's Gwa Township. On board the airplane were 14 passengers and four airline staff. The hijackers escaped with a small amount of cash. Saw Kyaw Aye, now 93, was present at the advance screening of "With the Dawn," but did not speak highly of the project, which took nearly three years to complete. "I'm not very satisfied with the film, especially the fighting scenes," he complained. "They might have done their best, but I think it is not enough. Again, there are many supporting roles in the films and am not very satisfied with the plot." He told The Irrawaddy in 2013 that he hoped any re-telling of the hijacking would be understood in the context of the ethnic Karen struggle against long term repression. Antony, the film's director, told The Irrawaddy that the movie has political significance for Burma today. "Now, we have got a good leader and the armed groups should cooperate with that leader," he said. "We ourselves have gone through the miseries of war. I do not want the people to suffer anymore. This is the message I want to give the people and the armed groups," he said. Saw Kyaw Aye, after the hijacking incident, began working as a peacemaker between the Burma government and the Karen forces, something which Antony found noteworthy. "I want other armed group members to enter the legal fold like Major Saw Kyaw Aye and join hands in nation building, because our country has lagged much behind the others," said Antony. Sai Lian, a new face in Burma's cinema, plays the role of Saw Kyaw Aye. "I've met Major Saw Kyaw Aye and read the novel [based on the hijacking] several times," he said. "My favorite scene is threatening to defuse the bomb on the plane." "With the Dawn" is scheduled for a public screening on February 26. The director said that he plans to show the film—which was shot in Kyaik Don, Karen State—in other ASEAN countries, including Thailand, after screening it in Burma. Translated by Thet Ko Ko. The post Long Awaited Film on Burma's First Airplane Hijacking Premieres This Month appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Media Coalition Demands Parliamentary Access, Journalistic Safeguards Posted: 16 Feb 2016 11:37 PM PST A policeman looks on at the 4th Ethnic Media Conference, hosted by Burma News International in Mrauk U, Arakan State, on February 14-16, 2016. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy) MRAUK U, ARAKAN STATE — Ethnic media organizations discussed access to regional parliaments, future government funding and the protection of journalists at Burma News International's (BNI) 4th Ethnic Media Conference this week in Arakan State. BNI invited organizations from across the country to the ancient Arakan city of Mrauk U from February 14 to 16. About 280 representatives from various civil society organizations, political parties and media outlets participated in the conference. After three days of discussions, the conference culminated with the release of a five-point statement addressing future financial assistance, the advancement of women in ethnic media, and a demand to the Myanmar Press Council (MPC) and the government to enact laws safeguarding journalists. Nai Ka Sauh Mon, co-executive director of BNI, said that Burma's incoming government must ensure guaranteed access to information in the regional parliaments. "As far as I know, in some regions, the small ethnic media houses were not allowed to attend the state legislature," said Nai Ka Sauh Mon, adding that ethnic media groups' journalists often face Burma Army threats when they contact government officials to verify the news. Small ethnic media houses are also facing financial challenges, and conference participants broached the topic of future support from Burma's government. Some attendees expressed a willingness to receive such aid; the majority of organizations voted in favour of government assistance if it would not interfere with independent editorial policies of the media houses. But, according to Khine Mrat Kyaw, a member of BNI's board of directors, a decision on the issue has not yet been made. Nai Ka Sauh Mon acknowledged that BNI will need to make "a policy for collaboration with the government." The Irrawaddy previously reported that the Ministry of Information had offered to provide financial support to ethnic media groups; BNI's co-executive director, Nan Paw Gay, pointed out that member organizations had never received such funds. The post Ethnic Media Coalition Demands Parliamentary Access, Journalistic Safeguards appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Charting the Contours of India-Burma Ties Posted: 16 Feb 2016 11:25 PM PST Rajiv Bhatia's book, "India-Myanmar Relations: Changing Contours," is a timely look at evolving relations between Burma and India, a subject still underexamined. There is no shortage of books, articles, reports and academic papers about Burma's relations with China, which is understandable given the extent of bilateral trade between the two countries and China's long-standing involvement in ethnic and political insurgencies in the border areas. But this focus on Burma's northeastern frontier has come at the expense of any serious examination of the country's other powerful neighbor: India. This neglect is surprising given Burma has historically had much closer ties with India than China. Buddhism came from the Indian subcontinent and so did the Burmese writing system. Connections with Indian kingdoms and empires remained strong throughout the reign of Burma's three main dynasties, Pagan, Toungoo and Konbaung. Many Burmese may not have forgiven the British for making their country a province of India after three wars in the 19th century, and the influx of Indian migrants remained a contentious issue throughout the colonial period. But nevertheless, Burma's independence movement was closely connected with India's. Many Burmese were educated at Indian universities and the vast bulk of Burma's trade was with India even after it became a separate colony in 1937. After independence in 1948, India sent large quantities of weapons and other military equipment to Burma, which helped the besieged government of prime minister U Nu survive the onslaught of a myriad of ethnic and political insurgencies. After U Nu was deposed in a military coup d'état in 1962, he spent most of his time in exile in Bhopal, India, until he accepted the military's offer of an amnesty and returned home in July 1980. Today, India is once again turning its gaze on the region, first with its "Look East" policy, which was launched in the 1990s to bolster economic and strategic relations with Southeast Asia and, since Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014, "Act East," a more forceful version of the same concept. In brief, India's newly aroused interest in Burma is motivated by four major concerns. Burma is the obvious link between India and lucrative markets in Southeast Asia—and the highway on which it one day will be possible to travel from India to Singapore will go through Burmese territory. New Delhi's security planners also want to ensure that ethnic Assamese, Manipuri and Naga rebels are deprived of cross-border sanctuaries in the remote hills of northwestern Burma, from where they can launch raids into India and smuggle guns into India's volatile northeastern region. Thirdly, India's rapidly expanding economy also needs energy, and New Delhi has shown interest in importing more oil, gas and perhaps even hydroelectric power from Burma. Lastly—but perhaps most importantly—India wants to keep China's influence in Burma at acceptable levels. Rajiv Bhatia's book, "India-Myanmar Relations: Changing Contours," is therefore very timely and fills a huge gap in current literature about Burma's foreign relations. Bhatia, who served as India's ambassador to Burma from 2002-05 and later became Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs, is well placed to describe and analyze the sometimes cordial, sometimes strained relationship between India and Burma. Anti-Indian sentiment was strong during the British colonial era, as merchants from India came to dominate domestic trade and moneylenders from the chettyar caste exploited Burmese farmers and in many cases took over their land. Before World War Two, the majority of the population of Rangoon was of sub-continental origin, either Muslim or Hindu, which, needless to say, caused resentment among the indigenous Burmans. Indians were referred to—and still are—as kalar, a pejorative for "foreigners." (Interestingly, Caucasians are called kalar pyu, or "White Indians".) Many Indians fled when the Japanese—aided by Burman nationalists—invaded Burma in 1942. More left after independence in 1948 and, when the military seized power in 1962 and nationalized everything in sight, as many as 300,000 ethnic Indians were forced to migrate to India. This tragic development is described in the only other book of significance about Indo-Burmese relations, "The Indian Minority in Burma: The Rise and Decline of an Immigrant Community," by Nalini Ranjan Chakravarti, which was published by Oxford University Press in 1971. Bhatia takes us beyond Chakravarti's account of Indo-Burmese relations, through all the ups and downs in former and contemporary bilateral ties, and does so objectively and factually. He also describes how India provided support to pro-democracy activists during and after the 1988 uprising against the dictatorship and how that policy changed in the early 1990s, when it was realized that the military regime was there to stay. India's policy—along with Western sanctions and boycotts—had also had the undesired result of pushing Burma's military regime into the embrace of the Chinese. That, of course, was not in the interest of New Delhi's security planners. A new approach was needed and encouraging trade was one way of providing Burma with an alternative to its heavy dependence on China on almost everything from the importation of consumer goods to the acquisition of military equipment. Gradually, relations between India and Burma improved. As Bhatia shows in graphs, border trade more than tripled between 2005-2006 and 2013-2014, from US$15.41 million to US$48.63 million. Overall bilateral trade showed an even bigger increase, and now rivals that between China and Burma. Bhatia opines that "China and India will remain actively engaged in competing with each other in order to expand their areas of influence in Myanmar [Burma]." India's problem, though, is its fixation with the western border. But very little is likely to change in India's relations with its traditional foe Pakistan. Taking into account India's four major concerns on its eastern border, it is actually Burma with its opportunities and challenges that should be India's most important neighbor. Bhatia's book helps us understand India's point of view at a time when the dynamics of Burma's internal politics and external policy priorities—away from China—are changing the geopolitical landscape of the region. For many Burmese, it would also be a good read in order to overcome traditional prejudices towards India and Indians. Only then can China's still powerful grip on Burma be challenged, with India better able to link up directly and strategically with Southeast Asia. "India-Myanmar Relations: Changing Contours" by Rajiv Bhatia (New Delhi, London, New York: Routledge; and Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies; 2015.) The post Charting the Contours of India-Burma Ties appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

South Korea’s Leader Warns of North Korea Collapse Posted: 16 Feb 2016 09:43 PM PST South Korean President Park Geun-hye delivers her speech during a plenary session at the National Assembly in Seoul, South Korea, February 16, 2016. (Photo: Kim Hong-Ji / Reuters) SEOUL — South Korea's president warned Tuesday that rival North Korea faces collapse if it doesn't abandon its nuclear bomb program, an unusually strong broadside that will likely infuriate Pyongyang. President Park Geun-hye, in a nationally televised parliamentary address defending her decision to shut down a jointly run factory park in North Korea, said South Korea will take unspecified "stronger and more effective" measures to make North Korea realize its nuclear ambitions will result only in the speeding up of its "regime collapse." Park shut the park in response to the North's recent long-range rocket test, which Seoul and Washington see as a test of banned ballistic missile technology. North Korea last month also conducted a nuclear test. Both developments put the country further along it its quest for a nuclear armed missile that could reach the US mainland. Without elaborating, Park said the North has diverted much of the Seoul payments to North Korean workers at the factory park to the Pyongyang leadership, which is in charge of nuclear and missile development. She also said the South has sent more than US$3 billion in government and civilian aid to the North since mid-1990s. Much of the aid was made when South Korea was governed by back-to-back liberal governments seeking rapprochement with North Korea from 1998 to 2003, according to her office. Park said South Korea must not provide few-strings-attached large-scale aid to North Korea "like in the past." She called for support for her government amid a divide in South Korea about its tough response to North Korea. "Aiming the point of a sword back to us and splitting us up are something that must not take place," she said. South Korea's main liberal opposition party has criticized the government's decision to suspend operations at Kaesong, saying the measure will hurt only South Korean businessmen and deepen tensions with North Korea. Liberal lawmakers also said the Kaesong shutdown is not effective because North Korea maintains economic ties with China and Russia. Some analysts have said that without Kaesong as leverage, South Korea's ability to influence change in the North has now evaporated. It is unusual for a top South Korean official to publicly touch upon such a government collapse in North Korea because of worries about how sensitive North Korea is to talk of its authoritarian government losing power. Pyongyang has long accused Washington and Seoul of agitating for its collapse. Park's speech contained harsh language, describing North Korea as "merciless" and under an "extreme reign of terror" following recent purges of top officials that outside analysts say were aimed at bolstering leader Kim Jong Un's grip on power. Park also referred to Kim by his name several times when she criticized his government, something many Seoul leaders have avoided in the hopes of improved ties with Pyongyang. Park's comments are certain to anger North Korea as they were made as the country marks the birthday of late dictator Kim Jong Il, the father of Kim Jong Un. Seoul officials said North Korea was able to divert the Kaesong payments because the workers there were not paid directly. Instead, US dollars were paid to the North Korean government, which siphoned off most of the money and paid only what it wanted to the employees in North Korean currency and store vouchers, according to a statement from Seoul's Unification Ministry on Sunday. The ministry did not detail how it arrived at that conclusion. North Korea has previously dismissed such views. Earlier this month, North Korea ignored repeated international warnings and launched what it said was an Earth observation satellite aboard a rocket. The launch triggered global condemnation, with Seoul, Washington and others pushing hard to have Pyongyang slapped with strong sanctions. In response to Seoul's Kaesong shutdown decision, Pyongyang last week expelled all the South Korean workers there, put its military in charge of the area, and cut off key communication hotlines between the Koreas. The post South Korea's Leader Warns of North Korea Collapse appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

2 Foreign Suspects in Bangkok Bombing Plead Innocent Posted: 16 Feb 2016 08:59 PM PST Suspects of the August 17 Bangkok blast, Yusufu Mieraili (2nd R) and Bilal Mohammed, are escorted by soldiers and prison officers as they leave the military court in Bangkok, Thailand, November 24, 2015. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters) BANGKOK — Two Uighur Muslims from China pleaded innocent Tuesday to carrying out the deadly bombing of a Bangkok landmark last year, with one man's lawyer saying his client claims to have been tortured to elicit a confession. The two men—Bilal Mohammad, 31, and Mieraili Yusufu, 27—face eight charges related to the bombing, including conspiracy to explode bombs and commit premeditated murder. Twenty people, including 14 foreign tourists, were killed and more than 120 injured in the August attack, one of the deadliest acts of violence in Bangkok in decades. Bilal, also known as Adem Karadag—the name on a fake Turkish passport he was carrying when he was arrested—faces two additional charges of violating immigration law by entering Thailand illegally. The defendants had refused to take a plea at an earlier court appearance because there was no Uighur (pronounced WEE-gur) translator available. Both men told the court Tuesday they were Chinese citizens of the Uighur minority, from the city of Urumqi in western China's Xinjiang region. Thai authorities have said the bombing of the popular Erawan Shrine was revenge by a people-smuggling gang whose activities were disrupted by a crackdown. However, some analysts suspected it might have been the work of Uighur separatists angry that Thailand in July had forcibly repatriated more than 100 Uighurs to China, where they may be persecuted. The Erawan Shrine is especially popular among Chinese tourists, and many were among the victims of the bombing. "I couldn't say what my exact address in China is because I'm afraid of the Chinese government," Bilal told the court through a translator from Uzbekistan. Police are hunting for another 15 suspects in the case, but no progress has been announced. Bilal's lawyer, Chuchart Kanpai, told reporters after the court session that his client said he had been tortured in late September, about three weeks after his arrest, to pressure him to admit that he was the person seen in surveillance video planting the bomb. Bilal claimed his captors poured cold water into his nose, threatened to send him back to China and had a barking dog frighten him. Chuchart said he filed a complaint with the court last month over the torture allegations. "He was tortured by officials. He didn't know if they were soldiers or police because they were non-uniformed," Chuchart told The Associated Press on Monday. "Back then, he confessed so that he wouldn't be tortured again. He was just saying it." The court on Tuesday appointed a military attorney to represent Yusufu, who said he wanted to find his own civilian lawyer, whose fees he would pay himself. Police say the case against the two men is supported by closed-circuit television footage, witnesses, DNA matching and physical evidence, in addition to their confessions. Police believe Yusufu detonated the bomb minutes after a backpack containing the device was left at the shrine by Bilal. The court set further hearings in the case to begin April 20. Military courts in Thailand have handled criminal cases deemed to involve national security since a May 2014 coup. The post 2 Foreign Suspects in Bangkok Bombing Plead Innocent appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Obama, SE Asian Leaders Seek Resolution to Maritime Disputes Posted: 16 Feb 2016 08:42 PM PST US President Barack Obama speaks during a news conference at the close of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) summit at Sunnylands in Rancho Mirage, California, February 16, 2016. (Photo: Mike Blake / Reuters) RANCHO MIRAGE, California — President Barack Obama and the leaders of Southeast Asia called Tuesday for peaceful resolution of the region's maritime disputes as they concluded a summit in California. Obama told a news conference that disputes must be resolved by legal means, including a case brought by the Philippines challenging China's sweeping claims over most of the South China Sea. China has refused to take part in the proceedings, but Obama said parties to the UN law of the seas are obligated to respect the ruling, expected later this year. Obama has been hosting 10 leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or Asean, in the US for the first time. That sends a subtle message to China that the US remains an important force in the region. But the leaders' joint statement after two days of talks avoided direct reference to China, reflecting the careful path that Asean members tread in their diplomacy with the world powers. "Any disputes between claimants must be resolved peacefully through legal means such as the upcoming arbitration ruling under the UN Convention of the Law of the Seas, which the parties are obligated to respect and abide by," Obama said. The Philippines brought its case in 2013 after Beijing refused to withdraw its ships from a disputed shoal under a US-brokered deal. Despite China's refusal to participate, the arbitral tribunal based in The Hague has agreed to hear the case. China says it has a historical right to virtually all of the South China Sea and has built seven artificial islands, some with airstrips, to assert its sovereignty. Taiwan and Asean members Brunei, Malaysia, Vietnam and the Philippines also claim land features in these potentially resource-rich waters, an important thoroughfare for international shipping. Though not a claimant, the US has spoken out against China's conduct and has angered Beijing by sailing US Navy ships near some of the artificial islands to demonstrate freedom to sail there despite China's territorial claims. Obama said the US will continue to fly, sail and operate wherever international law allows, and it will support the right of other countries to do the same. The US has long argued for the maritime rights issue to be resolved peacefully and is looking for Asean to take a unified stance on the issue. The diverse group of countries includes governments that lean toward either Washington or Beijing. Only four Asean members are South China Sea claimants, leading to sometimes conflicting views on how to handle long-simmering rifts. The US-Asean joint statement did not refer directly to the arbitration case brought by the Philippines, but it does urge "full respect for legal and diplomatic processes" in resolving disputes. Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong told a working dinner of the leaders on Monday night that China's role in the region is expected to grow. Loong said China's larger presence will likely lead to occasional frictions, uncertainties and anxieties, including on the South China Sea, but these issues must be managed peacefully to preserve regional stability and security, the Singapore-based Channel News Asia reported. The summit is the latest effort by Obama to deepen US ties with the fast-growing economies of Southeast Asia — a commitment he described as "strong and enduring." Obama plans to visit Vietnam in May, and then in the fall, become the first US president to visit Laos. Human rights activists have criticized Obama for hosting Southeast Asian leaders who have not come to power in free and fair elections. Obama said the US would continue to stand with those in the region looking to advance rule of law and good governance. He encouraged the return of civilian rule in Thailand, a long-standing US ally, whose current prime minister came to power in a May 2014 military coup. The leaders concluded the summit by posing for the traditional family photo on the plush lawn outside a historic residence at Sunnylands, the storied California desert estate where the talks were held. Sunnylands is also where Obama had his first formal meeting with China's current president, Xi Jinping, in 2013. The leaders also discussed economic cooperation. Asean members Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam are all members of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a free trade pact that is the main plank of Obama's outreach to Asia. The post Obama, SE Asian Leaders Seek Resolution to Maritime Disputes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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