The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Meet Burma’s Next Cabinet
• Army Picks Loyal Generals to Lead Key Ministries
• Ministers Get Lawmakers’ OK, Including Nominee With Bogus PhD
• Report Calls on NLD to Release Political Prisoners, Despite Challenges
• Committees Formed In Mandalay’s Regional Parliament
• Burmese Trio Readies for History-Making Everest Bid
• High-Speed Mercedes Crash Ignites Uproar in Thailand
• Vietnam Sentences Prominent Blogger for Anti-Govt Posts
• Burma Fishing Slaves in Indonesia to Go Home, ‘Tip of the Iceberg’
• Authorities Intervene After Company Negligence Damages Mrauk U Artifacts
• ‘One Billion Kyats’ Worth of Property Lost in Mandalay Fire
• Book Details Coming Struggle to Kick Burma’s Drug Habit

Meet Burma’s Next Cabinet Posted: 24 Mar 2016 07:49 AM PDT Burma’s Union Parliament (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) The Irrawaddy looks at the 18 ministers put forward by the National League for Democracy (NLD) on Tuesday for 21 leadership positions, of which party leader Aung San Suu Kyi is likely nominated for four. The information below was provided by the NLD or included in official Parliament biographies. Burma's new government will have a total of 21 ministries. Three of these—Defense, Home Affairs and Border Affairs—will remain under the control of the military, which will appoint its own ministers. None of the lawmakers in attendance for Thursday's Union Parliament session raised any objection to the 18 names put forward for ministerial posts this week. Aung San Suu Kyi (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Aung San Suu Kyi (likely portfolios: Foreign Affairs, Education, Electric Power and Energy, President's Office Minister) NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi's presidential aspirations were dashed by the military's refusal to amend Article 59(f) of Burma's 2008 Constitution. The provision bars her from holding the executive post because her two sons are British citizens, as was her late husband. Nominated for four cabinet positions, some are referring to Suu Kyi's role in the new government as that of a "super minister." She has been representing Rangoon's Kawhmu Township in Parliament's Lower House since 2012 and has been a leader in Burma's pro-democracy movement since she entered politics in 1988.   Thura Aung Ko (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Thura Aung Ko (likely portfolio: Religious Affairs and Culture Minister) Born on April 1, 1948, the long-time Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) central executive committee member was a Lower House MP and chairperson of the Judicial and Legal Affairs Committee during Thein Sein's administration. He lost his Chin State legislative seat in the 2015 election to a candidate from the NLD. Thura Aung Ko graduated from Burma's Defense Services Academy and served in the military from 1969 to 1997. He had reached the level of brigadier-general when he then joined the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) government and served as deputy minister in the Ministry of Science and Technology and later held the same position in the Ministry of Religious Affairs.   Aung Thu Photo: The Irrawaddy) Aung Thu (likely portfolio: Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation Minister) Born on July 8, 1955, the NLD lawmaker currently represents Rangoon Constituency (6) in Parliament's Upper House. He is known for his past role as the rector of Rangoon University, and has advocated for a more decentralized education system in Burma.   Khin Maung Cho (likely portfolio: Minister for Industry) Born on Nov. 3, 1950 in Meikhtila, Mandalay Division, Khin Maung Cho has a bachelor's degree in mechanical engineering from Rangoon Institute of Technology and is an executive engineer at Super Seven Stars Motor Industry Company Ltd.   Kyaw Win (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Kyaw Win (likely portfolio: Planning and Finance Minister) Born on Feb. 23, 1948, Kyaw Win holds a bachelor's degree in economics. He spent 20 years working within the National Planning Ministry before joining the Internal Revenue Department and then shifting to business consulting. Currently, Kyaw Win is an NLD lawmaker in the Lower House representing Rangoon's Dagon Seikkan Township.   Dr. Myint Htwe (likely portfolio: Health Minister) Myint Htwe worked in Burma's Health Ministry from 1976 to 1994 before joining the World Health Organization. He studied at Rangoon University of Medicine, then the Institute of Public Health of the University of Philippines and finally, Johns Hopkins University in the United States, where he earned a doctoral degree in international health and epidemiology. At present, Myint Htwe is a central executive committee (CEC) member of the Myanmar Academy of Medical Science and the vice chairman of the Myanmar Liver Foundation. He is also a member of the Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission.   Nai Thet Lwin, far right, at a meeting. (Photo: Mon National Party) Nai Thet Lwin (likely portfolio: Ethnic Affairs Minister) The 76-year-old ethnic Mon minister is the vice chairman of the Mon National Party (MNP), and is highly respected within the Mon political sphere. Nai Thet Lwin was born in Karen State's Kawkareik Township and later went to Moulmein University, from which he holds a bachelor's degree in philosophy. Although he did not run for election in 1990, he served as the vice chairman of the Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF), which won five seats before later evolving into today's MNP. Nai Thet Lwin reportedly has close ties with the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), a coalition of ethnic political parties and an NLD ally. He also reportedly has good relations with leaders of the New Mon State Party (NMSP). Ohn Maung, left. (Photo: supplied) Ohn Maung (likely portfolio: Hotels and Tourism Minister) Sixty-eight-year-old Ohn Maung has 40 years of experience in the tourism industry and is the former CEO of Inle Princess Resort, a hotel recognized for practices of corporate social responsibility. From southern Shan State, Ohn Maung was elected as an NLD parliamentarian in his native Nyaungshwe (Yawnghwe) in Burma's 1990 election, but like others from the era, he was not allowed to take office.   Ohn Win (likely portfolio: Resource and Environmental Conservation Minister) Born on June 15, 1951, Ohn Win earned a master's degree in watershed management from Colorado State University in the United States. He is a former pro-rector and professor from the University of Forestry in Yezin, near Naypyidaw, Burma's capital.   Pe Myint (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Pe Myint (likely portfolio: Information Minister) Born in 1949 in Thandwe, Arakan State, the ethnic Arakanese earned his medical degree from the Rangoon University of Medicine in 1975. He worked as a general physician until entering the literary sphere in 1988. He is a renowned writer and is particularly known for his translated works on motivation and personal development. He won Burma's national literature award in 1995.   Than Myint (likely portfolio: Commerce Minister) Born on Jan. 17, 1943, the 72-year-old joined the NLD in 2012. Than Myint is currently the chairman of the Hlaing Tharyar Township NLD chapter and a lawmaker in the Lower House representing the same area. He has a bachelor's degree in economics from Rangoon University and also earned master's and doctoral degrees in the US. In the past, he served in a number of positions within the Ministry of Finance.   Thant Zin Maung (Photo : The Irrawaddy) Thant Zin Maung (likely portfolio: Transportation and Telecommunications Minister) Born on Nov. 15, 1953, Thant Zin Maung has a master's degree in mathematics and was once the general manager of the government-owned Myanmar Railways. He is a Lower House lawmaker representing Monywa in Sagaing Division.   Thein Swe (Photo : The Irrawaddy) Thein Swe (likely portfolio: Minister for Labor and Immigration) Born on Aug. 4, 1949 in Yenangyaung, Magwe Division, Thein Swe is a graduate of the 13th intake of the Defense Services Academy. He holds a diploma certificate in defense studies (National Defense College), an honorary academic doctorate (Japan International Marine Science and Technology Federation) and a post-graduate diploma in law. He was in the service from 1967 to 2003 and rose through the ranks to major general. He served as the Minister for Transport from 2005 to 2010. He is from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), served in the previous Parliament and is a lawmaker in the Lower House for Arakan State's Ann Township.   Win Khaing (Photo : The Irrawaddy) Win Khaing (likely portfolio: Construction Minister) Win Khaing graduated from Rangoon Institute of Technology (now Yangon Technological University) and worked for Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise under the Construction Ministry. In 1990, he established United Engineering Co., which still successfully operates today. He is the current chairman of the Myanmar Engineering Society and a member of the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC). He is also a member of the National Energy Management Committee (NEMC), Myanmar Industrial Development Committee (MIDC), Myanmar Board of Engineers (MBE), Committee for Quality Control of High-rise Buildings Projects (CQHP), Asean Federation of Engineering Organizations (AFEO) and Asean Academy of Engineering and Technology (AAET).   Win Myat Aye (Photo : The Irrawaddy) Win Myat Aye (likely portfolio: Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister) Born on June 1, 1954, Win Myat Aye is an Upper House lawmaker from Pegu Division's Constituency (4). He is also a paediatrician and once served as the rector of Magwe University of Medicine.   Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe (likely portfolio: Home Affairs Minister) Born on Nov. 27, 1959 in Kyauk Padaung, Mandalay Division, Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe is a graduate of the 22nd intake of the Defense Services Academy and holds a master's degree in defense. He served as principal of the Defense Services Academy, the commander of South West Command, the Military Security Affairs chief and Border Affairs Minister in the previous government.   Lt-Gen Sein Win, right, with Nay Shwe Thway Aung, the grandson of former Snr-Gen Than Shwe. (Photo: Nay Shwe Thway Aung) Lt-Gen Sein Win (likely portfolio: Defense Minister) Born on July 24, 1956 in Sagaing Division, Lt-Gen Sein Win is a graduate of the 54th intake of the Officer Training School of the Burma Army and holds a master's degree in defense. He served as chief of the Bureau of Air Defense and was the Defense Minister in the previous government.   Lt-Gen Ye Aung (likely portfolio: Border Affairs Minister) Born on June 8, 1960 in Chauk, Magwe Division, Lt-Gen Ye Aung is a graduate of the 23rd intake of the Defense Services Academy and holds a master's degree in defense. He served as the commander of Central Command and is Judge Advocate General in the service. He is also a military representative in the peace talks between the government, ethnic armed groups and the army.   The post Meet Burma's Next Cabinet appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Army Picks Loyal Generals to Lead Key Ministries Posted: 24 Mar 2016 06:27 AM PDT Lt-Gen Sein Win, the country's Defense Minister, with Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s grandson Nay Shwe Thway Aung on a passenger plane. (Photo: Nay Shwe Thway Aung / Facebook) Last year, former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe's favorite grandson Nay Shwe Thway Aung proudly posted a picture of himself and a general sitting together on a domestic commercial flight; it was Lt-Gen Sein Win, Burma's Defense Minister. Sein Win and two other top officials, Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe and Lt-Gen Ye Aung, have been nominated by the military to serve in the new government. Sein Win became the country's Defense Minister in August of last year and he will maintain the same ministerial position under Burma's new government. Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe, former leader of the Southwest Regional Command, will be heading the Ministry of Home Affairs. Lt-Gen Ye Aung, once a military judicial advocate, is to become the Border Affairs Minister. In accordance with Burma's 2008 Constitution, the military has reserved the right to nominate the leaders these three ministries, which are key to national security. Ye Aung, a graduate of the Defense Services Academy's 23rd intake, was seen sitting alongside Burma Army commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing at a meeting last month between Aung San Suu Kyi and other military top brass. He is close to Min Aung Hlaing and, it is safe to say, loyal to him. Sein Win graduated from Burma's Officer Training School's 54th intake and then headed the newly created Air Defense Office under the Ministry of Defense in 2002, long before becoming a defense minister. He is known to be relatively 'clean,' as far as military men go, and those who have worked under him have expressed a deep respect for his leadership and simplistic lifestyle. In his capacity as Defense Minister, Sein Win also attended occasional regional meetings and might therefore be able to potentially relate to other Southeast Asian governments on relevant issues. Also a graduate from the Defense Services Academy—intake number 22—Kyaw Swe served as a principal within the military institute and later became head of Military Affairs Security. Much of his time in the service took place in Irrawaddy Division, where many former generals—including ex-general Shwe Mann, now allied with National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Suu Kyi—reaped great fortunes through business ventures in the region. When the deadly Cyclone Nargis slammed southern Burma, killing nearly 140,000 people, regional commander Kyaw Swe was stationed there. He is known to have close ties to Than Shwe's family, and it was known that the Snr-Gen and other top leaders witnessed the rescue operations under his leadership—operations which were deeply criticized by international watch groups for a lack of transparency. Yet he was subsequently promoted to the defense ministry. It is significant that Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing handpicked three generals to be in the new cabinet. Interestingly, these appointees have gained no notoriety as military hardliners in local and regional media, perhaps indicating that they represent a 'safe' choice made by the armed forces. While it is still early too draw conclusions, some optimists suggest Min Aung Hlaing is hoping to see how the three generals are able to cooperate with an opposition-controlled administration. The three will also be sitting in the National Defense Security Council (NDSC), a powerful executive body which will have six army representatives and five from the NLD. But there is one rotten fish in both the NDSC and alongside the NLD's President-elect Htin Kyaw and Vice President-elect Henry Van Thio: Vice President Myint Swe, who is also the outgoing chief minister for Rangoon Division, and the military appointee for the leadership role. Many insiders argue that Myint Swe's presence in the executive trio is evidence that Than Shwe intervened and selected his protégé to serve in the new government, an act which would have been taken to protect Than Shwe family's financial interests and future safety. Myint Swe not only reportedly maintains regular contact with Than Shwe's family, he also looks after his business empire and extensive property portfolio, suggesting that their relationship is not just one of loyalty but of maintaining security. Known as a corrupt hardliner, Myint Swe has been involved in past political crackdowns on dissidents and several purges of key leaders in the previous regime. He is still on the American list of "Specially Designated Nationals" under the Treasury Department, barring him from travel to the US. But in a new government, he may still be Than Shwe's safest choice. Than Shwe is known to fear retribution; safety for his family will be a priority once a new NLD-dominated government comes to power. On one occasion, in a private conversation with Suu Kyi, it was reported that his grandson was interested to know how the Lady viewed the family's business empire and their assets. The retired Snr-Gen also held a frank discussion about the country's state of affairs with Suu Kyi during a meeting in December of 2015. Although it cannot be confirmed, it is widely speculated that Min Aung Hlaing is not pleased to see Myint Swe in the role of the new vice president; now, both Than Shwe and Myint Swe are positioned above him in Burma's military hierarchy. It will be interesting to observe whether Min Aung Hlaing will reshuffle the Defense Ministry's top generals in order to remove those who are still loyal to Than Shwe and Myint Swe. If that happens, Min Aung Hlaing will be preparing to tighten and consolidate his power base in the armed forces, and possibly to step into a more permanent political future. The post Army Picks Loyal Generals to Lead Key Ministries appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ministers Get Lawmakers’ OK, Including Nominee With Bogus PhD Posted: 24 Mar 2016 06:03 AM PDT A Union Parliament session in Naypyidaw on March 24, 2016. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON / NAYPYIDAW — Despite controversy over a phony doctoral degree, the Union Parliament on Thursday approved Kyaw Win as Burma's presumptive minister of National Planning and Finance, along with 17 other nominees for cabinet posts. After the National League for Democracy (NLD) put Kyaw Win's name forward on Tuesday, media outlets were quick to suss out additional information about the ministerial nominee. Kyaw Win's NLD-provided résumé described him as having received a doctoral degree from Brooklyn Park University. Later, however, it emerged that the university was a sham, with the longtime civil servant Kyaw Win apparently one of thousands of degree-seekers duped by Pakistan-based con artists. None of the lawmakers in attendance on Thursday raised any objection to the 18 names put forward for ministerial posts this week. Nyan Win, a senior NLD member, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the accusations against Kyaw Win were "groundless" because, to his knowledge, Kyaw Win graduated from the university but that it later unexpectedly collapsed. "Some people want to exaggerate a small matter. The Hluttaw [Parliament] just approved [Kyaw Win to be finance minister]. What can we do about it?" Nyan Win said. Khine Maung Yi, a central executive committee member of the National Democratic Force (NDF) political party and former Lower House lawmaker, told The Irrawaddy that NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi and President-elect Htin Kyaw should rethink Kyaw Win's nomination. "Politicians need to be honest. If they're not even honest about their educational background, how can people believe them?" Khine Maung Yi said. "This new government was elected by the people, so the government should only be made up of honest people. This is why we're dissatisfied with this cabinet formation. Leaders should reconsider [whether Kyaw Win is qualified for the position]." Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, Kyaw Win expressed embarrassment at the entire situation. "Some time in 2009, I wanted to learn new things, so I searched online and found Brooklyn Park University, which said that it was recognized by the US Department of Education. I registered online and took the exam," recounted Kyaw Win. "I was in financial hardship around that time. I had to take the online exam at internet cafés. And I got the certificate in 2010. I was happy and proud to hold a doctoral degree." He added that it was only in 2015 that he discovered that his degree was bogus. That assertion contradicts what he told Agence France-Press, which reported on Wednesday that Kyaw Win only learned of the university scam this week as social media users picked up on it. "I was too embarrassed. All I had tried [to achieve] came to nothing. So I removed the doctoral title," he told The Irrawaddy, adding that he wanted today's generation to be careful and to avoid make the same mistake that he did. "I forgot to remove that university from my profile when I submitted it [to Parliament], which has now caused trouble," Kyaw Win said. Despite the embarrassing revelation, Maung Aung, a senior economist at the Ministry of Commerce, said the degree was not as much of a concern as was how Kyaw Win would perform in his new role. "We need to see his experience, his management style, how he will drive the ministry. This is what's important. We need to see his performance," Maung Aung said. Kyaw Win, an NLD lawmaker from Rangoon's Dagon Seikkan Township, received a bachelor's degree in economics from Rangoon University and worked as an officer at the Ministry of National Planning from 1972 to 1992 and at the Internal Revenue Department from 1992 to 1997. Since then, he has been an advisor to the NLD's economic committee. Also in for scrutiny this week was the NLD's expected pick for commerce minister, Than Myint. The Myanmar Times reported on Thursday that he had received a doctorate from Pacific Western University (California), an unaccredited institution described as a "degree mill" in a US congressional investigation. Than Myint defended his educational bona fides, telling the newspaper he had worked seven years to get his degree. With the Union Parliament heavily stacked in favor of the NLD, it remains to be seen whether the legislature will effectively serve as a rubber-stamp for Suu Kyi, who has said she will be calling the shots in the executive branch via her proxy, Htin Kyaw. With Kyaw Win arguably the first test case of lawmakers' willingness to challenge the popular party chairwoman, a preliminary verdict would appear to be in. The Irrawaddy's Moe Myint contributed reporting. The post Ministers Get Lawmakers' OK, Including Nominee With Bogus PhD appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Report Calls on NLD to Release Political Prisoners, Despite Challenges Posted: 24 Mar 2016 05:40 AM PDT Released political prisoners shout for the release of other political prisoners in front of Insein Prison in Rangoon on Jan. 22, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's new government will face challenges releasing political prisoners and reforming the system responsible for their continued existence when it assumes power next week, says an Amnesty International report released on Thursday. Amnesty's report showed increased political detentions and imprisonment over the past two years, and highlighted the challenges the new government will face while the military retains broad control over law enforcement and a repressive legal framework remains intact. The report documented at least 90 current prisoners of conscience, and hundreds of other activists in detention or waiting for their trials to end. Most political prisoners are held for protesting without permission under Article 18 of Burma's Peaceful Assembly Act, or under the Penal Code's Article 505(b), which prohibits spreading statements that are likely to cause alarm or fear to the public, a clause criticized as a vague catch-all for anything the government deems dissent. Despite an air of new openness and reform since President Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government took power in 2011, the cycle of politically motivated arrest and release has continued. Since 2011, over 1,100 political prisoners have been released, but these pardons have often been timed to major events, in order to gain international plaudits and political leverage. In August 2015, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs put out a press release that stated, "No one is arrested or charged with simply exercising their rights peacefully." And in 2013, Thein Sein promised, "By the end of this year, there will be no prisoners of conscience in Myanmar." But he failed to follow through on his promise. And London-based Amnesty's research showed a recent backsliding on reforms, and insidious tactics being used to punish students, land rights activists, human rights defenders and other peaceful protestors. These tactics included trying people for multiple offenses or in multiple townships in order to lengthen their sentences. This happened in 2014 to Naw Ohn Hla, who was charged for her involvement in a peaceful protest outside the Chinese Embassy in Rangoon, calling for an investigation into a police crackdown on land rights activists at the Letpadaung copper mine. Because the protest took her through five other townships, she was charged and convicted in each township separately. As a result, she is currently serving a sentence of more than five years in prison for participating in a single protest. Members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) have indicated that freeing political prisoners will be among the party's top priorities when it assumes power on April 1. The new NLD-dominated Parliament includes more than 120 former political prisoners. Laura Haigh, Burma researcher at Amnesty, said her organization had high expectations for a swift prisoner amnesty. Bo Gyi, joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), said Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and incoming President-elect Htin Kyaw would try to negotiate with the military to release all political prisoners, but that the NLD government would not have much power when handling this issue. Under the country's military-drafted 2008 Constitution, the army controls the Ministry of Home Affairs, which oversees the police force and the prisons department. The NLD must work with the Home Affairs Ministry, and success will be difficult without the political willingness of the military commander-in-chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. Bo Gyi added that without addressing the root causes of political repression, such as land confiscation, civil war and judiciary reform, political prisoners would remain a problem. Haigh agreed that the draconian legal code needed to be amended. She said the common refrain from authorities is, "We are acting in accordance with the laws." "The problem is that these laws do not comply with human rights standards," she said. "As long as they're on the books, we will continue to see arbitrary arrest and detention and politically motivated prosecutions." Both Bo Gyi and Haigh stressed the importance of continued international pressure in resolving these issues. Haigh said the authorities in Burma are susceptible to international pressure, and the more pressure put on the issue, the better to stem these abuses, even if results aren't immediate. The post Report Calls on NLD to Release Political Prisoners, Despite Challenges appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Committees Formed In Mandalay’s Regional Parliament Posted: 24 Mar 2016 04:14 AM PDT A session of Mandalay's regional parliament on Thursday in which four committees were formed. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY – The Mandalay Division Parliament session resumed on Thursday and formed four regional parliamentary committees, out of what is expected to be a final total of twelve. The newly created groups include committees for Public Affairs, Public Expenditure and Financial Verification, Agriculture and Livestock, as well as Resources and the Environment. National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentarians Zaw Maung from Mandalay's Pyigyidagon Constituency was elected as chairman of the Public Affairs committee and Ye Min Oo from Patheingyi Constituency, will serve as the secretary. The committee's duties include monitoring legal issues in the parliament as well as public needs. The Public Expenditure and Financial Verification Committee, which monitors use of the regional government's budget, selected the NLD's Aung Than Tun from Singu Constituency to be the chairperson and the secretary is Wine Chit Aung from Thaungtha Constituency. Monitoring the environmental impact of gold, gem and marble mining in Mandalay Division is the Committee for Resources and Environment. The chairman of this group is Aye Khine from Kyaukpadaung Constituency, and the secretary was chosen as Zaw Zaw Aung from Maha Aung Myay Constituency. In past parliament sessions, committees for ethnic affairs, parliamentarian affairs, draft laws, local projects, as well as budget and finance, were formed. The post Committees Formed In Mandalay's Regional Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Trio Readies for History-Making Everest Bid Posted: 24 Mar 2016 03:46 AM PDT From left to right: Pyae Phyo Aung, Nyi Nyi Aung and Win Ko Ko plan to summit Mount Everest. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A trio of Burmese climbers plans to summit Mount Everest, the world's tallest peak, a climb expected to take more than two months and that, if successful, would secure the men's place in history as the first Burmese nationals to accomplish the feat. At a press conference in Rangoon to promote the 64-day "Myanmar Everest Expedition," three leading local mountaineers—Pyae Phyo Aung, Nyi Nyi Aung and Win Ko Ko—discussed their attempt to conquer the mountain, towering more than 29,000 feet above sea level in Nepal. Since the first successful climb in 1953, over 3,000 people are believed to have successfully summited Mount Everest, part of the Himalayan Range, but none among this high-altitude club has been Burmese. The climbers, from the Technical Climbing Club of Myanmar group, will depart from Rangoon on Saturday, three days before their climb begins on March 29. They will be joined by three Brazilian climbers in Nepal, and hope to wrap up their expedition in the first week of June. Team leader Pyae Phyo Aung, who has 10 years of climbing experience, said that in addition to the history-making potential of the trip, the trio hoped to expand their ecotourism knowledge and promote adventure sporting in Burma. The Technical Climbing Club of Myanmar, one of five active Burmese climbing associations, began in 2011 with a handful of rock climbers and mountaineers, to empower local climbing communities while developing modern climbing techniques. The group also advocates for awareness-raising on environmental issues, such as the ethics of "leave no trace" of refuse behind when climbing, trekking or camping. The coming Everest expedition sees the group partnering with a local Nepalese guiding company and an international emergency evacuation provider, the latter chosen because "they have caution about unforeseen risk and are best prepared for safety concerns and emergency rescue as well," said Nyi Nyi Aung, one-third of the trio. In 2014, five mountaineers from the Htoo Group, including a Tibetan climber, attempted to climb Mount Everest, but their ascent was halted at base camp, at 17,500 feet, due to an avalanche at the camp that forced all climbers to abandon the ascent. This year's expedition, like the 2014 bid, is being sponsored by the Htoo Foundation, the philanthropic arm of the Burmese conglomerate Htoo Group, owned by US-blacklisted tycoon Tay Za. Paw Myint Oo, chief executive officer of the Htoo Foundation, told The Irrawaddy that their support was based on "the expectation to raise the Myanmar flag on the summit of Mount Everest." He also said in an opening speech that "this expedition will be a historic trip for Burma, as the climbers' task is not an easy task, but [rather is about] overcoming many difficulties and barriers." The Htoo Foundation CEO encouraged the climbers to share their experiences when they return to Burma in June. The post Burmese Trio Readies for History-Making Everest Bid appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

High-Speed Mercedes Crash Ignites Uproar in Thailand Posted: 24 Mar 2016 02:38 AM PDT A screenshot of post-crash debris from the dash cam that caught the March 13 incident in Ayutthaya province on tape. BANGKOK — The dash cam video is jaw-dropping: On a virtually empty stretch of highway, a midsize car is seen traveling in the slow lane. Suddenly, a black Mercedes-Benz zooms into the frame and rear-ends the car at tremendous speed. Within a split second, a cloud of smoke and debris fill the video screen. What happened next is now well-known in Thailand and the focal point of growing outrage. The midsize car burst into flames and the couple inside, both graduate students in their 30s, died at the scene of the accident. The Mercedes driver, the son of a wealthy Thai businessman, survived with minor injuries and refused both alcohol and drug tests—and his wishes were respected. Police say he was driving at an estimated 240 kilometers (150 miles) per hour. Since the video was widely shared on social media last week, the fatal March 13 crash has reignited a debate about the impunity of the rich and well-connected in Thailand. A similar debate raged in the United States with the case of the Texas teenager who used an "affluenza" defense in a deadly drunken-driving wreck. The Mercedes driver, Janepob Verraporn, 37, now tops a list of "Bangkok's deadly rich kids," as one Thai newspaper calls the children of privilege who have killed with their fancy cars. TV talk shows, social media forums and editorials have chimed in on a debate that asks whether justice will be served this time or—if history is any guide—if Janepob will walk away from the crime without serving time. Police have rushed to defend themselves against criticism for initially mishandling the case and acting to shield Janepob, whose father owns a luxury car import company. "The law is the law—whether you are rich or poor you have to pay for what you've done," national police spokesman Songpol Wattanachai said Monday, asking skeptics to have faith in the police. "Justice will be served. Just because he is rich doesn't mean he won't go to jail. I'm asking people not to think that way." Police who initially handled the case in Ayutthaya province, about 50 kilometers (30 miles) north of Bangkok, were quickly sidelined after failing to test Janepob for alcohol and drug use—and then defending the blunder. Speaking on TV, a police commander said the suspect had the right to refuse breath and blood tests, adding that both police and rescue workers did not smell any alcohol on Janepob's breath. Amid public uproar, police filed a charge last week against Janepob for driving while unfit or intoxicated, which carries a prison sentence of three to 10 years, said Ayutthaya's deputy police chief, Col. Surin Thappanbupha. Under Thai law, he said, a refusal to be tested is tantamount to driving under the influence. Janepob faces another charge of reckless driving causing death and property damage, which carries a maximum of 10 years in prison. Janepob was spared provisional detention after posting 200,000 baht ($5,700) bail and is currently at one of Bangkok's private hospitals. The Nation newspaper said in an editorial on Sunday that the case had hit a nerve in Thailand because of "the sense that there is one set of rules for the rich and influential and another for everyone else." "Stop me if you've heard this one before," the editorial begins. "An expensive car crashes. One or more people die. A person with a recognizable name … emerges from the wreckage and flees the scene. No breath test is administered. Compensation is offered and the family tries to wriggle their way out of any legal consequences. The police fail dismally at their job." One of Thailand's most famous untouchables is an heir to the Red Bull energy drink fortune. In 2012, Vorayuth Yoovidhya, a grandson of Red Bull founder Chaleo Yoovidhya, slammed his Ferrari into a policeman and dragged the officer's dead body along a Bangkok street before driving away. Vorayuth, who was then 27, has yet to be charged. In that case, police initially attempted to cover up his involvement by arresting a bogus suspect. In 2010, Orachorn Devahastin Na Ayudhya was 16 and driving without a license when she crashed her sedan into a van on a Bangkok highway, killing nine people. Orachon, the daughter of a former military officer, was given a two-year suspended sentence. In a country that values deference and patronage, and where police are infamously corrupt, there have been many other similar cases. But Janepob's carried the added shock value of visuals. The video of the crash was taken by a nearby car's dashboard camera, and quickly went viral. A few days later, another video was uploaded and widely shared showing Janepob's Mercedes smashing through an Easy Pass toll gate about an hour before the crash. Bangkok resident Nant Thananan, 35, was among many who expressed their exasperation on Facebook. "It's so frustrating because there's nothing we can do. We know this case will go away. We've seen it before," said Nant, who owns a popular Bangkok food truck. "We keep asking ourselves, when are the police going to be ashamed enough to do the right thing?" The post High-Speed Mercedes Crash Ignites Uproar in Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Vietnam Sentences Prominent Blogger for Anti-Govt Posts Posted: 24 Mar 2016 02:02 AM PDT Blogger JB Nguyen Huu Vinh (front) takes photos while attending an anti-China protest in Hanoi July 22, 2012. (Photo: Alfonso Le / Reuters) HANOI — A court in Hanoi sentenced a prominent Vietnamese blogger to five years in prison for posting anti-state writings, in a one-day trial Wednesday that highlighted the Communist country's tough approach to dissent. Nguyen Huu Vinh, a former police officer and son of a late government minister, was convicted of abusing democratic freedoms to infringe on the interests of the state. Vinh's assistant, Nguyen Thi Minh Thuy, was given three years in prison on the same charge. The two have been in prison since their arrests in May 2014. Vinh, better known as Anh Ba Sam, quit the police force and set up a private investigation firm. He then launched the blog Dan Quyen, or Citizens' Rights, in 2013, and Chep Su Viet, or Writing Vietnamese History, in early 2014. The blogs provided links to news on political, social, economic and cultural issues from state media as well as from activists. Prosecutors said the two blogs posted 2,397 articles and generated more than 3.7 million hits, and that 24 of the articles had "untruthful and groundless contents" which tarnished the country's image. The two maintained their innocence at the trial. Thuy told the court that she did not know who authored the writings or who posted them on the two blogs and that she did not commit any crime. Their lawyers said there was no evidence against them. Presiding Judge Nguyen Van Pho said the articles posted by the defendants "distort the lines and policies of the party and law of the state, vilify individuals." He said the writings "present a one-sided and pessimistic view, causing anxiety and worry, and affecting the people's confidence" in the party and government, and "go against the interests of the nation." Scores of Vinh's supporters gathered outside the court chanting "innocent." Foreign media and diplomats were allowed to follow the proceedings via closed circuit TV in a separate room. International human rights groups and Western governments including the United States have criticized Vietnam for jailing dissidents. Hanoi denies that, saying it only detains those who break the law. US officials say Vietnam has made some progress in its human rights record with fewer arrests, but that more needs to be done if it wants to expand bilateral ties. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch had called for the release of both defendants. The post Vietnam Sentences Prominent Blogger for Anti-Govt Posts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Fishing Slaves in Indonesia to Go Home, ‘Tip of the Iceberg’ Posted: 24 Mar 2016 01:56 AM PDT Burmese nationals, who were trafficked to Indonesia to work in the fishing industry, arrive at Rangoon International Airport on May 14, 2015. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) BANGKOK — A final group of 24 fishing boat slaves is preparing to return home to Burma this week from Indonesia, aid workers said at a trafficking meeting in Bali, one of them calling the 1,200 slaves repatriated since last year the "tip of the iceberg." Hundreds of migrants seeking work have been exploited or enslaved aboard fishing boats in Southeast Asian seas in recent years, their plight emerging in a growing number of media and other reports. These reports, and a shift in Indonesian government policy in 2014, brought the scale of the problem to light, including the fact that many trafficked and enslaved fishery workers were stranded in Indonesia. Some of the 24 Burmese nationals expected to leave on Thursday have not spoken to their families since leaving Burma in search of work a decade ago, only to be duped into years of brutal, unpaid labor on fishing vessels. "The departure of these men will bring to an end one chapter of this tragic story," Mark Getchell, head of the International Organization for Migration in Indonesia, said on Tuesday at the sixth ministerial conference of the Bali process on people smuggling and trafficking. "But all the evidence suggests this is the tip of the iceberg, and much work needs to be done across the region to better protect the rights of migrant workers and ensure there is no repeat of the abuses they were subjected to over so many years." Southeast Asia, one of the world's largest sources of seafood, has struggled to control "illegal, unreported and unregulated" fishing. In late 2014 Indonesia issued a moratorium on foreign vessels fishing off its coast, forcing several to port and leaving hundreds of men stuck in the port of Ambon, and blowing up boats fishing illegally in its waters. Separately, media reports described hundreds of fishing slaves kept in captivity, buried in unmarked graves or marooned on Benjina, an island in eastern Indonesia. The IOM, at the request of Indonesia and with support from Australia, has identified, assisted and repatriated more than 1,200 trafficking victims from Ambon and Benjina, the organization said in a statement. Most of the men are from Burma, some from Cambodia and Thailand. The IOM said it "strongly suspects" an additional 800 foreign nationals repatriated by fishing companies and through other means were also trafficking victims. "No effort should be spared to pursue the companies involved and demand they compensate all of these unfortunate individuals who lost years of their lives to traffickers, solely to increase the profit margins of these companies," Getchell said. The IOM, acknowledging the need for labor on fishing boats, called for regional governments to come together to address this issue in forums like the Bali process conference, said Paul Dillon, IOM spokesman in Indonesia. "Let's find a way to address the labor needs in a way that ensures the men and women are treated with respect, suitably compensated for the hard and dangerous work they do, and create a system so consumers can go to buy fishery products safe in the knowledge that people were not enslaved," Dillon said. The post Burma Fishing Slaves in Indonesia to Go Home, 'Tip of the Iceberg' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Authorities Intervene After Company Negligence Damages Mrauk U Artifacts Posted: 24 Mar 2016 12:19 AM PDT A damaged stone carving outside of Mrauk U (Photo: Ba Gyi Kyaw / Facebook) RANGOON — Local authorities in Arakan State's ancient city of Mrauk U have prevented stone carvings from being destroyed during the construction of a road this month, according to local conservation specialists. At a site about five miles outside of Mrauk U, Su Htoo San Construction Co. was reportedly mining for materials to build a road connecting two villages, according to San Win, deputy director of Mrauk U Department of Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Conservation. "As soon as local authorities intervened and prohibited any further destruction, the workers stopped immediately," said San Win. In recent years, negligent mining efforts have caused damage to multiple Mrauk U artifacts. The stone carvings affected in this incident depict ancient Arakanese ways of life and were used in ceremonies to honor a local deity. "These stone sculptures should not be destroyed and should be conserved as part of our heritage," Khin Than, chairperson of the Mrauk U Heritage Trust, told The Irrawaddy. In an effort to protect the area, officials have ordered Su Htoo San not to work near the archeological site. They are allowed to continue mining farther away from the areas of cultural significance, Khin Than added. Home to some 380 temples, Mrauk U was the capital of the Arakan kingdom between the 15th and 18th centuries. Under Thein Sein's government, Arakan State reportedly spent 1.5 billion kyats (over US$1.2 million) to preserve the city, according to the state's annual audit report. In February, The Irrawaddy explored possible mismanagement involved in these costly conservation efforts. In recent years, the Burmese government and Arakan State authorities began taking measures to improve preservation efforts in hopes of listing Mrauk U as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The post Authorities Intervene After Company Negligence Damages Mrauk U Artifacts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘One Billion Kyats’ Worth of Property Lost in Mandalay Fire Posted: 23 Mar 2016 11:45 PM PDT A scene from the aftermath of a powerful fire at Mandalay's Mingalar Market on Tuesday. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — The City Municipal Department of Mandalay announced on Thursday that Tuesday's fire in Mingalar Market had destroyed more than one billion kyats (over US$825,000) worth of property. “In total, over one billion kyats were lost, including the price of the commodities and the burned section of the building,” said the Muncipal Department's statement. The statement also revealed that the market would need to be completely rebuilt as it is currently in danger of collapsing, adding that a temporary market venue would open as soon as possible. An investigation team, which included engineers, inspected the burned building this week and found that it was not strong enough to withstand restoration. The department has decided to demolish it immediately and began reconstruction. The Irrawaddy reported on Wednesday that more than 200 of Mingalar Market's 480 shops had been completely razed by the fire, the cause of which is not yet known. Shop owners said they had hoped that the building could be fixed, rather than re-constructed, as they fear that the contractors will sell them their shop spaces back at increased prices which they will not be able to afford. "We will not be able to buy back the new shops after they've been rebuilt. We don't want to rebuild the market if we'll only suffer as a result," said Thwe Thwe San, whose grocery store was lost in the fire. The post 'One Billion Kyats' Worth of Property Lost in Mandalay Fire appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Book Details Coming Struggle to Kick Burma’s Drug Habit Posted: 23 Mar 2016 06:56 PM PDT Soldiers destroy poppy fields above the village of Ho Hwayt, in the mountains of Shan State, on Jan. 26, 2012. (Photo: Damir Sagolj / Reuters) The publication of the book, "The Chinese Heroin Trade: Cross-Border Drug Trafficking in Southeast Asia & Beyond," could not have been timelier. As members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) are about to take over most ministerial posts in the government in Naypyidaw, this will be one of most difficult issues they will have to face: the flow of illicit narcotics across Burma's borders as well as rapidly increasing drug addiction at home. In this book published last year, Ko-Lin Chin, a Burma-born Chinese who is now a professor at the School of Criminal Justice at Rutgers University-Newark and Sheldon X. Zhang, professor of sociology at San Diego State University, have done a tremendous job outlining the political realities and the dynamics of the trade in narcotics—heroin as well as synthetic drugs such as methamphetamines—in Burma. Even after decades of international efforts and millions of dollars spent on various UN-sponsored programs, Burma remains the world's largest producer of illicit narcotics after Afghanistan. Opium poppies are grown in the north and the northeast, and refined into heroin in laboratories in the same areas. In recent years, there has been a shift to methamphetamines, but the production of heroin remains important, and that particular narcotic rather than methamphetamines is smuggled in vast quantities to China, a country that has its own production of crystal meth and, therefore, is not dependent on imports of such drugs. Methamphetamines are smuggled to Burma's other neighbors, Thailand, Laos, India and Bangladesh. The focus of the book by Chin and Zhang is the heroin trade, and it is refreshing to note that their findings differ considerably from the standard view presented by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and its local partner, Burma's Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control (CCDAC). In "The United Wa State Party: Narco-Army or Ethnic Nationalist Party?", authored by Tom Kramer and published by the East-West Center, Washington, in 2007, then CCDAC boss Col. Hkam Awng is quoted as saying that powerful syndicates control the narcotics trade, and "most [of those] syndicates are Chinese … they have good connections and financing from abroad. It is difficult for us to penetrate their circles." This echoes the view of the UNODC, which often attributes its failures to the activities of "highly sophisticated international drug syndicates." Chin and Zhang, however, "found little evidence to suggest any systematic linkage between drug trafficking and traditional criminal organizations. This observation does not suggest that no individual member of triad societies was ever part of the drug trade. However, we are fairly certain that triad-type criminal organizations in Hong Kong, Taiwan, or the US are not active players in cross-national drug trafficking operations." The triads would rather risk other, more lucrative investments in China such as nightclubs, the movie industry and the construction business if they dealt in drugs. The drug trade from Burma to and through China, Chin and Zhang argue, "is primarily dominated by loosely connected individuals" who operate independently of the syndicates. In fact, one would not have to look very far to find those individuals. Some of them are even public figures. This was highlighted when, earlier this year, a contingent from Pat Jasan ("prohibit, clear"), a community-based Kachin drug abuse eradication network, confronted a local militia led by Zahkung Ting Ying in eastern Kachin State. Ting Ying, a former commander of a local Communist Party of Burma (CPB) unit in Kachin State, made peace with the government in 1989 and turned his force into the New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K), which now has become a government-recognized Border Guard Force. Moreover, he is a member of the Upper House of the Burma Parliament, and was re-elected in November after banning the NLD from campaigning in his territory. Following the 1989 peace agreement with the government, Ting Ying and his henchmen were allowed to engage in any kind of business, which, in the beginning, was massive timber exports to China. When the forests in their area were gone, they planted poppies—and began producing heroin. They also brought in machinery from China and established a gun factory in their area. The guns, including semi-automatic weapons, are sold mainly to rebel groups from northeastern India. Pat Jasan action was mainly symbolic, to show official complicity in the narcotics business, and that coming in a state ravaged by drug addiction over the past few years. And Ting Ying is not the only present or former parliamentarian who's involved in the drug business. Another is Kyaw Myint, alias Li Yung Shau, the leader of the drug-trafficking Pansay militia and a member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). He served in the Shan State legislature from 2011-16, but did not seek re-election last year. The relationships between militias like Kyaw Myint's and the military have been overlooked by various EU diplomats and assorted Western observers who seem to believe that Burma's civil war is being kept alive by rebel forces defending their business interests. Hence, those rebel groups are not interested in signing ceasefire agreements with the government, the narrative goes. In reality, it is the other way around. Groups that have entered into such agreements have been able to prosper economically. This can be seen in the aftermath of the signing of what was meant to be a "Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement" on Oct. 15 of last year. Two of the groups, the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), have since then been given lucrative business opportunities. The powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA), which, like the NDA-K, emerged from the now defunct CPB in the late 1980s, was able to build up its drug empire because it entered into a ceasefire agreement with the government in 1989. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which had a ceasefire agreement with the government from 1994 to 2011, saw many of its officers become rich and corrupt during that period. Since the government broke the ceasefire in June 2011 and launched a massive offensive against the KIA, many, but not all, of those commanders were sidelined and a new, younger leadership whose primary interest is not to make money, has come to the fore. Chin and Zhang do not go into detail about those relationships, but provide us with accounts of the social organization of the traffickers, the retail market in China and even women in the heroin trade. The only weakness here is that the authors seem to underestimate the importance of the drug trade to the Burma economy. They found no evidence that "revenues from the drug trade made up a substantial percentage of the country's overall economy." That may be the case today as Burma's economy has become more diversified, but in the 1990s, drug money provided the then ailing economy with a significant boost, which helped the country survive sanctions, boycotts—and gross mismanagement by the ruling junta. In 1989, the Burma government decided that they would no longer confiscate bank deposits and foreign currency earnings of dubious origin deposited locally or brought in from abroad. It opted instead for a "whitening tax" on questionable repatriated funds, levied first at 40 percent and later reduced to 25 percent. Narco-funds previously held in Thailand, Singapore and Hong Kong flooded back into Burma. Proceeds from the drug trade thus helped finance the formation of local companies involved in retail trade, infrastructure development and numerous construction projects—or just to pay for lavish lifestyles. How the new NLD government will tackle the internal as well as external trade in narcotic drugs remains to be seen, and it is an issue that concerns the country as well as China, a major recipient of heroin produced in Burma. Chin and Zhang describe the relationship between China and the Burma nation and people as "an ever-evolving love-hate affair," and China has both before and after the November election sent several positive signals to the NLD and its leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. But can she deliver? There may, in fact, be little it can do about it as the ministers of defense, home affairs (which includes the police and law enforcement) and border affairs will be appointed by the military, not by any elected body. That does not bode well for the future and the drug trade may well turn out to be yet another issue where it will become obvious that Burma's first democratically elected government in half a century will have very limited power. It could also become an issue where the military will be able to undermine the authority as well as the credibility of the new government. We can only wait and see—while drugs are pouring out across Burma borders, not only to China but to other neighboring countries as well. The Chinese Heroin Trade: Cross-Border Drug Trafficking in Southeast Asia & Beyond By Ko-Lin Chin and Sheldon X. Zhang New York and London: New York University Press, 2015 320 pages, US$55 The post Book Details Coming Struggle to Kick Burma's Drug Habit appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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