Shan Herald Agency for News |
- Coordinated moves of NLD and Tatmadaw essential to revitalize peace process
- Learning to Share: Defence White Paper (2015)
- On U Aung Min's overtures to MNDAA, AA and TNLA
| Coordinated moves of NLD and Tatmadaw essential to revitalize peace process Posted: 25 Apr 2016 05:12 AM PDT  Her speedily executed long line of tasks included circumventing the constitutional clause 59(f) that has barred her from taking the presidential post, with the creation of State Counsellor position that gives her a Prime Minister-like power; thereafter doling out two announcements immediately concerning the release of political prisoners; delivering a new year televised message, spelling out her commitment to peace process, constitutional amendments and the establishment of a genuine federal union; and meeting with 63 foreign ambassadors, where she made clear the adoption of a people-centered foreign policy, with an independent, non-aligned and active foreign policy, dealing closely and friendly with not only neighbouring countries but also the world nations. Adding to the praiseworthy, smooth and unproblematic undertaking of political prisoners' release, reportedly with the cooperation of the home minister Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe, who is installed by the military (Tatmadaw), the NLD's legal adviser U Ko Ni recently even started to float the idea that the party may scrap efforts to amend the constitution and instead seek to write a new charter. According to Myanmar Times, Lawyer U Ko Ni said it was now clear that the party was "wasting time" trying to amend the current constitution, as the military holds veto powers and is currently unwilling to make major changes. Stressing that it was only his personal view, he said the party may instead choose to hold a national referendum to gauge support for a new charter. But as these speedy changes were taking place, the Tatmadaw's military actions were going on in Kachin, Shan and Arakan States and no one is sure whether it is following the directives from only the Commander-in-Chief or with consideration of the NLD regime's policy orientation, on how to go about with the pending peace process that the new government still needs to make it clear. So far, Suu Kyi in her televised speech only vaguely hinted that the NLD recognized the previous regime's good deeds, and that her party would continue to build the peace process on them. She stressed: "So, regarding the internal peace process, we highly appreciate their ceasefire initiative. We'll continue to strive to include in the ceasefire accord the organizations that we deem appropriate for inclusion." Apart from this, the fate of Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), a government organ and directly under the ex-President Thein Sein had been formally disbanded but has still not been taken over by the NLD regime, although the MPC people responsible for it were said to be ready with the handover. According to Myanmar Times report before the end of ex-President Thein Sein tenure, he dissolved the MPC and ordered its properties to be transferred to two new non-governmental organizations (NGOs): the Myanmar Peace Building Dialogue Center and the Peace and Development Foundation. Both are affiliated with former MPC staff; the latter will be led by Aung Min, who acted as MPC's head. The Tatmadaw's military moves During the month of April, the Tatmadaw has withdrawn its four infantry divisions which were fighting the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) for months in northern Shan State, while hundreds of troops reinforcement were carried out in central Shan State around Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) positions, additionally giving ultimatum to withdraw by 22 April, from two mountain posts bordering United Wa State Army (UWSA) controlled territory, located in the Loi Lan and Loi Say hills near the Salween River in Tanyang Township. Following the rejection of the SSPP's central committee to withdraw from the said positions, the Tatmadaw's Bureau Chief of North Eastern Command again asked to jointly survey the areas on 27 April. The Tatmadaw had in the past asked for such favour to survey or pass through the SSPP areas, which were later followed by offensives and occupation of its military garrisons. Given such experiences, at this writing, it is not clear if the SSPP will yield to the military demand. Fights broke out between the military and Arakan Army (AA) on 16 April, killing a battalion commander, Colonel Myo Min Tun, including some 20 government troopers at Ponnagyun and Rathedaung townships, which was confirmed by military run Myawaddy TV. The military has vowed to evict the AA from Arakan State. On 21 April, Tatmadaw troops believed to be from 99th Light Infantry Division (LID) 99 and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) troops from Battalion 38 clashed fiercely at Nwang Jang and Man Yang villages road junction, in northern Shan State, since the formation of KIA's 6th Brigade a few months ago, according to Kachin News report. In Kachin State, not far from Laiza headquarters near Ban Dawng and Nam San Yang, heavy government offensives had forced KIA 18th Battalion to withdraw from four of its small outposts. Meanwhile, three ethnic armed groups – TNLA, AA and the Kokang group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) - that have been actively fighting against the Tatmadaw in northern Shan and western Arakan states have agreed to meet a former Burmese government peace delegation, headed by U Aung Min, in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai next month, according to various news media. It is not clear if U Aung Min is representing the Union Solidarity and Development Party-Military clique, which he formerly worked for or just his own NGO setup, "Peace and Development Foundation", to deal with the peace process. UNFC and UWSA In preparation for the peace talks with the new regime, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) held meeting from 19 to 22 April and decided to stick to its all-inclusiveness approach, apart from resolving not to entertain the leadership wish of the UWSA , the advocacy said to be floated when the northern, seven Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), including some UNFC members, met in Panghsang last month. The unconfirmed news regarding the issues discussed and decided at the meeting were: · The UNFC would be the mediator between Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and TNLA, not the UWSA; · UNFC does not accept the leadership offer by UWSA; · If Gen Khin Zaw Oo and U Hla Mg Shwe, representing the military, wish to meet AA, TNLA and MNDAA informally next month, it must be via the good offices of UNFC; · AA though not the UNFC member can join its Delegation for Peace Negotiation (DPN); and · The joint conference with the 8 signatory EAOs will be discussed only after meeting with the new government representatives. Perspective As the NLD's crucial task are achieving peace, development and establishing a genuine federal union, it is imperative that the internal armed conflict be resolved first and foremost and as soon as possible. In this regard, although the Tatmadaw's seemingly uncoordinated military movements could serve its ethnocentrism tendency and maintaining political edge, the ongoing armed conflicts in Kachin, Shan and Arakan States are not conducive in trying to achieve peace, national reconciliation and harmony. While the military is convinced, rightly or wrongly, that it is protecting the country's sovereignty and disintegration of national unity by military occupation and suppression against the ethnic resistance armies and the population in ethnic homeland, the EAOs see its as aggressor and occupier, which they must resist. In other words, the question to ownership and implementation of two terminologies, "sovereignty" and "national unity", could only be resolved through extensive political dialogue. And to do this a peaceful atmosphere or the absence of armed conflict is a necessity. Thus the question arises, who could control the military, the main responsible source of the conflict, and give political direction to act according to the policy making government's wish. To date, the military has been and still is "a state within the state". Even the ex-military man, ex-President Thein Sein was unable to control or give directive to the Burma Army, during his five years tenure. Given such a backdrop, the core problem is on how to bring the military under the wing of civilian government, so that real ceasefire could be implemented on the ground. For if the military would continue to make its own decision without taking orders from the political decision-makers as in the past, and go about waging offensive wars in the name of protecting sovereignty and national unity on its own, durable and sustainable nationwide ceasefire would never be achieved. To achieve the goal that the military would follow policy directive from the government, cooperation and coordination between the NLD regime and the military top brass is a necessity. To put it differently, there have to be agreement on a macro management level of the peace process or "big picture". And part of the micro planning, among others, is to end the war on the ground and willingly bring the big influential neighbouring country into the peace process deliberations, coupled with domestic, ethnic conflict resolution undertakings that would lead to the political settlement of give-and-take. Just imagine how a mutually correct and sustainable economic interaction, including implementation of non-alignment foreign policy on Burma's part, would put our big neighbouring country at ease in dealing with us. True, this needs careful approach and is a tall order, but if this mutual understanding that would profit both countries could be achieved, the so-called proxy armies along the border could be easily persuaded to cooperate for a peaceful solution that would accommodate their aspirations and as well, find suitable remedy to their political grievances. Parallel to this, if a nationwide political dialogue, in form of a second Panglong Agreement or 21stCentury Panglong Accord as Suu Kyi used to mention, could be convened with a true desire to achieve equality, rights of self-determination and democracy encompassing all ethnic groups, Bamar included, the long-lasting and durable peace could be at hand. As always, "political will" is the key in striving to achieve such political settlement that would pave way for genuine reconciliation and harmony in this deeply divided society. |
| Learning to Share: Defence White Paper (2015) Posted: 24 Apr 2016 10:10 PM PDT  Lao Zi Yes, I know experts have written their commentaries on it, since it was published in December 2015. You might therefore call this is an appreciation by a lay latecomer. Going through its 99 pages, I realize that there is still room for me to learn—and unlearn. First, this is what I've learned. It is that Tamadaw knows what we already know and what we don't:
To counter the new emerging trend, it says, Burma will be adhering to its "independent, active and non-aligned foreign policy" and the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence signed in 1954. It is also to pursue a 6 point defense policy:
Altogether, both the assessments and the policies appear to make sense. Reminds me of what one late Shan leader used to say about superpowers: Of course, we can never become anyone's followers. But we can be your friend and your younger brother. Now we come to those which tell me it's time some of the things I have learned are unlearned:
It looks like we will need to invite a number of expert historians and archaeologists to the Union Peace Conference (or a separate academic conference) to settle these issues. Until then, I'll try to keep an open mind and a closed mouth. |
| On U Aung Min's overtures to MNDAA, AA and TNLA Posted: 24 Apr 2016 07:51 AM PDT  But if this is just to gain some credit points for his Peace Foundation, so that his organization would look good in trying to solicit funding from international donors, his sincerity to the peace process will be in doubt. All the more so, for his former MPC functionaries were feverishly against the MNDAA Kokang group and had been acting holier than thou, meaning – the Tatmadaw, in excluding the said group, as a foreign proxy. The Kokangnese are indigenous and has to be treated as such. |
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