Friday, May 6, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Burma’s Harsh Protest Law Likely to Be Replaced

Posted: 06 May 2016 05:27 AM PDT

Police beat a student protester who had attempted to turn himself in during a crackdown on the activists at Letpadan on March 10, 2015. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Police beat a student protester who had attempted to turn himself in during a crackdown on the activists at Letpadan on March 10, 2015. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A new version of Burma's Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law was submitted to the Upper House of Parliament on Thursday, with proponents saying the legislation would loosen multiple restrictions on demonstrators and establish clear guidelines for legal procedures against unlawful protest.

The bill was submitted to the legislative chamber by the Upper House Bill Committee, which stated that the new version would be more in line with the country's multi-party democratic system.

Under the new bill, demonstrators would only need to "inform" relevant police stations at least 48 hours before a protest, a change from the existing law which requires groups to receive "permission" from authorities.

Also, the new bill imposes limitations on the rights of authorities to charge demonstrators. If organizers of the protests are found breaking the law, they can only be prosecuted by the first township where they violate the law—not all of the townships they pass through—and the charges can only be filed within 15 days of the incident. The current law has no such provision, leaving demonstrators vulnerable to excessive legal action.

Zaw Min, a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker and chairman of the bill committee, pointed to last year's brutal crackdown on student activists peacefully demonstrating against the National Education Law, saying that some student leaders were charged with more than 50 counts of criminal activity as their protest march passed through several of Burma's townships.

Zaw Min said that the committee didn't propose amendments to the previous law but opted to submit a new bill because it would require too many revisions of the current law to make it acceptable.

"Our new bill was drafted based on the fundamental rights of citizens, according to the 2008 Constitution, which the previous [existing] law contradicted," he told The Irrawaddy. "The new bill will help our people exercise their rights as citizens."

Lawyer Ko Ni, a legal advisor to the NLD, said that the new bill was in step with international norms and would fully recognize the fundamental rights of the country's citizens.

"It's not a revision to the old law," he said. "It's a completely new bill, one that accords with democratic standards."

The new bill, which has eight chapters and 25 articles, would ensconce legal protection for protesters and also reduce punishments for those who violate the law. People who interfere with or physically assault lawful, peaceful assemblies could be sentenced with up to one year in prison, a fined 100,000 kyats (US$85) or both. Protesters who organize without informing local authorities could be sentenced to three months in prison, fined 30,000 kyats or both.

The current law was frequently used to arrest and oppress political activists under the previous Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) government. If the new bill is passed, it will supersede and automatically replace the 2011 Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law and its 2014 revision.

Lawmakers at the session unanimously agreed to discuss the bill, and recommendations on the bill are scheduled to be heard next week, according to Upper House Speaker Mahn Win Khaing Than. Passage is expected, given that it is backed by the NLD, which dominates both houses of the Union Parliament.

The post Burma's Harsh Protest Law Likely to Be Replaced appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

As Conflict Reignites, TNLA Claims Gains at Shan Army’s Expense

Posted: 06 May 2016 05:05 AM PDT

A Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) soldier in Kyaukme Township, at the frontline of conflict with the Shan State Army-South in February. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy)

A Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) soldier in Kyaukme Township, at the frontline of conflict with the Shan State Army-South in February. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Fighting broke out this week at eight separate locations in northern Shan State, pitting the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) against the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), with the TNLA reclaiming army bases from SSA-S troops, according to a statement from the former on Thursday. The locations of the hostilities were spread across the adjacent townships of Mongton, Namkham and Kyaukme.

The two ethnic armed groups have been engaged in conflict over territory in northern Shan State since late last year, after the SSA-S signed the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement with the previous government. The TNLA, which was not allowed to sign the accord, has accused the Burma Army of lending logistical support and protection to the SSA-S—a charge the SSA-S has consistently denied.

According to the statement, the TNLA launched its recent offensive in order to drive out SSA-S troops who had come to "invade their [ethnic Ta'ang, also known as Palaung] lands" and cause difficulties for their people.

The TNLA and SSA-S are the armed wings of the Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), respectively.

In February, fighting caused hundreds of local residents to flee to safer areas in northern Shan, including the region's larger towns, adding to the several thousand already displaced in the conflict between the two ethnic armed groups. (Fluid rates of flight and return made IDPs difficult to quantify.)

Fighting then halted for almost a month, during the tea harvest—cultivation of the crop being the principal occupation of the Ta'ang people. However, in early March, the Burma Army began operations in the area against the TNLA from its command base in Lashio, before conflict with the SSA-S resumed.

The TNLA claims that SSA-S troops advanced to establish further bases in March. Thursday's statement accused RCSS members of detaining local Ta'ang people, demanding money from them and restricting their ability to travel and obtain food, including by blocking roads.

"They were acting as if they were in their own land and made trouble for our people. They are behaving like a wild tiger. We need to drive them from our land," Tar Bong Kyaw, general secretary of the TNLA, told The Irrawaddy.

From two villages, Sai Lane and Loi Hom, the TNLA on Thursday took back the Kaung Sai mountain in Mongton Township, where three separate SSA-S bases had been established. There were heavy clashes and casualties on both sides, reported Tar Bong Kyaw.

The TNLA took two more SSA-S bases in a May 2 attack on Mong Won village and another in Tarbong village on May 4, all in Namkham Township.

Col. Sai Hla, a spokesperson for the SSA-S, confirmed that fighting had broken out recently between his troops and the TNLA. He said it was "hard to say who is right and who is wrong" regarding accusations of territorial encroachment.

"We have our own area in Namkham Township but they have their own 'special region' under their control," he said.

Sai Hla said his troops had not formerly intruded onto TNLA-controlled land, but after a column of SSA-S troops was ambushed by the TNLA in Namkham Township in November, they had crossed over.

The SSA-S had only established "temporary" bases in TNLA-controlled areas, according to Sai Hla, who said he could not neither confirm nor deny the TNLA'S claim to have seized several SSA-S bases. "I shall enquire with my troops on the ground. We are guerrilla troops and we did not have permanent bases."

Sai Hla said his troops had only blocked roads to cut off rations to the TNLA; the move was not targeting local Ta'ang communities, as the TNLA claimed. "It was a groundless accusation," the spokesman said.

The post As Conflict Reignites, TNLA Claims Gains at Shan Army's Expense appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi and Japan: Tokyo Love Story or Battle Royale?

Posted: 06 May 2016 04:21 AM PDT

Then opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, shakes hands with Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at his official residence in Tokyo on April 18, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

Then opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, shakes hands with Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at his official residence in Tokyo on April 18, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

This week, state-run newspapers splashed Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida's photo with Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi all over their front pages. But beneath the smiles and handshakes, there is a history of discord.

After the political opening in 2011 and 2012, Japan moved quickly to resume aid and investment to Burma—including development of the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ), a 2,400-hectare industrial zone in southeast Rangoon Division. Japan's Nippon Foundation also provided funds for Burma's peace-building process and general aid to the previous government.

Suu Kyi was opposed to this aid and investment from Japan during the junta’s reign because she saw it as bolstering the repressive regime that ruled over the country with an iron fist.

But like the Chinese government, which developed even closer relations with the regime, Tokyo was not deterred by her stance.

Japan, however, is recognizing that it might have to change its ways to deal with the new reality of Suu Kyi in power.

After Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won a landslide victory in the national elections, Japanese businesses were worried. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe had not developed close ties with Suu Kyi. But less than three weeks after the election, Abe invited a high-level NLD official to Tokyo.

On Nov. 27, Nyan Win, central executive committee member of the NLD, met with Foreign Minister Kishida in Tokyo. Nyan Win asked for more investment and technological assistance from the world's No. 3 economy.

This week in Naypyidaw, Kishida first met with Suu Kyi, who also serves as Burma's state counselor. They spent more than an hour discussing issues related to aid, business, development projects and peace-building efforts with Burma's ethnic armed organizations. Afterwards, the Japanese foreign minister met with President Htin Kyaw, Suu Kyi's confidant. That meeting lasted only 15 minutes.

Given Suu Kyi's personal ties to Japan, a relationship with the East Asian power could blossom.

She was a visiting scholar at Kyoto University in 1985-86, where she made some Japanese friends, but none of them were from the business community. And when she returned to Japan in April 2013 after Burma began opening up, she met Abe.

In the early 1940s, Suu Kyi's late father, Gen. Aung San, Burma's independence hero, received military training from the Japanese Army and even adopted a Japanese name, Omoda Monji.

He and his compatriots, the legendary "Thirty Comrades," received arms and financial support from the Japanese Army to fight the British, who were then ruling Burma. Under Japanese occupation, Aung San became war minister, but he subsequently decided to revolt against the draconian Japanese regime after joining forces with the Allies during World War II.

In the 1960s, Gen. Ne Win, one of the "Thirty Comrades," sought to cultivate closer relations with Tokyo. Throughout his 26-year rule, the Ne Win regime received aid and loans from Japan, as well as post-war reparations. At the time, the Japanese viewed Burma as a country with high economic potential.

But then came the tumultuous late 1980s, and Suu Kyi was put under house arrest. While there in the 1990s, Suu Kyi was critical of Japan's economic engagement with the repressive Burmese regime. After she was freed from house arrest in 1995, the Japanese newspaper Mainichi Shimbun published Suu Kyi's "Letters from Burma." In her letters, she did not hide her opposition to Japan's Burma policy.

Interestingly, Japan was the first country to be informed of her release, and subsequently the Japanese government agreed to resume Official Development Assistance (ODA). It appears that Suu Kyi's release was somehow a bargaining chip in the aid deal. Nonetheless, publicly, she advised Tokyo to hold off on its aid package.

"If it is a reward for my release, I'm just one political prisoner, there are others still in jail," she told a correspondent from the now-defunct Far Eastern Economic Review at the time. "Changing the conditions of one person is not enough to merit the renewal of aid."

In addition to the traditional aid package, the Japanese provided a grant in the notorious Golden Triangle, where they wanted to promote eradication of opium poppy cultivation in the Kokang region through crop substitution. They introduced the cultivation of buckwheat, which is used in Japanese soba noodle production.

Suu Kyi was frustrated. In April 1996, less than one year after her release, she wrote in the Mainichi Shimbun: "To observe businessmen who come to Burma with the intention of enriching themselves is somewhat like watching passers-by in an orchard brutally stripping off blossoms to appreciate their fragile beauty, blind to the ugliness of the despoiled branches, oblivious to the fact that by their action they are imperiling future fruitfulness and committing an injustice against the rightful owners of the trees. Among these despoilers are big Japanese companies."

In June 1996, Suu Kyi sent a letter to then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto via the Japanese Embassy in Rangoon, asking Tokyo to exercise its economic power to push for democratization in Burma as stipulated in the ODA guidelines. She received no reply.

Meanwhile, in Japan, there appeared a flurry of Suu Kyi-bashing articles written by businessmen and government officials close to the Burmese regime. It was obvious that some powerful people in Japan felt Suu Kyi was an obstacle to doing business and carrying out aid in Burma.

But now Suu Kyi is in power. Burma has seen dramatic political changes over the past five years.

"We'll cooperate with the Myanmar government to create a climate that will benefit both the people of Myanmar and Japanese businesses," the visiting Japanese foreign minister said, specifically pointing out his country's ambition to spur job creation and bolster the development of Burma's agricultural, education, finance, health care and infrastructure sectors.

"Japan will do as much as it can to help Myanmar in its process of national reconciliation," Kishida added, stating a desire to help the former pariah state re-engage internationally.

In her role as foreign minister, Suu Kyi expressed her appreciation for the "support and kindness expressed by the people of Japan" for Burma. Through Kishida, Abe invited her to Japan and sent her a personal letter.

But Japan is not alone in courting the new powers that be in Naypyidaw.

Shortly after the NLD formed a government, it was Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi who paid a surprise visit to Burma at the invitation of Suu Kyi.

And last year, a few months before the election, Suu Kyi was in China, where President Xi Jinping received her—some called it a massive diplomatic breakthrough because it was Beijing that had invited the then-opposition leader. No doubt China, one of the top investors in Burma, wanted to bet on Suu Kyi. The question for them is: Will she protect China's business and strategic interests in Burma? Through Wang, Xi extended another invitation to Suu Kyi last month.

The ministry has not yet announced Suu Kyi's itinerary for overseas visits, but look out to see which of the two countries she travels to first, China or Japan. That decision could be a major sign of things to come in Suu Kyi's bumpy relationship with Japan.

Aung Zaw is founding editor of The Irrawaddy.

The post Suu Kyi and Japan: Tokyo Love Story or Battle Royale? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Plywood Factory Protestors Send Representatives to Naypyidaw

Posted: 06 May 2016 04:14 AM PDT

Labor rights protestors march from Sagaing Division to Naypyidaw. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Labor rights protestors march from Sagaing Division to Naypyidaw. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — Protestors from a plywood factory in the Sagaing Industrial Zone sent representatives to Naypyidaw on Friday, following an invitation from the director general of the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security.

"Five representatives are on their way to meet with the director general, parliamentarians and other responsible parties from the plywood factory to talk about our rights," said Hnin Aung, one of the protestors.

The invitation letter from the director general, Myo Aung, said a meeting would be held at the ministry's office to negotiate with Myanmar Veneer Plywood Private Ltd., in order to resolve the labor issues.

Meanwhile, the remaining workers reached Wundwin Township in Mandalay Division on Friday, and continued their march to Naypyidaw.

Protestors said local administrative authorities have mistreated them along the way, and monasteries where they had planned to rest were pressured by authorities not to accept them.

"If local authorities want to arrest us, we do not care. If they do not want us to sleep in monasteries, we will sleep on the side on the road," said Hnin Aung, adding, "We will march until the labor rights abuses are solved."

Dozens of workers, both men and women, began marching from Sagaing Division to Naypyidaw late last month, hoping to meet President Htin Kyaw to urge him to resolve the dispute.

The workers have asked the plywood factory to reduce daily work hours from 12 to 8, and to re-employ workers who had been fired after fronting the initial protest.

The post Plywood Factory Protestors Send Representatives to Naypyidaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

As Burger Joints Proliferate, a Look at Some of Rangoon’s Best

Posted: 06 May 2016 02:42 AM PDT

Burgers have not been left behind in Rangoon's culinary gentrification. (Photo: Foodie Myanmar)

Burgers have not been left behind in Rangoon's culinary gentrification. (Photo: Foodie Myanmar)

The first dedicated burger joint in Rangoon, Burger Buster on Inya Road, opened in the early 2000s and became popular with the city's youth. It remains open on the original site but now competes with a range of popular burger places—the best of which, according to Foodie Myanmar, are introduced below. Prices are on the high side at these places, partly because they are not cooked in advance, as at fast food outlets, but instead cooked to order using fresh ingredients—with tastier results.

1) Savoy Hotel

The burgers at Savoy are especially popular among foreigners. Seven types are available to choose from: The hottest two are Le Marcel Burger, made up of a beef patty, bacon, lettuce and cocktail sauce; and the Cheese Burger, which comes with cheddar, mozzarella, lettuce and tomato. For non beef-eaters, the Ocean Three Burger contains seafood. Burger prices are around US$17 and on Wednesdays come with a free glass of Tuborg beer. They can be ordered in all three eateries at the Savoy—Captain's Bar, Le Bistrot, and Kilpling's Restaurant. The Savoy is located at No. 129 Dhammazedi Street in Bahan Township.

2) Sharky's Food & Passion

Popular among both foreign residents and Rangoon locals. Five types of burgers are available—chicken, beef, prawn, goose liver and cheese, and vegetarian. The Beef Burger—made up of  beef, cheese, tomato and potato—is the top pick and costs around 14,000 kyats ($12). Sharky's is located at No. 81, Pansodan Road, Kyauktada Township.

3) Yangon Bakehouse

The price is not exorbitant but the burgers taste as good as in other popular outlets. Particularly recommended is the Beef Burger, followed by the Bakehouse Spicy Burger, which comes with chicken. Prices are at 8,600 kyats. Bakehouse is located at No. 10, Inya Road, Kamayut Township, as well as in Pearl Condo on Kabaraye Pagoda Road, Bahan Township.

4) Café Thiripyitsaya

This pool-side eatery in Sakura Residence allows you to relax with your burger. The special dish is the Mega Beef Burger, made up of beef, tomato, onion, salad and egg, and costing around 8,000 kyats. Sakura Residence is at No. 9, Inya Street, Kamayut Tonwship.

5) AJ's Bar & Grill

One for burger lovers based downtown. Seven types are available. The AJ Crispy Onion Burger is a popular choice made up of beef, cheese, crispy onion, a special homemade sauce and egg. Prices around 9,500 kyats. AJ's is at No. 132, on the corner of Bo Myat Tun and Anawratha roads, Botahtaung Township.

6) Craft Café

Reasonably priced and a short distance from downtown. Two types are available here—chicken and beef, which both come with salad and egg. Burgers cost around 4,400 kyats. Craft is at No. 33, on the corner of Bo Yar Nyunt and Nawaday roads, Dagon Township.

This article was written by Foodie Myanmar. Available for download in the Google Play Store, the Foodie Myanmar app will help you discover great places to eat and ways to share your foodie moments. Available at: http://bit.ly/InstallFoodieMyanmarOnAndroid

The post As Burger Joints Proliferate, a Look at Some of Rangoon's Best appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Mong Wong, Burma’s Newest Citizens, Face Backlash

Posted: 06 May 2016 01:55 AM PDT

Lawmakers attend a session of Parliament in Naypyidaw earlier this year. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Lawmakers attend a session of Parliament in Naypyidaw earlier this year.
(Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The collective fate of tens of thousands of ethnic Chinese living in Burma's Shan State was taken up by the Union Parliament on Wednesday, opening another chapter in the convoluted controversy over what it means to be "Burmese."

Approximately 60,000 people from the Mong Wong group, who are believed to have moved to northern Shan State from southern China's Yunnan province some two centuries ago, were granted Burmese citizenship in an 11th-hour move by the then-outgoing Thein Sein government in March.

The former government ordered immigration officials to begin issuing IDs to the Mong Wong in Shan State's Tarmoenye, part of Kutkai Township, as a reward for their militia's support of Burma Army operations against other non-state armed organizations, said Minister of Labor, Immigration and Population Thein Swe in Parliament on Wednesday.

"[Mong Wong] militias actively cooperated with the Burma Army, also known as Tatmadaw, to fight armed insurgents," said Thein Swe, a former member of the previously ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), who was purged from its ranks last month after accepting the cabinet post offered by the National League for Democracy (NLD).

A Mong Wong by Any Other Name

Much of this week's parliamentary wrangling centered around nomenclature—a knotty issue for the Mong Wong, who have been given eight different names, according to the minister, since they were first issued ID cards in 1982.

"Having so many different names has complicated this issue. This is yet another reason the government granted them citizenship: It was easier to classify the whole group as 'Mong Wong-Bamar,'" said Thein Swe.

"The [Mong Wong] proposed this terminology to the government, who agreed to use it," Thein Swe continued. "The move was not meant to recognize them as one distinct ethnicity."

The minister stated that ethnicity changes could only be made in accordance with the Constitution, and that his ministry did not have the authority to make a decision on the issue unilaterally.

On Burmese ID cards, children with parents from different ethnic groups have to list both parents' ethnicities.

"The current term makes it seem that the Mong Wong, whose ethnicity is listed [under the previous government's directive] as Mong Wong-Bamar, are all descended from people of Burmese ethnicity," said Sai Thant Zin, a lawmaker representing Hsipaw Township from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) party in the Lower House. "Our government should solve this problem."

Thein Swe said his ministry was only able to provide ID cards based on what the ethnicity themselves wanted to be called. He added that the recently created Ministry of Ethnic Affairs might be able to tackle this issue in the future.

In the statement announcing the citizenship of the "Mong Wong-Bamar" in March, the then-Ministry of Immigration said, "The heads of state of successive governments have recognized the contributions the [Mong Wong] Bamar ethnic group has made to national security."

In 1998, the then junta leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, ordered the group be recognized as a subgroup under the ethnic Burman majority, also known commonly as Bamar.

Two referendums were held later that year in which the new categorization was "heartily accepted," the ministry's March statement claimed.

The ministry went on to say that through an apparent combination of bureaucratic mismanagement and miscommunication, the group was never properly granted full citizenship, resulting in only 620 out of "some 60,000 eligible [Mong Wong] Bamar voters in the Tarmoenye area having suffrage in the 2015 election."

Mong Wong ethnic Chinese have lived in Burma for generations and therefore were eligible to be issued national IDs under Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law, contended Thein Swe.

'How Can They Become Citizens?'

Not all parties are satisfied with the Mong Wong group becoming full citizens.

Politicians from Shan State alleged that the Mong Wong were descended from members of the Kuomintang (KMT) Army, who had fled into Burma after being defeated by the communists in China. KMT troops, backed by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), wrought devastation on the region for several years in the late 1940s and '50s after China's civil war, seizing land and property, clashing with the Burma Army and communist soldiers, and leaving a legacy of anti-Chinese animosity.

The SNLD's Sai Thant Zin said Mong Wong were originally from Yunnan Province in southern China; they spoke a different language and had different traditions.

"We all know that they are different from Burmese people, who make up the majority of our country," he said. "Yet how can they become citizens, even though we all know they are different from the Burmese people?"

"We need to re-examine the law that allowed them to attain citizenship," he said. "Other ethnic groups may make claims to citizenship based on this precedent."

Mai Aike Kyaw, a spokesperson for the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), said that the issuance of IDs to the Mong Wong was a political ploy the Burma Army used to strengthen its position in persisting conflicts with ethnic armed groups in the region.

Sai Kyaw Nyunt, an SNLD spokesperson, argued that Burma's ethnic armed groups were fighting against the central government because they had not yet received guarantees of a federal union, and that it was thus wrong to grant citizenship to those who had helped suppress that struggle.

"There are many Shan people in our state who still do not have IDs," said Sai Kyaw Nyunt. "Why the government prioritized giving citizenship to the Mong Wong over the Shan people is the question we are trying to answer here."

The Mong Wong militia is estimated to number around 100 soldiers in Shan State and has helped the Burma Army with reconnaissance and fighting against other ethnic armed groups in Kutkai Township and elsewhere in northern Shan State.

The Shan State Army-North, TNLA and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) are all active in the area and have frequently clashed with Burma Army troops in recent years.

Following deliberations this week, lawmakers put the issue on record, apparently leaving it to the newly created Ethnic Affairs Ministry to resolve.

The post The Mong Wong, Burma's Newest Citizens, Face Backlash appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Clause Célèbre: Taiwan Leader Must Convince China She’s No ‘Splittist’

Posted: 06 May 2016 12:08 AM PDT

A man rides a bicycle past a flag with the image of Taiwan President-elect Tsai Ing-wen in Pingtung, Taiwan, on April 27, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

A man rides a bicycle past a flag with the image of Taiwan President-elect Tsai Ing-wen in Pingtung, Taiwan, on April 27, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

PINGTUN, Taiwan — Tsai Ing-wen becomes Taiwan's first woman president this month when her mission will be to convince giant neighbor China her Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is not seeking independence, any hint of which could lead to war.

Communist Party leaders in Beijing regard fiercely democratic, self-ruled Taiwan as a breakaway province and have not ruled out using force to bring it under China's control.

A 591-word clause in the DPP's charter begs to differ.

"Based on the principle of national sovereignty, [we] advocate establishing a sovereign and independent 'Republic of Taiwan' and a new constitution that should be decided on by all residents of Taiwan in a referendum," the clause says.

DPP seniors say the clause, written in 1991, is defunct—but to delete it would rupture the party and bring out the "splittist," or separatist, forces that China constantly warns against. Tsai's juggling trick is to convince China the DPP is not seeking independence and to keep the party intact.

"China's attitude on opposing independence is out of touch with the real situation," said independence advocate Koo Kwang-ming. "They really have no way [of how to deal] with Taiwan, so they take what has been stated in the past and repeat, repeat and repeat it."

Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists fled to Taiwan after losing the civil war to the Communists in China in 1949. China, formally known as the People's Republic of China, has pressured the new Taiwan government to stick to the "one-China" policy agreed upon with the outgoing China-friendly Nationalist government.

The policy allows each side to respectively interpret what it means. The Communists say they rule all of China including Taiwan, while the Nationalists maintain the "Republic of China," Taiwan's formal name, is the ruler.

Tsai has said she will maintain the status quo with China under the constitutional order of the "Republic of China." Last month she reiterated her position, saying her policy will be based on democratic principles and transcend party politics.

Moving on From Martial Law

China's top Communist Party newspaper said on Thursday that Taiwan stands at a critical juncture of either accepting Beijing's "one China" principle or taking an unclear stance and refusing to abandon support for Taiwan independence.

"The so-called 'maintenance of the status quo' promised by Taiwan's newly elected leader is only empty talk," the People's Daily said. "The responsibility for the consequences caused can only be accepted by the DPP authorities."

The independence clause served a purpose in 1991, DPP seniors say. The island had emerged from martial law only in 1987. It was undergoing major governmental reform and its first direct presidential election was still five years away.

The DPP tried to freeze the clause in 2014, but no decision was made.

"Our goal is not to establish a Republic of Taiwan. It is to be the ruling party," said Ker Chien-ming, one of the first members of the 30-year-old party and its legislative leader. "But to abolish it will cause another dispute. The independence faction will give the party a huge amount of pressure."

Activist Lai Chung-chiang said the clause shouldn't be deleted.

"It would limit our space in deciding our future," he said at a protest with leaders of the 2014 demonstrations that stalled a trade pact with China and were key in toppling the Nationalists from power.

In southern Taiwan's Pingtung County, where Tsai's father was born, it is less about splitting from Communist China than about maintaining a democratic way of life.

"Our expectations are for this Taiwan leader who hails from Pingtung to pay more attention to this relatively remote area and prevent the urban-rural imbalances from widening," Pingtung County magistrate Pan Men-an told Reuters.

Chinese President Xi Jinping said in March that China would never allow the historical tragedy of Taiwan being split from the rest of the country to happen again.

Japan ruled Taiwan as a colony for about five decades until the end of World War II. China's last dynasty, the Qing, had ceded Taiwan to Japan in 1895 after losing the first Sino-Japanese war.

Shirley Kan, a retired congressional researcher and long-time Taiwan watcher, said the DPP now had a record to back its case to maintain the status quo, whereas there was no such record in 1991.

"The facts are that Taiwan is much more entwined with the People's Republic of China and Taiwan cannot avoid cross-Strait engagement," she said, referring to the stretch of water dividing the two sides.

"It is no longer a question of whether to have a cross-Strait relationship, but how to conduct it."

The post Clause Célèbre: Taiwan Leader Must Convince China She's No 'Splittist' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

North Korea Kicks Off Rare Party Congress With ‘Miraculous Results’

Posted: 05 May 2016 11:09 PM PDT

Pictures of former North Korean leaders Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il decorate the April 25 House of Culture, venue of the Workers' Party of Korea congress in Pyongyang, North Korea, on May 6, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

Pictures of former North Korean leaders Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il decorate the April 25 House of Culture, venue of the Workers' Party of Korea congress in Pyongyang, North Korea, on May 6, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

PYONGYANG, North Korea — North Korea kicked off the first congress of its ruling Workers' Party in 36 years on Friday, with Kim Jong-un expected to further consolidate his control over a country that has grown increasingly isolated over its pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Ahead of the event, secretive North Korea trumpeted "miraculous results" and said advances in nuclear and ballistic missile developments were "the greatest gifts" for the rare party congress, but little of substance was revealed.

On Friday morning, foreign journalists invited to cover the event were not permitted inside the April 25 House of Culture, the stone-built structure draped in red party flags where the congress was expected to run for several days.

Thousands of delegates from around North Korea were expected to attend the first congress since 1980, before 33-year-old Kim was born. Security guards dressed in suits and ties surrounded the venue and dozens of empty buses were parked outside.

Foreign analysts expect the third-generation leader of the Kim dynasty to formally adopt his "Byongjin" policy of simultaneously pursuing nuclear weapons and economic development, and to further consolidate his power.

Byongjin follows Kim's father's Songun, or "military first" policy, and his grandfather's Juche, the North's home-grown founding ideology that combines Marxism and extreme nationalism.

North Korea's state television began its daily broadcast earlier than usual on Friday, with special programming heralding the feats of its leaders.

State radio said the 7th Workers' Party congress would "unveil the brilliant blueprint to bring forward the final victory of our revolution," according to South Korea's Yonhap news agency.

North Korean state media has trumpeted a 70-day campaign of intensified productivity in the run-up to the congress, and Pyongyang has been spruced up for the event.

The state-run KCNA news agency cited advances in nuclear and ballistic missile development, crediting military scientists and engineers for accomplishments that are "the greatest gifts" for the party congress.

"Miraculous results were produced," KCNA said, touting production in the industrial sector that achieved 144 percent of target and electricity generation 110 percent, although the actual targets were not given.

The congress opened on a rainy morning. Covers were hung over the giant portraits of Kim's grandfather, Kim Il-sung, and father, Kim Jong-il, that adorn Kim Il-sung square in the capital, apparently to keep them dry.

Under Kim Jong-un, an informal market economy has been allowed to grow, although it has not been officially adopted as government policy.

However, more taxis and private cars on the streets, more goods in shops, and more buildings under construction attest to growing prosperity and consumption among Pyongyang residents.

Kim has also aggressively pursued nuclear weapons and ballistic missile technology. In March, the UN Security Council adopted the latest in a series of resolutions toughening sanctions against North Korea, which conducted its fourth nuclear weapons test in January.

South Korea has been on alert in anticipation that the North could conduct another nuclear test to coincide with the congress.

North Korea's founding leader Kim Il-sung spoke for more than five hours at the last party congress. Kim Jong-il, who almost never spoke in public, did not hold a party congress.

The post North Korea Kicks Off Rare Party Congress With 'Miraculous Results' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at

No comments:

Post a Comment

Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.

Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)