Shan Herald Agency for News |
- To Hopeland and Back The 20th trip
- Burma Army Accused of torturing and killing civilians in Shan State
- Aung San Suu Kyi refuses to publish ethnic census results
- Regarding Tatmadaw's human rights violations and EU Ambassador's unwise remark
| To Hopeland and Back The 20th trip Posted: 01 Jun 2016 10:57 PM PDT Day Four. Thursday, 26 May 2016
The most fruitful outcome Does not depend on force But succeeds without arrogance Without hostility Without pride Without resistance Without violence Tao Te Ching (Book of The Way and its Derivative), Chapter 30 Peace can mean a big change for everyone, including the superpowers. It will happen when they feel comfortable about it. Karin Landgren, Representative of UN Secretary General to Burundi We have 4 meetings today. I will be reporting on only two of them. To be exact, what I have learned from them. The first one discuss the role of China in the country's peace process. According to both government and rebel sources, China is eager to be more actively involved.
Which reminds me of what David Steinberg said during a VOA interview on China's 5 point policy vis-a-vis its neighbors on 20 April:
As for China's negative view of the United State, at least Stratfor founder George Friedman, who wrote the bestselling The Next 100 Years and The Next Decade seems to agree. Having achieved its strategic goals, the United States had the ultimate aim of preventing the emergence of any major power in Eurasia. The United States want to prevent stability in areas where another power might emerge. Its goal was not to stabilize, but to destabilize. Rhetoric aside, the United States has no overriding interest in peace in Eurasia. The United States has no interest in winning a war outright. As with Vietnam and Korea, the purpose of these conflicts is simply to block a power or destabilize the region, not to impose order. In due course, even outright American defeat is acceptable. (The Next 100 Years, Page 46) His prediction therefore is that the world may even see America siding with China, which is facing an economic downturn, against Japan that is expanding its capital in countries in the Pacific-Indian region. My hope is that the experts have got it all wrong and that China, Japan and the United States are able to sort out among themselves their concerns and reach an understanding that will benefit all countries big and small. As for the other meeting, I have looked at my notes once again and decided that there's not much worth writing. Except that, as businesspeople, they see things differently: They think the previous government did a better job. My response to them is not to be too fast in jumping to conclusions. "After all, they're still new at the job. Things may improve after 100 days." I then try to make some calculations. 8 August is going to be the 100th day, if I still remember my math. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Burma Army Accused of torturing and killing civilians in Shan State Posted: 01 Jun 2016 10:49 PM PDT During May 2016, the Burma Army has committed grave human rights violations, which meet the definition of war crimes, during a new offensive against the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) in Kyaukme township, northern Shan State, close to the Upper Yeywa dam site on the Namtu/Myitnge river. On May 3, 2016, without warning, about 500 troops from four Burma Army battalions (LIB 325, 502, 503 and 114) launched an attack on SSPP/SSA administered areas south of Kyaukme town, despite the fact that SSPP/SSA has an existing ceasefire with the Burmese government, and has been operating there for decades. After over a week of heavy fighting, the Burma Army sent in helicopter gunships on May 13, which dropped bombs around eight villages, and by mid-May about 1,000 Burmese troops had occupied most of the area (with reinforcements from IB 23, LIB 501, 504, 115 and 17). Over 1,000 villagers were displaced by the offensive. Grave human rights violations by the Burma Army during this offensive include the use of 43 villagers, including women, as human shields; severe torture of 5 villagers; and extrajudicial killing of at least 3 civilians, with 5 other bodies yet to be identified. The following is a summary of the violations:
SHRF strongly condemns these violations, which meet the definition of war crimes, and calls for an end to impunity for the perpetrators. It is urgently needed for the international community to publicly denounce the ongoing offensives and war crimes by the Burma Army, which make a mockery of the peace process. SHRF regrets that the EU diplomatic delegation which visited Hsipaw (east of Kyaukme) on May 16, laid no blame on the Burma Army for the fighting, and made no mention of their ongoing atrocities. SHRF also wishes to highlight the proximity of the fighting to the Upper Yeywa dam site. Locals have voiced strong opposition to the project, and a likely reason for the latest offensive was to seize control of the area to provide security for ongoing construction. We reiterate our calls to international companies involved in this and other dams on the Namtu -- including Swiss, German, Norwegian, Japanese and Chinese companies -- to immediately suspend their involvement or risk complicity in the abuses committed by the Burma Army to clear the way for the dams.
30 villagers forced to be human shields for Burma Army On May 11, about 100 Burma Army troops arrested 30 villagers of Nam Oon Nar Mon, Koong Nio tract, and ordered them to lead them to Pha Learm village. They were forced to march ahead of the troops. They set off at 7 am on May 11, and walked all through the day and night, till they reached Pha Learm at 9 am the following morning, and they were released. They were not given any food or water along the way. Some were made to carry the backpacks of the Burmese soldiers. Aerial attack targets civilian On May 13, 2016, a 60-year-old farmer was shelled and shot at from a Burma Army helicopter, causing him to become mentally deranged. On that day, Loong Aung Tun, from Aggee village, Hai Gui village tract, had gone to tend his farm outside the village. When he heard the sound of helicopters flying above, he ran out from his farm hut to look at them. Troops in a helicopter saw him and dropped 3 bombs around him, and also fired a machine gun at him. Fortunately, he was not hit, but was badly shocked. He ran back to his family and told them what had happened, but has since become so mentally disturbed that he cannot even recognize his own family members. He is married, with two children. Five villagers tortured by beating and electric shocks, and forced to be porters On May 14, 2016, Burmese soldiers from LIB 504 arrested and tortured five villagers, detaining them for two nights, and also using them as porters. The five villagers were:
Most of the villagers of Aggee had already fled to take shelter in Parng Law monastery since May 12-13, but four Aggee villagers -- Sai Shing, Sai Pancitta, Sai Nandiya and Loong Maung Kan – had stayed to look after their houses. However, when they heard the sound of heavy fighting and bombing early on May 14, they decided to leave their homes and take shelter at Parng Law. As they were walking in front of Nam Phart temple, at about 8 am, they were arrested by Burmese soldiers. There were about 100 soldiers staying in Nam Phart at the time. At around the same time, Sai Sujaya, a villager from Nam Phart, who had already fled to Parng Law, was returning to untie his cattle at his home, but was captured by the Burmese troops as he was passing near the Nam Phart temple. The five villagers were kicked and beaten with sticks and rifle butts; they were also cut with knives. They were asked about their contact with Shan soldiers, and whether they had supported them with food and money. Two of the villagers, Sai Nandiya and Sai Sujaya, were also electrocuted on their bodies, using wires attached to a battery. The villagers had their hands tied behind their back, and were blindfolded with women's sarongs. They were kept in the temple kitchen for two nights, without any food or water. Sai Nandia described his experience: "The Burmese troops used a knife to cut my neck many times. They used rifle butts to hit my face, nose, cheeks and mouth. And they used electric wires from a battery to give me a shock in my back, my right shoulder, and my chest. They hit my shins with a rifle butt and tied my feet and hands. They blindfolded my eyes. At that time, my mouth was bleeding. All my clothes were wet with blood. My eyes were hurt. We were not allowed to sleep for two nights." On the morning of May 16, still blindfolded, they were forced to porter for the Burmese soldiers, each carrying bags weighing about 10 kg. They were made to walk from Nam Phart temple to Parng Law temple (about 5 kilometers), after which their blindfolds were finally taken off. They were only released when some of the local Parng Law villagers and a monk, were able to guarantee they were really villagers, not Shan soldiers. Sai Nandiya was admitted to Kyaukme hospital because he had been so seriously injured from the torture. Extrajudicial killing of three villagers The burned remains of three villagers were found south of Parng Law village on May 19, 2016, after they were witnessed being arrested by the Burma Army on May 14, 2016. All three men were from Nawng Kwang village. Their names are as follows:
On May 13, Sai Arjina was shot and wounded in the neck while delivering food to SSPP/SSA troops during fighting with the Burma Army close to Aggee village. He had a mobile phone and called to his relatives to come and help him. On May 14, his elder brother, Sai Aik Mart, and their cousin Sai Aik Dink, rode on a motorcycle to go and fetch him. They picked him up, and were riding back near Nam Phart village, when they were stopped and arrested by Burmese soldiers. This was witnessed by some villagers in Nam Phart.  On May 19, six villagers from Parng Law village, who had been forced to guide Burmese troops to Nawng Kwang village, were walking back home, when they came across the charred remains of three bodies at Mark Moan Karn Lieng (Red Mango Hill), between Nam Phart and Parng Law. When they got to Parng Law, they informed some village leaders, who realized the bodies might belong to the three men from Nawng Kwang who had been arrested on May 14. They rang through to Nawng Kwang village leaders, and on May 19, some of the villagers drove a truck to go and see the remains. They were able to identify the three men by the hats they had been wearing. They left the remains until the next day, May 20, when they returned and picked up the bones, taking them to Parng Law temple. On May 21, a small ceremony was performed for the dead men. Destruction of food stores and property in three villages On May 14, Burma Army troops stationed in Nam Phart village (which has 40 households) went from house to house, breaking down doors, and destroying food stores. They emptied sacks of rice and corn, as well as fertilizer, scattering them on the ground. They also put salt in the engine oil of motorcycles in the village. This was witnessed by a monk at the temple. During May 14-16, Burmese troops did the same in Aggee village (25 households) and Wo Long village (32 households). In Wo Long village, two houses were burned down, and motorbikes and a small ploughing machine/tractor were also destroyed. Six villagers forced to be human shields for Burma Army On May 18, 6 villagers from Parng Law village were forced by Burma Army troops to lead them to Nawng Kwarng village, a distance of about 9 miles. They were forced to walk ahead of about 100 troops, throughout the night. They were not given any food or water. They were released the next day, May 19, in Parng Law village. Six villagers forced to be human shields for Burma Army On May 20, 5 villagers and the village administrative head, U Dae Win, from Nawng Kwang village, were forced by about 100 Burma Army troops to lead them to the village of Nam War. They left Nawng Kwang at about 2 am in the morning, and arrived in Nam War at 5 am the next morning, May 21. They were not given any food or water. They were then released and allowed to return home. The names of two of the villagers are: Sai Myint, age 35, and Sai Zan Di Mar, age 32. Five burned bodies found in Wo Long village On May 12-13, 2016, there was heavy fighting near Wo Long village. During that time, most Wo Long villagers fled their homes, many taking refuge in Parng Law temple.  When villagers returned to their homes on May 20, after the fighting had died down, they found that their homes and property had been damaged, and that two houses had been burned down. In the charred remains of one of the houses, belonging to a medic called Loong Saw Bay Da, two burned bodies were found. Behind the home of Loong Htoon Awng, in the latrine pit, two other burned bodies were found. Another burned body was found outside the village, about 15 minutes' walk from the village, by the roadside.  The bodies have not yet been identified, but the following villagers have been reported missing since May 13, and it is feared that the bodies may be theirs.
Original publishing at Shan Human Rights Foundation | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Aung San Suu Kyi refuses to publish ethnic census results Posted: 01 Jun 2016 09:49 PM PDT According to U Myint Kyaing, from the Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population, the religion data will be released by August. However, the ethnic information will continue to be withheld. He said that the ethnic data would only be published after discussions with ethnic leaders; that there were "unspecified problems"; and that "the discussions will likely take some time." This is an outrage. It is completely non-transparent and undemocratic. In fact, the U.N. Population Fund, which organized the census, backed its full release last October. The census is still being censored. This is extremely significant. The ethnic nationality peoples and their leaders should view this with the gravest of concern. Aung San Suu Kyi is clearly responsible. She controls the government and makes every important decision. This raises the question: Why doesn't she want the results published? Under her timetable, the data will not be available before any new peace talks and also the hypothetical Second Panglong Conference. This in turn harms the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs). If the census shows that the ethnic populations are larger than the rough estimates offered by the so-called majority Burmans, the ethnic negotiators will have a stronger bargaining position. Indeed, if - as some people suspect - the ethnic nationalities as a whole comprise greater than 50% of the population, meaning the Burmans are not the majority, this would provide great support to the ethnic demands for constitutionally-enshrined federalism and self-determination. It seems as if Suu Kyi is trying to push through a deal, as soon as possible, even if it is bad for the ethnic nationalities. The best way to do this, she apparently believes, is to keep the EAOs at a disadvantage - to follow the dictator's playbook. All of this further raises the question of how the Burman-dominated NLD government can properly represent the ethnic peoples, as is already being debated following its refusal to appoint ethnic party leaders in Arakan and Shan States, and through refusing ethnic MP requests to help IDPs in those states. Suu Kyi is Burman; the NLD is Burman; and the military dictatorship is Burman. With the census results still blocked, it is not unreasonable to suspect the worst. Suu Kyi and the generals are running the country for the Burmans' benefit. She is helping Than Shwe transition the nation to the next generation of Burmans Uber Alles. The Myanmar Times has a report today on the long-delayed religion and ethnic population breakdowns from the 2014 Burma national census. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Regarding Tatmadaw's human rights violations and EU Ambassador's unwise remark Posted: 01 Jun 2016 09:39 PM PDT  The policy and mindset of Tatmadaw is tied to the concept of being the owner and protector of the country's sovereignty, which means, all those resisting the Bamar-centered central government are enemies of the state and have to be crushed, one way or the other.In the eyes of the Bamar-dominated Tatmadaw, all ethnic resistance forces are enemies and those supporting them in any way are also enemies, which means the ethnic population are also the Tatmadaw's enemies and have to be dealt as such. This doctrine and indoctrination of its soldiers have been there for as long as the ethnic armed resistance have existed, which means from the beginning period, shortly after the independence and exacerbated at the end of 1950s and 1960s stretching to these days. That is why it is not a wonder that repeated gross human rights violations keep on happening, regardless of the C-in-C Min Aung Hliang's ad hoc emphasizes that it has been revamped into a "Union Army", serving the democratically elected U Htin Kyaw and Aung San Suu Kyi-led regime. Thus it is quite evident, as the recent report of SHRF's human rights violations shows, that the change of tag from "Myanmar Army" to "Union Army" has not in any way changes its mindset and hatred on the non-Bamar ethnic population. Regarding the EU ambassador Roland Kobia when he said a few weeks ago that the ethnic armies should lay down their arms first, he was only showing how little he understood the nature of the ethnic resistance, which is deeply rooted in the political grievances of the ethnic peoples. The point here is the ethnic armed resistance came into being because there is no possibility to resolve their political grievances of equality, rights of self-determination and democracy, through political means in a fair manner. |
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