The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- NLD to Reshuffle Executive Committee
- Myitsone Dam Resumption Would Prove Suu Kyi’s Downfall
- KIO Vice Chairman Gen Gun Maw: ‘We Hope to Gain an Equal Status in the Political Dialogue’
- In Naypyidaw, Too Much Room at the Inn
- Revisiting the Ties That Bind Singapore and Suu Kyi
- Quarry Workers Suffer Health Problems, No Compensation
- Women Fear Ban on Working as Foreign Maids Puts Them at Risk
- Critic of Mao Persists in Documenting China’s Turbulent Past
- Men Who Attacked British Family in Thailand Jailed Two Years
- Abandoned Babies Indicate Single Mother, Sex Education Problems
- Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (June 7)
| NLD to Reshuffle Executive Committee Posted: 07 Jun 2016 06:50 AM PDT  National League for Democracy chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, right, and central committee member Win Htein, center, are pictured on June 20, 2015. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), will hold internal elections starting next week to replace some of its executive committee members who are no longer involved in the party's activities. A directive released by the NLD on Tuesday said there are some executive committee members at varying levels who have been expelled or have resigned from the party. "The NLD has to fill those slots for the sake of the party's unity and strength," said the letter signed by Nyan Win, a member of the party's secretary board, which is comprised of senior party leaders, adding that "any executive committee members who are now in the Union and regional Parliaments" will not be replaced. When asked for the exact numbers of seats to be filled, Nyan Win said he did not know, but estimated there were "probably over one hundred." The directive also said the internal elections for state- and divisional-level executive committee members will be held first, followed by district- and township-level votes across the country. The process is slated to start June 15 and conclude by Aug. 14. The post NLD to Reshuffle Executive Committee appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myitsone Dam Resumption Would Prove Suu Kyi’s Downfall Posted: 07 Jun 2016 06:34 AM PDT  Entrance to the Myitsone Dam construction site, north of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina, photographed in 2015. If completed, Myitsone would be among the largest hydropower stations in the world. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy) On Saturday, some 40 residents of the Kachin State capital Myitkyina staged a brief protest in front of the Palm Spring Resort. They were demanding a permanent halt to the Chinese-funded Myitsone dam and hydropower project in Kachin State. The contentious project is sited 26 miles north of Myitkyina, and just downstream from the confluence that forms Burma's Irrawaddy River. At the luxury hotel, a meeting was being held between Chinese Ambassador Hong Liang, Chinese investor China Power Investment (CPI) and chairman of the Kachin State Democracy Party (KSDP) Tu Ja. They discussed the resumption of the 6,000-megawatt US$3.6-billion Myitsone Dam, which is being pursued earnestly by China. The demonstration was small and brief but reflected widespread public opinion in Burma. It is popularly assumed that the current government, which enjoys a huge mandate after the National League for Democracy's (NLD) landslide win in the November election, would not resume the dam project but instead place it under review, along with other controversial mega development projects in Burma. It is about time that they did. The former president Thein Sein boldly suspended the Myitsone Dam project in his first year of office, in 2011, in the face of sustained opposition both in Kachin State and across Burma. The risk of environmental degradation was the chief purported reason. Thein Sein's decision not only reflected public opinion but also sent a signal to the West that Burma was no longer in the pocket of China. Western governments welcomed the move. However, many more Chinese-funded projects were waiting in the pipeline, several of which were allowed to proceed under the Thein Sein government—with no soliciting of public opinion, transparency or accountability. But the Burmese public had grown used to seeing generals, and former generals, selling off the country's resources to China. Now everything falls on the shoulders of the new government. If the NLD government decides to resume the Myitsone Dam, the Burmese people will demand that they leave office. China should understand this. The truth is that many within the NLD—including the large number elected to Parliament in November—do not wish for the Myitsone dam or many other controversial projects to proceed. Many were veteran political activists who had grown concerned over the environmental, economic and social impacts of Chinese-backed giant infrastructure projects in Burma. However, the decision rests with senior leadership—particularly Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's foreign minister, state counselor and head of the ruling NLD. But even her own party members appear not to know how she will proceed. Suu Kyi keeps everyone guessing. The Myitsone dam is not even the biggest of the Chinese-backed projects planned for Burma. It is dwarfed in size by a proposed US$20 billion railway line linking China's southwestern Yunnan Province with a deep-water seaport being built off the coast of Burma's Arakan State. This would give China direct access to the Bay of Bengal—a key Chinese strategic goal. The Chinese government was hoping that, with the election of a new government in Burma, the multi-billion dollar Myitsone dam would finally be given the green light to resume. The Chinese were betting on Suu Kyi, who was invited to Beijing to meet with President Xi Jinping a few months before the November general election. It was not known what they discussed. A week after the NLD government—de facto led by Suu Kyi—was sworn into office in Burma at the end of March, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi paid Suu Kyi a surprise visit. On meeting with reporters, Suu Kyi said she "didn't discuss the Myitsone Dam project with the Chinese foreign minister because I haven't become familiar enough with the details of the contract." Turning to diplomatic niceties at a joint press conference, Suu Kyi in her role as foreign minister said: "The social and economic relationship between our two countries is very important, since we are neighbors." "Our government's policy is for friendly cooperation with the whole world, and I hope neighboring countries will join hands with us in working for peace and human development," Suu Kyi said. She is correct. We need to maintain friendly relations with China—as we should with all our neighbors, whether we like them or not. At the same time, Burma needs neighbors and investors who act constructively and responsibly towards it. The Chinese at home, including the Myitsone Dam's investors in CPI, and Ambassador Hong Liang should know that resuming the project would seriously tarnish Suu Kyi's claims for moral and political leadership in Burma, and may even prompt a revolt among her own party members in the NLD. It is time for Burma's government to review the Myitsone Dam and many other Chinese-backed projects that pose serious harm to the environment and the public at large—harm that could take generations to reverse. The post Myitsone Dam Resumption Would Prove Suu Kyi's Downfall appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| KIO Vice Chairman Gen Gun Maw: ‘We Hope to Gain an Equal Status in the Political Dialogue’ Posted: 07 Jun 2016 06:02 AM PDT  General Gun Maw (left) shaking hands with Dr. Tin Myo Win after a meeting last Friday. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) In early June, the National League for Democracy (NLD) government's new peace negotiator Dr. Tin Myo Win met with the United Nationalities Federal Council's (UNFC) Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN), which comprises nine members drawn from various non-state ethnic armed groups who opted out of signing 2015's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). The meeting is said to have delivered positive results. General Gun Maw, vice chairperson of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and one of the leaders of the DPN, recently talked to The Irrawaddy's reporter Nyein Nyein about his views on upcoming peace talks and the role that the international community should play. The general was previously deputy chief of staff of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed wing of the KIO, and in February was promoted to vice chairman of the KIO. Will the UNFC members participate in the political dialogue framework meeting before the 'Panglong-style' peace conference? We were invited to attend the framework meeting, but the DPN members have to thoroughly discuss this and follow the decision made by the UNFC. We expect that by participating in the meeting, we will be able to make necessary amendments and additions [to the framework]. Then, we hope there are opportunities for a certain degree of participation and inclusion in preparation for the peace conference. We view the government's invitation as a positive sign. The government has invited you to participate in the framework meeting, which is key preparation for the peace conference. Does this make you think that the new government is willing to treat NCA non-signatories as equals? We have yet to see. They have only invited us to the dialogue framework meeting and not yet to the peace conference. Whether we sign the NCA first or go straight to the peace conference [without signing the NCA] will depend on the government's response to our demands and follow-up negotiations. We haven't gotten to that discussion yet. What is the UNFC's stance on joining the peace conference? We are not clear yet if the peace conference means the previous ongoing [peace] process or what is being called the new '21st-century Panglong conference.' We have to review this matter before putting together a prosposal for further discussion with the government. We will know after that. Aung San Suu Kyi has said that the peace conference will be based on the inclusive spirit of the first Panglong conference convened by her father Gen Aung San in 1947, and urged ethnic groups to think about what they can concede rather than what they can gain. What do you think of her statement? This matter was included in our questions to Dr. Tin Myo Win on June 3rd. We told him that we are not very clear about what the statement means. This has to be discussed seriously; we cannot just give an answer to it. When speaking of Panglong, many topics for discussion come to mind. Whether we refer to Panglong's spirit, agreement or pledge, we have to discuss it inclusively. What was the UNFC's decision regarding the request of two of your members—the Ta'ang National Liberation Army [TNLA] and the MNDAA [Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army]—to leave the alliance? The UNFC has not decided yet. It was taken off of the agenda until the next UNFC conference. We don't think this issue of resignation should be discussed for the time being. The two groups are represented in the DPN, but they did not attend the meeting on June 3rd. Why not? Some of the leaders failed to be present at the meeting, but that does not mean that their groups have resigned. It was just an absence. DPN leader Khu Oo Reh could not attend the meeting because of his health, but leaders of other groups that were not represented in the DPN were present at the meeting. We are all UNFC members. Has the UNFC ever invited the Arakan Army (AA) to participate in negotiations with the new government? Yes, we have. We have also asked the government's peace negotiators to request, on our behalf, that state leadership and the army chief not leave behind the MNDAA, AA and TNLA. We will think of as many approaches as possible to share with the government peace negotiators. We call for not leaving them behind. We have asked the government peace negotiators to seriously put forward our request to the president, concerned authorities, state counselor and the commander-in-chief. As a leader within the KIO, what do you expect from the meeting and upcoming negotiations? We hope to gain an equal status in the political dialogue. The NLD government was elected by the people and has repeatedly talked about its commitment to [national] reconciliation. So, we hope to see a genuine dialogue and inclusivity. What do you think of the government's plan to manage all the peace process expenditures? We have not discussed it yet, but it is difficult for us to accept the government's control over everything. We will have nothing to say if the government is helpful and cooperative. Western and European countries are assisting the peace process in different ways. Asian countries, like Japan and neighboring China, are also providing assistance. How do you see the role of China in the upcoming peace conference? It is difficult to say because it is not under our management. My understanding is that China is a superpower as well as our neighbor, so we just can't ignore its role. China may have its hands in the peace process and the Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC), but the intervention of the international community should come in the form of help rather than control. If the government becomes too reliant on China, will it affect the peace process? It is dangerous for any government to rely on the support of one particular country, whether it's China or America. The post KIO Vice Chairman Gen Gun Maw: 'We Hope to Gain an Equal Status in the Political Dialogue' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| In Naypyidaw, Too Much Room at the Inn Posted: 07 Jun 2016 05:16 AM PDT  The massive "Star World Hotel" in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON & NAYPYIDAW — As the expected tourists and delegations have failed to arrive, hoteliers in the capital Naypyidaw are facing a growing crisis and are calling for government assistance as losses mount. The military and quasi-civilian governments both encouraged companies to build luxury hotels in the capital by providing land at low prices. After government offices moved to Naypyidaw from Rangoon in late 2005, many hotels started popping up with the expectation that international delegations would soon fill their rooms. But that has not happened. There are around 5,100 rooms in 63 hotels in Naypyidaw, but fewer than 1,000 rooms are occupied every day, according to hoteliers in the city. Chit Khine, owner of the Hilton Hotel in Naypyidaw, told The Irrawaddy the previous development policy has been a failure. "Many hotels appeared in the run up to the 2014 Asean Summit, but now demand has trailed off so there is oversupply," Chit Khine said. The previous government attempted in vain to promote Naypyidaw's hotel industry with a slogan also used by some international conference groups: "MICE (meetings, incentives, conferences, and exhibitions) is nice." They attempted to attract visitors through meetings, conferences, workshops and exhibitions, but the plan failed. "It is hopeless now. The government needs to review this situation," Chit Khine said. Enterprises ranging from five-star to budget hotels had all anticipated more guests not only from government delegations but also from tourism. Kyawswar Maung Maung, general manager of Thingaha Hotel in Naypyidaw, said: "Taking a look at a hotel industry in Naypyidaw, I feel like the Titanic is sinking. Nobody comes to save us, and we are going down slowly. If no one finds a solution for us, we are done for. [Naypyidaw] has around 5,100 rooms, but at worst we receive 350 guests and at the most around 800 or 900." Since Burma handed over its Asean Chairmanship in 2015, the number of visitors to Naypyidaw has declined rapidly. Meanwhile, hoteliers made huge investments in their facilities and are now not making enough profit to cover their costs. To turn a profit, a hotel normally has to have over 35 percent of its rooms occupied, but at present, the rate is around 15 percent, and hoteliers are struggling as a result, Kyawswar Maung Maung said. According to the hoteliers, businesspeople account for 30 percent of travelers to Naypyidaw, and the majority of visitors are from international non-governmental organizations. The number of tourists who come through travel agencies is less than four percent. "The previous government's plans to attract people through meetings and conferences did not work. MICE alone is not enough. More measures are needed to attract tourists," Kyawswar Maung Maung said. A hotel manager said that only five international hotels in Naypyidaw attract enough guests, and they offer cut-rate prices, putting the future of smaller hotels at risk. "When big hotels offer very competitive prices, it has become a cause for concern for the small hotels run by Burmese businesspeople. If they charge only 40,000 kyats (US$34) for a room, what rates are small hotels supposed to charge?" he asked. Although the hotels receive a larger number of guests in June and July when the jade and gems exhibition is held in Naypyidaw, the profits from that time period do not cover the year's operation costs, said hoteliers. And Naypyidaw is one of the least accessible capital cities in the region, with Bangkok Airways the only international airline running direct flights to the city. All other travelers must fly in and out of Rangoon. "We want the new government to be made aware of this. We are in trouble. I'm afraid we won't be able to survive for much longer," said Kyawswar Maung Maung. Aung Myat Kyaw, vice chairman of the Myanmar Tourism Federation, said the new government should look at ways to draw tourists to Naypyidaw by creating attractions like amusement parks and entertainment venues. "In Rangoon, there are enough guests to fill the hotels, but in Naypyidaw, there are many hotels with very few guests, so now is the time to study why people are not coming," he said. The post In Naypyidaw, Too Much Room at the Inn appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Revisiting the Ties That Bind Singapore and Suu Kyi Posted: 07 Jun 2016 03:08 AM PDT  Aung San Suu Kyi speaks to the Burmese community living in Singapore on Sept. 22, 2013. (Photo: Edgar Su / Reuters) Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong is scheduled to meet with President Htin Kyaw, State Counselor and Foreign Affairs Minister Aung San Suu Kyi, army head Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and speakers of Parliament during his visit to Burma from Tuesday to Thursday. In light of this, The Irrawaddy is revisiting this article from Sept. 30, 2013, in which Editor-in-Chief Aung Zaw reflects on the enduring relationship between Burma and Singapore, both former British colonies, as well as on Lee's standing in Burma, where he is widely respected but also controversial because of his support for the former military regime. Burma and Singapore have a shared history of colonial occupation and a long relationship as Southeast Asian neighbors. As relations between Burma and Western nations continue to thaw and some bilateral ties are forged for the first time, Singapore and Burma are merely entering a new phase in their sometimes complicated but nonetheless enduring relationship. With democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi's landmark visit to Singapore last week, the relationship has the potential to enter a new, more dynamic phase, cementing deeper and more mutually beneficial bilateral ties. Perhaps, as Suu Kyi suggested, the two nations can learn more from each other. But what we learn from Singapore, I pray, will not be all about Asian values, censorship, cyber warfare, authoritarian rule and Singapore-style "democratic elections." Rather, Burma would be best served if it took a page or two from Singapore's book on city planning, tourism, trade, and banking and finance. Perceptions of Singapore as a nation that doesn't pass muster on true freedom and democracy metrics are widely held, but in Burma they have a more personal resonance. Many Burmese still remembered elder Singaporean statesman Lee Kuan Yew's controversial remarks on Burma and Suu Kyi. In April 1996, Lee said the Burmese Army was the only institution capable of "keeping the country stable and preventing civil war," and questioned the ability of Suu Kyi "to govern if ever she came to power." The National League for Democracy (NLD), co-founded by Suu Kyi, was more diplomatic in its response. In a curt statement, the NLD replied: "Mr. Lee is a smart man, but he is not always right." The flak Lee took was substantial, but perhaps he was simply offering a pragmatic assessment of the political landscape that the much-admired Suu Kyi was up against when he said the Nobel Peace laureate should "face the reality of military rule and start cooperating with the regime." The irony is that Suu Kyi is the one today being accused of being "too pragmatic" in cooperating with Burma's nominally civilian government, which is an offshoot of the previous regime. Since 1988, when much of the world condemned Burma's military government for its brutal suppression of pro-democracy protesters, Singapore has remained important to Burma not just as a trading partner, but also for its friendly relations with the regime. The island state has been accused of supporting the brutal and repressive junta in Burma, as were many other Asian governments who failed to even feign concern as Burma's government gunned down or beat to death thousands of its own citizens. That silence stood in contrast to Western governments that vocally denounced the regime and its abysmal human rights record. Singapore has defended its stance toward Burma by aligning itself with countries that backed a "Constructive Engagement" policy toward the regime that also locked up dissidents and waged decades-long war against its ethnic minority groups. The Lion City is also known to have taken in several prominent Burmese nationals, among them the former dictators Gen Ne Win and Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who have sought medical treatment at Singapore's first-rate facilities. Tycoons and cronies in pursuit of leisure or hospital care have also been warmly welcomed by the island, which has long been a home away from home to those Burmese who can afford it. From the medical tourism of dictators and cronies to drug lords buying up luxury condos for holiday getaways, Burma's well-to-do few have in their own small way helped fuel the economic success story of Singapore. On the lower rungs of society, Singapore is also a haven to many young Burmese who emigrate there seeking low-wage jobs or an education, perhaps settling down into a stable existence that allows them to support families back home. You can find these blue-collar workers in Peninsula Plaza, also known as "Little Burma." Recent reports that billions of dollars were being held in Singaporean bank accounts were just the latest allegations to highlight the special banking relationship that the two nations have. A widely held assumption among Burmese is that any time rumors swirl of state funds gone missing, a Singaporean bank is likely at the end of the money trail. A well-connected businessman in Rangoon recently told me that several bank accounts have been opened in Singapore to procure weapons and hardware for a Burmese military that is still hindered by US and EU sanctions. But where is the evidence? I asked. He just laughed. Singaporean banks have been repeatedly accused of serving as money laundering vehicles for Burmese narcotics traffickers as well. Robert Gelbard, former US assistant secretary of state for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, made the observation in February 1997 that, "since 1988, over half of [the investments from] Singapore have been tied to the family of narco-trafficker Lo Hsing Han," a Burmese drug kingpin known as the "Godfather of Heroin." Lo Hsing Han passed away earlier this year. His son Steven Law, who is managing director of Asia World, was put on a US blacklist in 1996 for suspected drug ties. I still remember when, in the early 1990s, regional publications including the now defunct Far Eastern Economic Review began reporting on private companies in Singapore that were allegedly arranging for the sale of weapons to Burma. Several regional papers reported that Singapore's role as a major arms supplier to the regime began in October 1988, when Allied Ordnance, a subsidiary of Chartered Industries of Singapore, the arms branch of government-owned Singapore Technologies, shipped hundreds of boxes, believed to contain mortars, ammunition and raw materials for Burma's own arms factories, to Rangoon. Since then, it is believed that firms based in Singapore have continued to supply weapons directly to Burma, and Singaporean brokers have facilitated arms sales from other sources, including Belgium and Israel. It is said that Singapore's armed forces have also cooperated closely with the Burmese military to provide training, while Singapore Technologies has provided the regime with a state-of-the-art "cyber-war center." Singaporean leaders' deep interest in Burma remains evident today. It is different from the Thais, perennially prone as they are to misgivings about their neighbor to the west and perhaps mindful of the unpleasant historical memory of Burmese troops' 18th century sacking of the ancient capital of Ayutthaya. And because Thailand is a refuge for many dissidents and exile advocacy groups, a mutual distrust from Burma's former military regime was understandable. It is no wonder, then, that the Singapore bond is arguably one of Burma's tightest. While Western nations were putting the squeeze on via economic sanctions, Singapore increased its assistance and trade with Burma. The late dictator Gen Ne Win was a friend of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew. But Ne Win didn't listen to his old pal, who since the 1970s had attempted to persuade the general and his ministers to open up the country and promote tourism. The late dictator instead shut the door. Lee saw Burma's potential—that it could one day count itself among the ranks of the "Asian tigers," but Ne Win missed all that. With the Burmese general's death, Lee's visits to Burma stopped, but his disciples kept coming—and the message they carried was the same. Backing the regime was costly to Singapore as Burma's "domestic affairs" increasingly became a headache for Asean diplomats and heads of state. Asean leaders including Singapore condemned the brutal crackdown on monk-led uprising in 2007. In 2008, the regime was accused of ignoring the plight of victims of Cyclone Nargis, a catastrophic disaster that caused some 140,000 fatalities in the Irrawaddy delta. Western governments including the United States anchored warships off Burmese shores to provide humanitarian relief and disaster assistance, but the generals refused the offer. Asean finally had to step in to provide humanitarian aid. While the southern part of country was under water and still reeling from Nargis, the regime forcibly approved a military-backed Constitution. Trouble did not stop there. In 2009, Suu Kyi had to stand trial in a kangaroo court after she was accused of allowing an American, John William Yettaw, to swim across the lake behind her home in Rangoon, coming ashore on her property in an act that Suu Kyi had no control over. It was this incident that prompted Goh Chok Tong, Singapore's senior minister, to fly to Burma with a message. In meetings with Burma's top brass, Goh acknowledged that the Suu Kyi trial was a domestic affair, but he pointed out that there was an international dimension to it that should not be ignored. Goh then stressed that the upcoming 2010 elections must be inclusive and that the opposition NLD and Suu Kyi must be part of the process of national reconciliation. Goh was the first foreign leader to meet then Snr-Gen Than Shwe since the trial began, and he used the occasion to deliver a political message to the leaders. "I don't believe any Singapore investors would come in a big way before the picture is clear, before this move to democracy is seen to produce results." Burmese leaders received the message. But then Goh, like his compatriot Lee before him, took a jibe at Suu Kyi. Goh told reporters at the Asia-Middle East Media Roundtable in Singapore that while the West sees Suu Kyi as the solution to Burma's problems, she is also "part of problem" because she believes she is the government. He also suggested that the NLD needed to seek a fresh mandate in the 2010 elections, saying Suu Kyi should not dwell on the fact that her party's victory in the 1990 elections was not recognized by the junta. "That was 19 years ago, that's history. If she realizes she has to be part of the solution, she has to offer some concessions, such as to publicly say that she would be in favor of the lifting of sanctions. "Myanmar [Burma] has the potential to boom in the next 10 years and it can be like Thailand's today in 20 years' time," Goh said. Many hope Goh was right about the future. Last week in Singapore, Suu Kyi met Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and several chief executives from some of the world's biggest companies, along with visits to two universities and Singapore's successful anti-corruption bureau. Reflecting on her trip, Suu Kyi offered praise for her hosts, but also got in a dig of her own. "I want to learn a lot from the standards that Singapore has been able to achieve, but I wonder whether we don't want something more for our country," she told reporters as she prepared to return home. She added: "Perhaps Singapore could learn from us a more relaxed way of life." As this latest chapter in Burma-Singapore relations unfolds, "something more" might also include a more principled stance on democratic values. Suu Kyi's fight for a government beholden to its people propelled her to international fame, and it's a Lion City shortcoming that Burma's pro-democracy forces have long felt the bite of. The post Revisiting the Ties That Bind Singapore and Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Quarry Workers Suffer Health Problems, No Compensation Posted: 07 Jun 2016 02:34 AM PDT            MANDALAY — At private quarries in a village off the Mandalay-Lashio road, workers risk their health just to make ends meet. Many workers reportedly suffer from serious lung disease as a result of inhaling stone particles daily at quarries in Ohn Chaw village, near Mandalay. There, quarry workers earn a maximum of 4,000 kyat [about US$3] a day, and underage workers earn just over $2—an amount too little to take proper care of their consequential health problems. As daily wage earners the workers cannot afford to take sick leave because it means they will not get much-needed money to sustain their lives. Despite the fact that the job involves high health risks, there is no compensation plan in place for the workers. Most of the workers are internal migrants who return to their homes for treatment when their health problems become unbearable. Some workers have died from working in the mining quarries, but none have received compensation, said workers. The post Quarry Workers Suffer Health Problems, No Compensation appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Women Fear Ban on Working as Foreign Maids Puts Them at Risk Posted: 06 Jun 2016 11:49 PM PDT  A woman sells newspapers in Rangoon, November 9, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) FALAM, Chin State — Van Biak had only been away from her family in Leilet in northwest Burma for two weeks, but her mother was in tears as they embraced on the veranda. Biak and her older sister Van Hnem left to find work as maids in Singapore with few job opportunities in their remote village in Chin State, the poorest region of Burma where 73 percent of the population lives below the poverty line. Biak and Hnem were aware of the risks. Another maid from Leilet has been working in Saudi Arabia for six years without pay or hope of return—and this was not an isolated case. A number of high profile cases of worker abuse prompted the government in September 2014 to put a temporary ban on women going abroad to find work as maids. But with few economic opportunities at home, the number of women leaving to get jobs abroad as domestic workers has not abated and more do so illegally, prompting calls for the newly appointed government of Aung San Suu Kyi to lift the ban. "I'm ready to work hard and face difficulties abroad in order to help my family," said Biak, who, at age 15, was too young to get a passport and so returned home. Hnem, who is 18, made it to Singapore with six other girls from Leilet, lured by the chance to make up to US$370 a month compared to Burma's minimum wage of about US$67. "I am so scared they will be used as slave labour," said her mother, a fear echoed by all parents whose daughters are now working abroad illegally. For the ban has not only failed to stop women from Burma going abroad to work, but it has led to a black market that puts the women at greater risk of exploitation and slavery, according to the Humanitarian Organisation for Migration Economics (HOME), set up to protect migrant workers' rights in Singapore. In Debt for the Job Since the ban was implemented, the fee paid by workers to secure a job abroad has increased in order to facilitate the bribes required to circumvent the ban. Workers do not start to see any money themselves until this debt is paid off. Moreover, since these workers often leave their country as a tourist, they are not protected by labour or migration laws. Jolovan Wham, executive director of HOME, said the number of Burma maids in Singapore grew 50 percent between 2013 and 2015 with over 30,000 there now, which was evidence that the ban was not effective. "Unfortunately, a lot of Singaporean employers request [Burma] maids because they are more affordable and generally more compliant," Wham told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. Sian Men Mawi legally worked as a maid in Singapore before moving to China, lured by the promise of a lucrative employment contract. She arrived in Guangzhou on a tourist visa. Sian Men, 26, said she was enslaved by her agent who locked a number of Burmese girls in separate houses and rotated them through different jobs, holding their wages and never letting them pay off their debts. "We didn't know the agent would exploit another human being like that," Sian Men said from her mother's home in the Chin village of Zawgnte. Sian Men managed to escape and returned to Burma by bus, evading the police who manned checkpoints along the route. "We get into difficulty because of the agents but we can't do anything about it because we don't have legal passports or work permits. We have to do what the agency says," she said. The Thomson Reuters Foundation managed to get hold of Melody, Sian Men's agent in Guangzhou, who admitted to enforcing a six month debt bondage period but denied exploiting her employees. "If their employer is unhappy then I have to replace them [before they pay off their bondage debts]," she said repeatedly, without giving her full name. The Myanmar Overseas Employment Agencies Federation (MOEAF) said it has become harder for the authorities to police the movement of domestic workers across Burma's borders because large employment agencies have been replaced by individual traffickers, often from within the victim's social circles. "It is particularly difficult to track the trafficking of girls from Chin and [Karen] state because their church is often involved," said Win Tun, vice chairman of MOEAF. There were 130 official cases of trafficking in Burma last year, with a total of 641 victims. Chin State was the only region of Burma not to have recorded any official cases. The Anti-Trafficking in Persons Police Division does not have a branch in Chin State. The Thomson Reuters Foundation contacted the nearest office on Kalaymyo, Sagaing Region, but they were unable to comment on the presence of trafficking in their neighboring state. In 2015, MOEAF signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with 12 employment agencies in Hong Kong who agreed to treat Burmese staff according to the federation's employment standards and it wants to see similar deals in other countries. "These agreements would make it less dangerous for girls because we can ensure their labor rights are protected in their host countries, hold information about who is abroad and offer assistance to anyone that gets into trouble," said Win Tun. "But the last government didn't want to know anything about them." MOEAF have met with members of the new government twice since it took over in April. The Department for Labour declined to comment to the Thomson Reuters Foundation but a parliamentary committee is now considering whether to lift the ban. "We are just waiting for permission from the new government, we are ready to sign MOUs with countries we know will offer good salaries and working conditions including Singapore, Hong Kong, Macau and Japan," said Win Tun. But until they do, campaigners fear thousands of women in Chin State—and across Burma—will continue to seek employment as domestic workers through illegal channels, putting themselves at risk of slavery, trafficking and exploitation. "When I am the right age, I will go again," said Biak. The post Women Fear Ban on Working as Foreign Maids Puts Them at Risk appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Critic of Mao Persists in Documenting China’s Turbulent Past Posted: 06 Jun 2016 10:58 PM PDT  A giant portrait of China's late chairman Mao Zedong is seen on the Tiananmen gate in Beijing, China, May 31, 2016. (Photo:Kim Kyung-Hoon / Reuters) BEIJING — As China's Cultural Revolution descended into mob violence, teenage Red Guards dragged Mao Yushi and his father, two proud and bookish engineers, out of their home to sweep a boulevard as a crowd watched and jeered. The pair were then lashed with a copper-flecked whip until their backs were flayed. When Mao later stumbled into work, he didn't know blood was still seeping through his shirt until colleagues pointed it out. "I was whipped through my skin, but I didn't feel pain because in my heart I was so scared I would be beaten to death," Mao recalls. "Every day they pulled dead bodies through the market on flat-bed tricycles. A piece of cloth covering every tricycle, just like that." Fifty years later, the prominent economist's campaign to document China's turbulent past and hold the ruling Communist Party accountable continues to win him enemies among die-hard acolytes of Mao Zedong, who unleashed the Cultural Revolution in 1966 in a bid to destroy his political foes and revive his radical egalitarian agenda. The life and career of the 87-year-old economist, who is not related to the late leader, traces the twists of modern China's tumultuous history. He survived near starvation in the late 1950s and persecution during the Cultural Revolution only to battle a concerted campaign by neo-Maoists to vilify him today. "The one who brought calamity to an entire nation still hangs in Tiananmen Square and is still found on the banknotes we use every day," Mao wrote in a 2011 essay that placed him firmly in the crosshairs of the neo-Maoists. "China's tragicomedy still hasn't had its curtain call." Mao's ordeals have only emboldened his criticism of a restrictive political system that gave rise, he says, to a climate in which rampaging teenagers could publicly whip him into a bloody heap five decades ago, and which continues to impose one-party authoritarian rule over an increasingly prosperous and diverse society. A former scholar with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and co-founder of free-market think-tank Unirule, Mao's arguments for market reforms and individual rights have brought him an international following, and won him accolades including the 2012 Milton Friedman Prize from the libertarian Cato Institute in Washington, DC. Yet, interviewed one recent afternoon in their west Beijing home, Mao and his wife, Zhao Yanling, said they are still paying the price for his widely circulated 2011 online column criticizing Mao Zedong as a power-obsessed sociopath whose legacy continues to warp Chinese society. Neo-Maoists have left death threats on his voicemail, held protest rallies outside his public lectures and signed petitions seeking his arrest. One man threw a shoe at him at a lecture in eastern China; another barged into a speech in Washington to denounce him as a traitor to the Chinese people. The government has warned him to be less outspoken but has not employed harsher methods it has used on others critical of the leadership. With this year marking the Cultural Revolution's 50th anniversary, the couple feels particularly under siege. In recent weeks police have intercepted suspected Maoists seeking to confront them at home, said Zhao, who dreads the sound of her own doorbell. "She lives in a state of constant fear," Mao said. "So do I." Mao was born in 1929. His father and an uncle were engineers trained at Purdue University in the United States. Mao moved 13 times in a dozen years as he followed the work assignments of his father, a high-ranking railway planner. Although a strong supporter of the Communist Party following its violent 1949 takeover, Mao began openly questioning the planned economy while pursuing his own career as a railway engineer. Amid a far-reaching crackdown on dissent, he was labeled a rightist in 1957 and lost several pay grades. Worse was to come. In 1960, he was sent to rural Shandong province to be re-educated, where he discovered the horror of the massive famine that resulted from Mao Zedong's headline drive to collectivize agriculture and build up industry. Mao Yushi and others survived by eating insects and birds, while all but one in a family of 12 in his village succumbed to starvation. An estimated 30 million or more are believed to have died over three years in an event that remains little discussed in the country. Eventually reinstated to a comfortable life in Beijing, Mao's existence was again upended on a steamy August evening in 1966 soon after the start of the Cultural Revolution. A neighbor directed a band of Red Guards to the Mao home, denouncing the family as capitalists and intellectuals who were ripe targets for class struggle. "Don't speak," one of the boys, no older than 16, warned as he led the family outside, adding ominously: "If you speak, I'll dig another hole in the ground." The thuggish youths carted away furniture, jewelry and clothes and burned the family's ration coupons, leaving just enough cash for a handful of meals. In the following weeks, they returned to whip both the father and son and shave the head of Zhao, Mao's wife, as a particularly bitter form of humiliation. Mao Yushi was soon banished to a locomotive factory in distant Shanxi Province while Zhao stayed in Beijing, leaving a portion of their monthly salary in a milk box outside to fend off the roving gangs. Mao's father managed to keep his position in Beijing. Mao returned to visit his wife and two children a few times a year until Mao Zedong's death in 1976 finally put an end to the decade-long paroxysm of violence and chaos, in which an estimated 1 million Chinese died from persecution, execution or by killing themselves. Amid the 1980s economic reforms instituted under Deng Xiaoping, Mao turned to economics. He grew increasingly critical of the party following the bloody crackdown on the 1989 student-led pro-democracy protests focused on Beijing's Tiananmen Square. Armed with his laptop and several blogs , Mao continues to give his opinions on everything from state enterprise reforms to efforts to regulate the housing market. "All of the mistakes this country has made have been because there is no freedom of thought or freedom of expression," he said. "That's why things look dangerous right now." The post Critic of Mao Persists in Documenting China's Turbulent Past appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Men Who Attacked British Family in Thailand Jailed Two Years Posted: 06 Jun 2016 10:51 PM PDT  A British family lies unconscious after an attack in Hua Hin on April 13. (Photo: YouTube) BANGKOK — Four men who brutally attacked a British family vacationing in Thailand have been sentenced to two years in prison for the assault, which was captured on video and widely shared on social media, officials said Monday. The video showed Rosemary and Lewis Owen, both in their 60s, and their 43-year-old son getting punched in the faces, knocked down and kicked until they fell unconscious. The attack occurred on April 13 in the seaside resort town of Hua Hin. It was the latest blow to Thailand's image as a tourist haven and prompted officials to vow swift punishment for the attackers. "This should serve as an example," police Maj-Gen Kasana Jamsawang said. "Let this be a reminder to people who might want to hurt others." The Hua Hin provincial court sentenced the men May 23 but the penalties only became public over the weekend when the court transcript was released. The court sentenced the attackers to four years in prison but reduced the sentence to two years without parole because the suspects pleaded guilty, said Vichit Asakit, a duty officer at Prachuap Khiri Khan police station, which covers the Hua Hin area. The four men—Chaiya Jaiboon and Siva Noksri, both 20, and Supatta Baithong and Yingyai Saengkam-in, both 32—were charged with conspiracy to commit group assault, which carries a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison. Police have said the attack started after the Owens' son accidentally bumped into one of the Thai men on a crowded street. Rosemary Owen, 65, suffered a serious head injury that resulted in surgery to remove a buildup of fluid in the brain. Her 68-year-old husband and 43-year-old son both required stitches in the head. The post Men Who Attacked British Family in Thailand Jailed Two Years appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Abandoned Babies Indicate Single Mother, Sex Education Problems Posted: 06 Jun 2016 07:39 PM PDT  Shocked bystanders gather around an abandoned newborn found in Mingalar Taung Nyunt, and a lactating mother immediately breast-feeds the baby, on May 12. (Photo: Thidar Han) RANGOON — During a power blackout on a hot night in May, Thidar Han heard a baby crying around 9 p.m. in a back alley in Rangoon's Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township, where she works as a ward administrator. Thidar Han ventured into the dark alley and saw no one, but the crying continued. As she moved closer she was shocked to find an abandoned newborn, lying face down and with its umbilical cord still attached, in a plastic bag. "The baby was fortunately alive and without breathing problems," she said, adding that shocked bystanders gathered around and a lactating mother among them breast-fed the poor newborn. The baby, weighing 4 pounds and 12 ounces, was brought to Rangoon Central Women's Hospital just in time and survived after receiving intensive medical care. According to officers at the Rangoon Police Headquarters, it was the second baby to be abandoned by its mother in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in May. The other sadly died while it was being treated at the hospital. Records kept at the headquarters show the recorded cases of abandoned newborns nationwide. Though these are likely to be far from complete, they indicate a rise from six cases in Myanmar in 2011, to four in 2012, nine in 2013, 12 in 2014, and 20 in 2015. "Only unsolved child abandonment cases are reported to the police. So there might be other, unrecorded cases," said an officer who asked to remain anonymous. Most cases occurred in Shan State and in Yangon, Mandalay and Magwe regions. Some cases involved newborns who were left in back streets or at door steps, while most often new mothers left their babies behind in the hospital after giving birth. Yankin Children's Hospital recorded five such cases in 2015, four in 2014 and two in 2013, according to police records. Desperate Single Mothers Htar Htar, founder of Akhaya Women, a women's rights NGO based in Rangoon, said the tragic cases probably involved desperate women who had unplanned pregnancies and felt they could not care for their babies due to poverty or because the father had abandoned them. She said being a single, unmarried mother carries great stigma in Burma's conservative society, where there are few government or NGO services available to support such mothers. "Single women are blamed for their fatherless child," said Htar Htar, adding that services to help them "will emerge when Burmese people have more knowledge about human rights." Htar Htar said old laws that punish abortion probably also put women in situations in which they continue with unwanted pregnancies, adding that politicians should reflect on the impacts of these laws. Illegal Abortion Under Burma's Penal Code, abortion can lead to 10 years imprisonment, though court cases are rare and usually result in a two or three-year sentence. Due to such penalties, Burma has no official abortion clinics, forcing women wanting the procedure to do so through secret, unregulated medical practices. Abandonment of a child younger than 12-years-old is also punishable and carries a maximum sentence of seven years in prison. Nyein Nyein, 45, a widow and mother of four from Rangoon's Latha Township, said raising children was hard for poor women in Rangoon. She believes better contraception and legal options for choosing an abortion should be made available to women and girls. "Abortion should be allowed systematically, as it is now being carried out illegally," she said. Under Burma's civil law, a woman who bore a child from a man who abandoned her can file a complaint to demand financial support. A police officer in Panzundaung Township who declined to be named said such cases were rare. "Women do not file lawsuits against their irresponsible partners because they feel ashamed about the pregnancy. But actually, these men must be ashamed for their lack of care," he said. Kyee Myint, a Rangoon-based lawyer who works on child rights cases, said more government funding should be made available to support vulnerable children and single mothers. Government measures The phenomenon of abandoning babies, either to be found or left to die, is sometimes called 'baby dumping', and occurs in many countries. It often involves unprepared young women, teenage pregnancy, and children born out of wedlock. In Southeast Asia, the issue has reportedly become increasingly common in Malaysia in recent years, with 517 babies found abandoned between 2005 and 2011, often because of the stigma associated with having illegitimate children born outside of marriage. In some Western countries, authorities have installed a so-called 'baby box' or 'baby hatch', where a baby can be anonymously abandoned while ensuring that the child will be cared for. Phyu Phyu Thin, a National League for Democracy (NLD) Lower House lawmaker from Rangoon's Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township, said sex education and family planning programs would help address the issue of unwanted pregnancy in Burma, adding that such measures should precede discussions on legalization of abortion. "The main cause of this problem is that young people don't have sufficient knowledge about sex. Since they don't understand it, they have to cope with unwanted pregnancies. That's why we have cases of abortions and newborn babies abandoned on the roads," she said. "I think sex education and family planning would help decrease these cases." Aung Kyaw Moe, director of the Department for Child Care at the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, said poverty and the lack of services for single mothers should be addressed, adding, "Educative programs on reproduction should be conducted for young people to reduce abortion and child abandonment." Aung Kyaw Moe added that abandoned babies would be cared for at state orphanages. According to the ministry's website, there are five government childcare centers for orphans and abandoned children in Rangoon, Mandalay, Magwe, Mawlamyine and Kengtung. Children administered here are supported until they complete primary school and are then sent to two centers in Rangoon, where they can stay until the age of 18 and receive vocational training. In Rangoon, at the Shwe Gone Dine Orphanage Center, principal Khin Yu Dar Yee said the regional government's Ministry of Health and Department of Social Welfare had put 128 children under her care in the past five years, 45 of whom were later adopted by families. She said she could not comment on how many children were abandoned, but stressed that regardless of particular backgrounds, all were in dire need of care. "I hope that kind and good parents can adopt them," she said. This story originally appeared on Myanmar Now. The post Abandoned Babies Indicate Single Mother, Sex Education Problems appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (June 7) Posted: 06 Jun 2016 07:33 PM PDT
Art
A group art exhibition titled "Pan Myodaw" ("flowers city") will be held at Ayerwon Art Gallery. Some 100 paintings from 33 artists will be available, with prices ranging from US$100 to $500. Where: Ayerwon Art Gallery at No. 903–904, U Ba Kyi Street, 58 Ward, Dagon Seikkan Tsp. Tel: 09-45005 7167 When: Saturday, June 4 to Wednesday, June 15
Hans-Christian Schink is considered one of the most talented photographers in Germany and has been to Burma on four separate occasions in the past three years to produce work including images of the pagodas of Bagan, Rangoon bridges and landscapes of various provinces. He will present an overview of his extensive body of work. When: Monday, June 6 to Monday, June 20, 11am to 7pm Where: Goethe-Villa, No.8, Koh Min Koh Chin Road, Bahan Tsp.
Zaw Paing will debut his first solo art exhibition at Lokanat Galleries. Titled "Beauty of Nature," the exhibition will feature a total of 25 watercolor paintings, with prices ranging from $200 to $300. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St., 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp., Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Wednesday, June 8 to Friday, June 10
Nay Zar Aung will present her third solo exhibition at Lokanat Gallery. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St., 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Saturday, June 11 to Monday, June 13
Than Htay will hold his "Free-Flowing" art exhibition at Nawady Tharlar Art Gallery. Some 15 pieces will be available, with prices starting from $2,500. Where: Nawady Tharlar Art Gallery, Room No. 304, 20/B, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Tsp., Tel. 09-43097918 When: Saturday, June 11 to Friday, June 17
Eight caricaturists will organize an exhibition titled "Caricature Art" at Gallery 65, showcasing around 50 caricatures of prominent Burmese artists, politicians and celebrities. Where: Gallery 65, No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Tsp. When: Saturday, June 11 to Wednesday, June 15 Live Action Entertainment
Burma's first-ever Doraemon exhibition will be held at Rangoon's Golden City complex. Released in 1969, Doraemon is one of the most popular manga series in Japan. Over 100 characters from the series will be exhibited at the show. When: Saturday, June 4 to Sunday, July 3 Books
Ocean Supercenter will hold a book fair at its North Point Branch in Mayangon Township. A number of publishing houses, including Seikku Cho Cho, Today, Quality and Kankaw Wut Yi, will be participating in the event. Some books will be available at a 10 percent discount. Where: Ocean Supercenter (North Point Branch), at the corner of Pyay Road and Tawwin Street, 9th Mile, Mayangon Tsp. When: Friday, June 10 to Tuesday, June 14 Music
The Myanmar Music Festival will be held at the National Theater. International classical musicians including US pianist Min Ball and Malaysian mezzo-soprano will join traditional Burmese musicians to provide an entertaining show. Where: National Theater, Myoma Kyaung St., Dagon Tsp. When: Saturday, May 28 to Tuesday, June 14 Sports
Actors from The Team Myanmar, a TV drama jointly produced by Common Ground Productions and Hninsi Yinkwin Production with funding from the European Mission, will play against a team composed of members from the EU Mission to Myanmar on Saturday, June 11. All funds raised will be donated to the Third Story Children Books project. Where: Yangon United FC Football Stadium, Insein Road, Hlaing Tsp. When: Saturday, June 11, starting at 3pm The post Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (June 7) appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events happening in Rangoon this week.
'Pan Myodaw' Group Exhibition
Hans-Christian Schink Exhibition
'Beauty of Nature' Watercolor Exhibition
Third Solo Exhibition by Nay Zar Aung
'Free-Flowing' Exhibition by Than Htay
Caricature Art
Doraemon Exhibition
Book Fair
Myanmar Music Festival
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