Tuesday, August 16, 2016

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Will Chinese charm offensive be met with Burma's rapprochement?

Posted: 16 Aug 2016 03:14 AM PDT



 Lately the Chinese charm offensive in the new era of  Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD regime has been visibly in full swing.

Starting with the Chinese envoy fact-finding and lobbying tour to Kachin State in June to the recent   Minister of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Song Tao paying courtesy call to the former military strongman General Than Shwe on the side lines, while presumably on official undertaking to prepare for State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi visit to China.

A series of lobbying and opinion-making measures were already been undertaken as outlined by the VOA, in one of its analysis recently.

  • On 4 June, Chinese Ambassador Hong Liang visited Kachin State to lobby for the restarting of stalled Myitsone Dam.
  • On 8 June, China-Myanmar Swe Myo Pauk Phaw Friendship Foundation was formed.
  • On 11 June, China-Myanmar motor-caravan scheduled journey was announced to promote friendship between the two nations, which would take place the following October.
  • On 18 June, Union Minister U Ohn Win, who was on his way to attend energy related workshop in China, was briefed by a Chinese diplomat that China would help build up intensified human resources development, according to Xinhua news of 25 June.

Though speculations  were rife that the Chinese are keen to continue the Myitsone dam project  that was disrupted due to its pending since 2011, the actual intention might be a lot more than this just particular project.

While the Chinese undoubtedly would have a host of other businesses and political interest in mind, other than just this pending dam project, the National League for Democracy (NLD) regime's main and immediate concern is on how to make use of the Chinese influence on the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) along the two countries' border, so that peace could be achieved.

Suu Kyi's unmistakable and explicit message on Monday at the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) meeting was that although peace is the most essential for the country, economic development won't be neglected.

"While peace is important, we're not going to neglect economic development. Because one reason for not achieving peace is the physical and mental necessities (well-being) of the people still could not be fulfilled," said Suu Kyi, who is also Chairwoman of the UPDJC.

She added: "In the long run, without (enduring) peace, we can't maintain any kind of economic development. No matter how much economic progress (we make), once peace is eroded, the progress made would be also be shattered".

Regarding the matter Ye Htut, the former information minister and also spokesperson of the then president Thein Sein said that the widespread and heightened armed conflict occurred after the pending of Myitsone dam, even this might be a coincidence.

In his interview with the RFA, aired on 13 August, he said: "Finally, as nearly all non-signatory EAOs that have not yet signed the ceasefire, with the exception of two groups in the south, are based along the Chinese border, China's role as being utmost important is being accepted by all of us".

He stressed: "The second point is that whatever it is, the escalation of armed conflict and the beginning of it happened after the stoppage of the Myitsone Dam project, although could be taken as coincidence is the reality. I believe, finding an answer acceptable to all would support (foster) peace and also relationship with China".

"I'm of the opinion that this should be done in a speedy manner," he added.

Daw Doi Bu, a leader of The Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State and former MP, also said although she welcomed the forming and investigation of the commission, the people are against the project.

When asked By the RFA , on 13 August, what she thought about the possible referendum of the issue she replied that " there is no need to do that as it is clear the people – not only the Kachin but also the rest of the country – are against the project".

A day earlier, on 12 August, a 20-member commission will review and scrutinise the projects to assess the likely benefits for Myanmar citizens, and to make recommendations on whether they should proceed. Accordingly, Deputy Pyithu Hluttaw Speaker U T Khun Myat will chair the commission, and the minister for the Office of the State Counsellor, U Kyaw Tint Swe, will serve as vice chair. The commission's first report to the president is due on November 11.

Meanwhile, Suu Kyi will be paying an official visit to China from August 17 to 21 at the invitation of Chinese Premier Li Keqiang, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lu Kang announced on Monday.

Given such a backdrop, with the Chinese opinion-making movement, in high gear, advocating for the resumption of the Myitsone dam, coupled with the head of state reception status being prepared for Suu Kyi, the issue's controversial clout has reached a critical stage.

A lot of questions like:  whether it is really the case that the suspension of Myitsone dam has a direct effect on the widespread armed conflict in Kachin and northern Shan States; what will the consequence be if NLD regime is to permanently scrub the agreement; will NLD be able to withstand the public pressure, if it is pressured to comply to its contractual obligation literally; whether China will be ready to accept the likely to be adjusted agreement terms of either the complete stoppage of the project, in exchange for other supports like one China policy, South China Sea dispute and its one belt one road global undertaking, or not, among others.

All these long lines of concern might become clearer, once Suu Kyi has wrapped up her China's visit and talked over the outstanding issues that she has inherited from the previous Thein Sein regime. But for the time being, we just have to cross our fingers and hope for the best, for the people of Burma.




Pre-Panglong high level meeting with EAOs in the offing

Posted: 16 Aug 2016 03:09 AM PDT



The first JICM meeting, 16 October 2015.
(Photo: burmalibrary.org)
In response to the 8 signatory ethnic armed organization (EAO)s' formal request on 11 August, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will soon be calling the long-neglected Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) into session, according to reports form Naypyitaw yesterday.

The Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) that will oversee political dialogues at state, region and local levels as well as the upcoming Union Peace Conference (21st Century Panglong) has been holding a 2-day meeting since yesterday.

"Although the date for the meeting is yet to be disclosed," said an EAO leader in Naypyitaw, "it is understood that it will take place right after her return from the China trip (17-21 August)."

The letter, signed by Gen Mutu Saypoe, leader of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) formed in March by the NCA signatory EAOs, has proposed 4 issues to be discussed when they meet:
·         Implementation of the NCA
·         Holding of JICM
·         Holding of Political Dialogues
·         Holding of the Union Peace Conference (21 Century Panglong)

The main issue, say sources, is that the JICM has not been convened since December. According to its Terms of Reference (TOR), it must be convened every three months. The NCA has also conferred on it the following powers:
Article 21:            To form the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC) responsible for military matters and the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) responsible for political matters as well as "other necessary committees"

Article 29:            To resolve any issues faced during the implementation of the NCA in its "regularly held" meetings

"It would be like putting the cart before the horse to call a meeting of the JMC and the UPDJC first," PaO leader Hkun Okker had commented in April.

The JICM is formed by 8 leaders from the government side with corresponding 8 leaders from the EAO side. 75% of them must be present to achieve a quorum at each meeting and two thirds of votes from each side to pass a resolution.

Family opposes turning Yawnghwe Palace into marketplace

Posted: 16 Aug 2016 02:56 AM PDT





Sao Haymar Thaike, the daughter of Burma's first president, Sao Shwe Thaike, has spoken out against a plan to convert Yawnghwe Palace compound into a marketplace.

Photo by SHAN- Yawnghwe Palace entrance

She told Shan Heraldthat she was unhappy with the scheduled project, which was laid out by the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism.

"I heard the news that they are preparing to create a market in our palace compound," she said. "I am so worried that they will reduce our historical property to such a level. I totally disagree with this plan."

According to Nay Myo, a National League for Democracy MP representing Yawnghwe Township, no building operations have yet taken place, and his party would seek to prevent the conversion from happening.

"If the plan persists, we will have to object to it," he said.

Yawnghwe Palace, or Yawnghwe Haw, was the residence of Sao Shwe Thaike, an ethnic Shan prince who became the first president of the Union of Burma in 1948 on the day that the country gained independence from Britain. He was deposed and arrested when Ne Win seized power in 1962, and died in prison soon after. 

Since then, Yawnghwe Palace, situated in Nyaungshwe near Inle Lake, has stood as a museum, and is popular with tourists.

Sao Haymar Thaike said that her mother, Sao Nang Mya Win, the first wife of Sao Shwe Thaike, requested the Burmese government to return the palace to the family, however they had never received a response.   

During the era of Burmese military dictatorship, many historical Shan buildings were destroyed; others crumbled under decades of neglect. Arguably the grandest Shan palace of all, Kengtung Palace, which was built in 1903, was demolished in 1991. 

By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

The Peace Process: Taking a chance on the State Counselor

Posted: 15 Aug 2016 08:43 PM PDT

Take calculated risks. That is quite different from being rash.
General George S.Patton (1885-1945)

Myanmar's State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi (C)
 holds talks with leaders from the United Nationalities Federal Counci
l at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center in Yangon,
 July 17, 2016. (Photo: RFA)
"Please take a chance on the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement signed by 8 of the 21 recognized Ethnic Armed Organizations). Please take a chance on the (Union Peace) Conference (aka 21stCentury Panglong)," State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi had urged top non-signatory EAO leaders who came to meet her on 17 July, using the phrase "calculated risk" no less than 7 times.

The reason why she is right where she is now, as she told them, is because she had herself taken just that: a calculated risk, the word meaning, according to Cambridge, one that you consider worth taking, because the result, if it is successful, will be so good.

The Business Dictionary, however, has a rather different definition: A chance of exposure to loss or injury that might be undertaken after its advantages and disadvantages have been carefully weighted and considered.

"Had this particular government official given assurances of 100% success, I wouldn't have taken a chance on the 2012 by elections," she informed the leaders. "But he on the contrary had suggested taking a calculated risk, which made me think it over and revise my plans. Now I would urge you to do the same."

Since the meeting, the EAOs, both signatories and non-signatories, have met twice to consider her advice. Two of which have declared attending the UPC#2 aka 21st Century Panglong: United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA). On the other hand, Naypyitaw has so far failed to reach a compromised press release acceptable to both sides with 3 EAOs: Arakan Army (AA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Ta-ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). And the rest led by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) continue to negotiate with the government at the time of this reporting on how they can join the UPC.

But, according to the reports coming out of the meetings held last week in Chiangmai, the EAOs now exert less leverage than they did during the tenure of the Thein Sein government (2011-16). "In those days, we had an almost level playing field, because the government was facing a crucial legitimacy issue," one participant commented. "And if there was a fight, few found fault with us. Now things are different."

The NLD, at least in the eyes of the democratic world outside, they reasoned, doesn't have any legitimacy issue.

"Now it seems we may have to beg for everything we want from it, despite the fact that both have since early days adopted democracy and federalism as their avowed aims."

One other participant suggested, "Maybe the government now needs the Tatmadaw (military) more than us (EAOs)."

So are the EAOs, especially those who have signed the NCA, at the mercy of the NLD-cum-military regime? Should they choose to be satisfied with whatever the government is ready to hand out?

No, the meeting concluded. They still have the NCA which was signed by the President and the Commander-in-Chief, and ratified by the Union Legislature. Therefore, as long as both the government and the military (plus the EAOs) swear by it, a chance, however slim it may seem now, still exists. And the balance, depending on how proactive the EAOs are, may change in their favor.

As Sun Zi of the Art of War said:
To see victory only when it is within the ken of the common herd is not the acme of excellence
Being able to lift a hair isn't a sign of great strength
Being able to see the sun and moon of having sharp eyes
Being able to hear a thunderclap of having quick ears

But at least one thing is certain:
We will all know by 31 August how many EAOs have taken calculated risk.

Naypyitaw okays to secessions from Shan State

Posted: 15 Aug 2016 08:33 PM PDT

Dear Sirs,

I am worried the Shan State and Shan population are shrinking fast unfairly. Racism is not a solution for peace.

Racial regions were granted to those groups, bowing to Burmese centralization, practically blocking a Union formation. Shan State secession was treated like a criminal case, now they are cutting the Shan State by racial divisions, like Wa, PaO, Ta-ang. Why is this kind of secession not regarded as a criminal case? And they will be governed directly by the central government. This is totally against federal union (decentralization) formation, and this should not be allowed.

Hsay Kham

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