The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Burmese Citizen Infected With Zika Virus in Singapore
• ‘We Came to This Conference as Equals, but There is Still No Equality’: RCSS
• Stakeholder Presentations at Peace Conference Reveal Contrasting Positions on Statehood and Security
• Burmese Migrant Workers File Lawsuit Against Thai Export Giant
• Upper House Bill Committee Backs Abolishment of Controversial Emergency Law
• How Ultra-Nationalism Undermines Democratization and Reconciliation
• UWSA Peace Delegate: Observer Status Restrictions Made Us Uncomfortable
• MCB Share Price Fluctuates
• HK Express Launches Rangoon-Hong Kong Direct Flight
• Searching for Equality in a Diversity of Ethnic Identities

Burmese Citizen Infected With Zika Virus in Singapore Posted: 02 Sep 2016 08:22 AM PDT Nurses set up a mosquito tent over a hospital bed, as part of a precautionary protocol for patients who are infected by Zika, to show the media at Farrer Park Hospital in Singapore on September 2, 2016. (Photo: Edgar Su / Reuters) RANGOON — The Burmese embassy in Singapore confirmed on Friday that a Burmese citizen is infected with the mosquito-borne Zika virus. Over 150 cases of Zika were reported in Singapore by Thursday; among them were 57 are foreigners, including 10 nationals of Bangladesh, 23 from China, 15 from India, six from Malaysia, and one each from Indonesia, Burma and Taiwan, Channel News Asia reported. The Burmese embassy in Singapore said in a statement released on Friday that the country's Ministry of Health had been informed that a Burmese citizen was diagnosed with the virus on August 30. The patient's condition has since improved and they are being closely monitored. The embassy also recommended pregnant women and women intending to be pregnant temporarily postpone travels to Singapore. The symptoms of Zika infection are generally mild, although in pregnant women it can cause brain malformations and other defects in unborn children. There are no vaccines or specific treatments. Burma's Ministry of Health said that since the Zika epidemic began in Brazil in 2015, they have been taking precautionary measures in the country and screening passengers for fever when arriving at airports and ports. Regionally, the Zika outbreak has also been reported in Thailand and Malaysia. The virus has been known to occur largely in tropical regions of Africa and Asia, and is related to dengue fever, Japanese encephalitis and yellow fever. The post Burmese Citizen Infected With Zika Virus in Singapore appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘We Came to This Conference as Equals, but There is Still No Equality’: RCSS Posted: 02 Sep 2016 08:14 AM PDT Lt-Col Sai Ngin pictured at the 21st Century Panglong Conference in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw) NAYPYIDAW — Inequality has been a central topic at the 21st Century Panglong peace conference, which began on Wednesday in Naypyidaw. Lt-Col Sai Ngin of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), an ethnic armed group taking part in peace negotiations, told The Irrawaddy after the second day of the conference about the current level of equality—or lack thereof—among ethnic groups. Could you briefly describe the paper the RCSS submitted to the peace conference? Mainly, our paper calls for the 1947 Panglong Agreement to be honored. It focuses on the Panglong Agreement, the Panglong pledge [of federalism], and the establishment of a democratic federal Union that guarantees self-determination and equality. What were the main points discussed on the second day of the conference? Participants mainly talked about the Panglong Agreement. The 21st Century Panglong [conference] emerged as a result of the 1947 Panglong. We shared the same views about the fundamentals of the [1947] Panglong Agreement. Some groups expressed concerns about their future and some minorities demanded autonomous states. That does not directly concern us; it concerns mainly the Union government. [Autonomous states] would have to be in line with the 2008 Constitution, therefore there will be many stages. So, I think we are not directly concerned with it yet. What is your assessment of the conference so far? I'm satisfied. The delegations and [political] parties are able to discuss anything. But the time is limited: 10 minutes [for a presentation] is not enough. And we have pointed out to the conference chairman that there is no equality at the conference. The [ranks] of our ethnic armed group delegates are not mentioned on their nametags. For example, I am a lieutenant colonel but the nametag just reads 'Sai Ngin.' That is not equal. If there is no equality even in such a small matter, how can we expect equality in federalism? I have pointed this out and made a request [to feature titles/ranks on nametags]. [Burma Army representatives at the conference are permitted to wear their military uniforms, which already state their rank, whereas ethnic armed groups officers can only wear traditional ethnic dress. Some ethnic armed group officers had hoped that their military ranks would at least be stated on their nametags at the conference, but they are not. Additionally, during the opening sessions, the ranks of ethnic armed group officers at the conference were not mentioned when their names were read out—although they have been mentioned in more recent sessions, as observed by The Irrawaddy.] Many complained about this on the first day of the conference? So, a solution still hasn't been found after two days? Not yet. We came to this conference as equals, but there is still no equality. Yesterday, the KIO [Kachin Independence Organization] vice chairman Gen N'Ban La even joked about it. [The KIO vice chairman introduced himself with, 'ethnic groups call me General N'Ban La.'] So, I have continued to request [appropriate nametags]. If not even a conference program is organized equally, how can we possibly expect equality in political matters? The post 'We Came to This Conference as Equals, but There is Still No Equality': RCSS appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Stakeholder Presentations at Peace Conference Reveal Contrasting Positions on Statehood and Security Posted: 02 Sep 2016 08:05 AM PDT Stakeholders pictured on the third day of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW — The reading of statements by each stakeholder continued on the third day of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference in Naypyidaw, with more than 60 presentations on the building of a future federal state representing Burma's diversity. Ethnic armed alliance the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) presented its draft federal constitution and Tatmadaw representatives reiterated their stances on the 2008 Constitution and security sector reform (SSR) preceded by the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of non-state armed groups. Ethnic groups including the Wa in Shan State and the Shani (Tai Leng) in Kachin State raised the issue of new autonomous states drawn on ethnic lines from within existing states and divisions. Rev. Saw Matthew Aye from the Karen Development Network, who is attending the conference as the ethnic stakeholder, told The Irrawaddy that "minority ethnic groups have the right to demand an autonomous state, but we have to see how much it is developed." "The challenge is how much resources we have when we try to build a state: whether we have enough lawmakers, educators, physicians, engineering resources and IT resources and so forth," he added. Another issue of discussion was the "eight states principle," a proposal included in the draft constitution put together by several ethnic armed groups. Burma is currently made up of seven divisions and seven ethnic states—named for the Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon and Shan. The proposed change is to combine three of these Burman-majority divisions to form a single ethnic Burman state in Mandalay, Magwe and Pegu divisions. Ethnic minority leaders argue that this will allow for more equitable political representation and resource sharing between the Burmans and the country's other ethnic groups. Khun Marko Ban, a stakeholder representing the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), described the current discussion as interesting since he said it focuses on the spirit and principles of the original 1947 Panglong Agreement—which the conference has been named after—including federalism, equality and self-determination. He expressed support for the proposal, and simply said that, "The eight states principle is a basic principle, because it stemmed from the essence of the 1947 Panglong Agreement." The Burma Army's presentation mainly cited the 2008 Constitution, which they see as comprehensive and protective of Burma's states; human rights and ethnic advocacy groups have faulted the constitution for enshrining the military's political power and for granting little autonomy to ethnic regions. Col Zaw Win Myint, representing the Tatmadaw, emphasized how a DDR process would help create the security and stability in the country; yet many non-state armed groups argue that a discussion of implementing DDR is premature. "Armed struggle will not bring political goals, and thus the Tatmadaw wants a DDR process first, then followed by SSR," he said. Khu Oo Reh, the secretary of the UNFC and the vice chair of the KNPP, said, "I think our understanding is different [regarding DDR and SSR processes]. For us, we have to first prepare the security sector reform process in order to continue doing the DDR process. It would be smooth and easy implementation of DDR only when we are well prepared for the SSR process. " During his presentation, UNFC vice chair Nai Hong Sar said, "building better relationships between the ethnicities is the key to building the state. For that, we need equality and currently we don't have that." The four UNFC representatives, including Khu Oo Reh of the KNPP, Nai Hong Sar of the New Mon State Party, Sin Wa of the Kachin Independence Organization and Tun Zaw of the Arakan National Congress, read the coalition's draft federal constitution section by section, as each person only was given ten minutes to speak on stage. Highlights of their proposal were regarding examining the chosen name of the country, the issue of forming a "federal" army, and the pursuit of security sector reform. The reading of their paper will continue on Saturday, the final day of the conference. Nai Hong Sar told The Irrawaddy, "if we build a federal state, the country's name should not only represent one ethnicity, it should demonstrate ownership by all ethnicities or regions." The post Stakeholder Presentations at Peace Conference Reveal Contrasting Positions on Statehood and Security appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Migrant Workers File Lawsuit Against Thai Export Giant Posted: 02 Sep 2016 07:57 AM PDT Members of the Migrant Worker Rights Network show a 45,000-signature petition delivered to the Thai Broiler Processing Exporter Association—of which Betagro is a member—at the CP Tower in Bangkok on Friday, calling for an investigation into poor working conditions and for worker compensation for what they describe as years of forced labor. (Photo: MWRN / Facebook) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A group of 14 Burmese migrant workers took legal action against Thai poultry exporter Betagro on Friday at a labor court in Saraburi Province, northeast of Bangkok, alleging years of forced labor. According to a press release by several rights groups acting in support of the workers, a petition of more than 45,000 signatures from various activists was also handed over to the Thai Broiler Processing Exporter Association—of which Betagro is a member—at CP Tower in Bangkok. "The litigation claimed 46 million baht (US$1.33 million) in compensation and civil damages for abuses suffered by the workers for years at the poultry farm in Thailand's Lopburi province," read the statement. The workers filed the litigation after deciding previous compensation worth 1.7 million baht (US$50,000) was insufficient for up to five years of work under what they describe as abusive conditions. The previous compensation was made on August 1 by Lopburi Department of Labor Protection and Welfare. Speaking with The Irrawaddy on Friday, Andy Hall, international affairs advisor for the Migrant Worker Rights Network (MWRN), said of the migrant workers, "They were forced to work many years against their will. And they earn little money. Betagro is a very big corporation—they need to be held responsible for this." "We disagreed with that [previous] order [for compensation] because they rewarded workers for only two to four hours of overtime. The workers said they work up to eleven hours as overtime. That's why we filed the case," said Hall. Betagro delivers its products across Thailand as well as to international markets, particularly those in Europe and Japan. The firm's business focuses on agriculture, livestock, and manufacturing ready-made meats and frozen cooked food for export. It also exports pet food to the United States, Canada and Australia. According to the rights groups, the workers allege grueling workdays stretching to 20 hours and forced overtime including sleeping in chicken rearing areas overnight. The workers also claimed they were abused by owners such through the threats, confiscation of personal identity documents, and the deduction of salaries. In addition to urging the Thai Broiler Processing Exporters Association to encourage Betagro to compensate the 14 workers in question, the 45,000-signature petition also called for an investigation into poor working conditions to ensure there is no more "modern day slavery." The post Burmese Migrant Workers File Lawsuit Against Thai Export Giant appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Upper House Bill Committee Backs Abolishment of Controversial Emergency Law Posted: 02 Sep 2016 06:23 AM PDT Mahn Win Khaing Than pictured in Parliament's Upper House in Naypyidaw on March 25, 2016. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON— Burma's Parliament moved one step closer to annulling the controversial Emergency Provisions Act as the Upper House Bill Committee backed a proposal on Friday to abolish the 66-year-old law. The bill was approved by the Lower House in late July after a debate involving military lawmakers and the Defense Ministry, who suggested making changes to the law rather than scrapping it. Lawmaker Thein Lwin, a member of the Upper House Bill Committee and the National League for Democracy (NLD), took the floor of the Parliament on Friday and said his committee recommended that the Upper House approve the bill, emphasizing that it had already been passed by the Lower House. "We propose seeking a parliamentary decision," Thein Lwin said at the legislative session. Speaker of the Upper House, Mahn Win Khaing Than, said that lawmakers who would like to debate the bill should register to do so by Wednesday, Sept. 7, at the latest. The Emergency Provisions Act was originally enacted in 1950 by the government of Burma's first prime minister, U Nu, and granted the authorities the right to jail individuals who spread what was deemed as "false news." Successive military administrations ruling the country have abused the law and used it to suppress dissidents. The law imposes death penalties and sentences up to life in prison for treason or sabotage against military organizations, as well as up to seven years in prison for a sweeping range of other offenses against the state. In 2015, during ex-president Thein Sein's administration, the NLD—the then-leading opposition party—proposed scrapping the legislation in the Lower House. However, the move failed as the chamber was under the wider influence of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party majority at the time. Lower House Speaker Win Myint, once said in 2015 that the law was designed "to instill fear and restrict political activity." The post Upper House Bill Committee Backs Abolishment of Controversial Emergency Law appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

How Ultra-Nationalism Undermines Democratization and Reconciliation Posted: 02 Sep 2016 05:18 AM PDT Ethnic delegates attend the 21st Century Panglong Conference, which began on Wednesday in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy) A few days before the start of this week's 21st Century Panglong peace conference, the State Counselor's Office announced the formation of an advisory commission on Arakan state, to be chaired by former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan. In late May this year, President U Htin Kyaw formed the Central Committee for the Implementation of Peace and Development in Arakan State. It has 27 members, all of whom are government officials, and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the chair. The creation of these bodies, and the holding of the Panglong conference, indicates that peace is high on the government's agenda. For some time now, two of the most important elements in the current political landscape have been seen as distinct problems: the peace process involving the government and ethnic armed groups, and the violent and racist ultra-nationalist campaign against the Rohingya, and Muslims in general, by the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, better known by its Burmese language acronym Ma Ba Tha. Very few people working on the peace process take the nationalist campaign seriously, and vice versa. Yet there are clear connections between the two, in terms of how the nationalist movement can undermine the peace process. For a start, lessons can be learned by looking at how Ma Ba Tha's populist campaign against Rohingyas/Muslims turned democratic forces from "state enemies" into "public enemies," and from the "people's friends" to the "nation's traitors." Democratic forces: from 'state enemies' to 'public enemies' One of the prime victims of the nationalist movement is the cohort of democratic forces (however problematic and racist some may have been) that have dissented from the junta since 1988. These forces include the (once) exiled media, the international community, human rights activists and monks, as well as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her loyal dissident groups. Past regimes consistently accused them of trying to break up the Union. State propaganda called overseas and once-exiled media—including the BBC, VOA, RFA, DVB, The Irrawaddy and Mizzima—"killer media, liars and troublemakers." State media described the international community as neocolonialists who were manipulating opposition groups in order to control the country. Human rights groups were accused of destabilizing Burma, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi described as a threat to sovereignty and culture. But twenty-five years of such state propaganda did not work. People always supported the anti-junta forces and saw them as saviors. People looked up to them as agents of change and as friends of the people. However, after the Arakan State riots broke out in 2012, people started believing nationalist rhetoric—that all these forces were betraying the nation by supporting the Rohingya. As the Rohingya issue was increasingly framed as a threat to sovereignty, people started seeing the democratic forces too as threatening sovereignty, religion and culture. For instance, various media organizations were accused of taking money from the international Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in exchange for producing pro-Rohingya news. Some cartoonists portrayed them as dogs fed by the Rohingya. The Democratic Voice of Burma, whose radio and TV output people have relied on for decades, was called the Democratic Voice of Bengali. Human rights activists were accused of exchanging sovereignty, and race-and-religion, for dangerous foreign ideas. Articles were written condemning "human rights" as infringing sovereignty. Public protests against international and local nongovernmental organizations were organized. Senior UN official Tomás Ojea Quintana's convoy was attacked. UN envoy Yanghee Lee was called a "whore." Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was criticized and insulted in ways previously unimaginable. Within a few months, groups and individuals long known for challenging the regime were being framed as the "people's enemies." Members of the public started saying things about these groups that those in power had been unable to get them to say for more than two decades. Ironically, this was achieved not by the traditional state propaganda machine, but by a "people's movement" led by monks. This points to the need to see the anti-Rohingya/Muslim campaign as something rather more than just a distraction from the "real issues," as some describe it. In fact, the campaign became a populist political instrument whose direct opposition to Rohingya/Muslims eventually, and ironically, weakened public support, trust and confidence in the democratic forces that had been trying to weaken the oppressors. This raises questions around whether the Rohingya/Muslims are indeed the ultimate targets of the nationalist campaign. It may be asked if, (i) the nationalist campaign has been strategically orchestrated in unknown bunkers; (ii) those in power have just turned the violence of an unfolding nationalist campaign to their own advantage; or (iii) the outcomes have been uncalculated and merely the result of coincidence. Whether the outcomes were orchestrated or coincidental, it is certain that the forces of democratization have been discredited and transformed into "public enemies" in sudden and shocking ways. Moving targets The obvious target being one thing and the result something else is not an isolated phenomenon; it is part of a pattern. Take the way many more people, for a time, came to see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a threat to sovereignty, and to race-and-religion. The previous military junta spent 25 years painting her as a threat to the nation—for marrying the late Dr. Michael Aris, a British historian of Himalayan cultures—but the people did not buy that propaganda. Yet, in late 2014 and 2015, the number of people opposing her, at least on social media, seemed to rise rapidly. How did this happen? The racist ultra-nationalist narratives are often all about women in danger, mostly in terms of sexual violence and marital strife, caused by lu myo char, bar thar char (people of a different race and religion), i.e. foreigners. When the Arakan State riots broke out in 2012, the initial narrative had to do with "Bengali" men raping an Arakanese Buddhist woman. The narrative around victimhood shifted gradually to become about "kalar" (a derogatory term for Muslims and those of South Asian descent) assaulting Burmese women—then about "lu myo char, bar thar char" forcing Burmese women to marry them, converting them (and their children) to Islam by force, and torturing and killing them if they refused. Using made-up stories, the narrative warned that Burmese people should not engage socially with Muslims, and that inter-marriage was dangerous. The spinning went further. Nationalists distributed Facebook photos of Burmese ladies overseas dating black men, and then images of Burmese girls in sexy clothing partying with white people. They were relaying a message that such Burmese women were disrespecting Burmese culture and therefore posed a danger to race-and-religion. Eventually, the message morphed into the idea that it was wrong for Burmese women to have sexual and marital relations with foreigners. Prior to the 2015 general election, the prime target of this idea became Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Had the campaign been launched directly against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the first instance, people would have immediately understood it as the usual propaganda. But when the idea that Burmese women marrying foreigners is wrong was constructed in the context of the Rohingya, who were already painted and often taken as outcasts, more and more people internalized the notion. As the idea traveled through different contexts under the guise of disciplining young women and protecting culture and religion, it became more accepted. In 2015, when the issue was overheating, it was used directly against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. By that time, the overtly sexist and racist content of the messaging was unlike anything that had been seen before. This was a powerful psy-war achievement, until people realized it was propaganda against her. To recap, whether it was orchestrated or a mere coincidence, the outcome was obvious: a narrative of condemning rape in 2012 became one of anti-Aung San Suu Kyi in 2015. Nationalists against reconciliation Just as the racist nationalist movement has been seen in the two examples above to have successfully undermined the forces of democratization, it could work similarly against the forces of national reconciliation in unexpected and unforeseen ways. This may sound speculative, but the matters already discussed show signs of what could happen, and how. National reconciliation requires equality between the Burman majority and ethnic minorities, in terms of political decision-making, defense, economic rights and cultural rights. Predominant or significant populations of many ethnic groups are Christian. But the nationalist campaigns, speeches and writings work against equality among all groups. The nationalists' calls for Buddhist Burman supremacy in the political hierarchy reinforces what minority groups see as chauvinism—a root cause of ethnic conflict. Recently, anti-Christian articles and cartoons have been seen in print publications and posted on social media, including on Ma Ba Tha's official Facebook page. Signboards have been put up in various towns saying that lu myo char, bar thar char are not allowed to live in the locality, or to buy and sell at the local markets. A signboard in Shwe Naung in Shan State identified Muslims, Christians and Hindus as those who are so barred. The discourse around lu myo char (different race/ethnicity) reinforces discrimination based on ethnicity. Even poetry is not immune. A poem by Shin Myo Chit about marriage and the expression of Burmese pride is titled "Avoid lu myo char." A poem by Maha Bawdi Myein Sayadaw warns readers not to sell land to lu myo char so as to preserve sovereignty. While these poems do not specifically define who lu myo char are, the call for "pure Burmese" blood, and even "pure Buddhist" blood, indicate that they proscribe everyone who is not Buddhist and/or Burmese. Moving towards the political arena, a senior monk wrote an article titled "Traitors of the Country," published on the Ma Ba Tha (Central) Online Media and Thargitwe Journal Facebook pages, which said that everyone has the responsibility to protect sovereignty, culture and race-and-religion. He stated that those being influenced and supported by foreign countries were traitors—so were politicians defending bar thar char (non-Buddhists) with outside support. Many poems, articles and short stories conflate the protection of Buddhism and Burman culture with the perpetuation of sovereignty. This is at odds with calls from ethnic groups for federalism, in which all members are equal partners. In addition, discourses around "lu myo char," "bar thar char," "land," and "protecting sovereignty" run the risk of becoming powerful propaganda tools for those in power to criminalize ethnic armed groups' struggle for equality and national reconciliation. For ethnic groups can be seen as lu myo char, bar thar char or both. Their struggle for equality, self-determination and federalism, which is in part a struggle for what they see as their ancestral land, could be distorted as an attempt by lu myo char, bar thar char to control "our forefather's" land, break up the Union and threaten the nation's sovereignty. The point is that, if any unforeseen circumstance were to trigger a mass movement against the forces of national reconciliation in the name of protecting sovereignty and race-and-religion, the movement's aims would be all too achievable—because the narratives around national traitors and lu myo char, bar thar char threatening sovereignty and race-and-religion are all already in place. Many people already hold such notions, at least in some form. If ultra-nationalists were to embark on a mass campaign against ethnic groups, neither historical context nor facts would matter much. For the campaigns discussed earlier, which succeeded in discrediting the democratic forces, were all based on lies, deception and hatred—perpetuated in this case not by the traditional state propaganda machine, but by monks who are supposed to never lie, deceive or hate. They could do so by invoking the uncontested power of the Sangha and their special status in society. The fact that nationalists are deploying ideas around sovereignty is concerning, because protecting sovereignty is a very distinctive military discourse that has been invoked to crush ethnic minority groups. As recently as June 21, Burma's armed forces chief stated during a meeting with members of the Tatmadaw in Shan State that national defense was about more than just military activity, but also about protecting race-and-religion. A threat to peace In short, whether a coincidence or not, the nationalist movement's key narratives of protecting race-and-religion continue to contribute to blocking recognition of diversity and equality as necessary conditions for national reconciliation. Looking at the ways in which the forces of democratization became public enemies, receiving the brunt of public outcry as a by-product of the racist nationalist campaign against Rohingya/Muslims, who can guarantee that the same campaign won't provide a platform to be used against the forces of national reconciliation, at the very least as an unintended consequence? It is to be hoped that people in the government and the peace movement have a vision and a strategy for such an outcome, before it strikes at the heart of peace and national reconciliation. (This is a shorter version of a research paper in Burmese titled "Beyond Muslims: Ma Ba Tha's Impacts on Democratization and National Reconciliation" to be published in the Myanmar Quarterly Journal in September). Dr. Sai Latt received his Ph.D. in Human Geography from Simon Fraser University in Canada. He is a Research Associate of the York Center for Asian Research at York University in Toronto. His research covers violence, securitization and displacement. The post How Ultra-Nationalism Undermines Democratization and Reconciliation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UWSA Peace Delegate: Observer Status Restrictions Made Us Uncomfortable Posted: 02 Sep 2016 05:01 AM PDT UWSA leaders at the Panghsang Summit in the Wa Self-Administered Division in May 2016. (Photo: J Paing /The Irrawaddy) The delegation from the United Wa State Army (UWSA) walked out of the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference on its second day in session on Thursday, with the UWSA's southern liaison officer leading his four delegates and their staff out of the convention hall, citing unequal treatment. On Thursday, the Burmese government's peace commission sent a letter to Pao Yu Xiang, the UWSA chairman, explaining that the government views all ethnic armed groups at the peace conference equally. They requested that he excuse the inconvenience caused by mismanagement that led to the UWSA delegation being temporarily identified as "observers" rather than participants. The Irrawaddy's Nang Seng Nom spoke with deputy liaison officer Nyi Yax, one of the members of the Wa delegation, about the UWSA's unexpected exit. Why did your delegation leave the 21st Century Panglong Conference? U Khin Zaw Oo [the government peace negotiator] said that we did not contact them immediately when we arrived in Naypyidaw. But we did report our arrival. There was not sufficient accommodation for us. Ours is a ten-member delegation. We reported that we would lodge at the Myat Yadanar Hotel. Then they told us to take our [ID] cards [to attend the conference]. So we did, and then we lost contact. The following day, we attended the conference. While we were there, we found that our cards were not equal [since they were observers' cards and not participants' cards] and we reported that [to the conference organizing committee]. They ushered us to our seats. They said access was restricted in the dining room and press conference room for security reasons according to their rules and regulations. We don't blame them for it. But we reported to our central executive committee that there are such-and-such restrictions, and the committee instructed us not to accept the cards even if they were changed. And we left the conference according to the instructions of the central committee. What do you want to say about the government giving you observers' cards? We had come to the conference with full support for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and also brought along a paper [statement] to read. But then, the cards turned out to be observers' cards. [The government officials] said they would come and change the cards, and then they said that the cards had run out. We didn't know what we should believe and we felt uncomfortable. We contacted them immediately once we arrived. They knew where we were staying. You had at first planned to read a paper at the peace conference, but then you left the conference. What do you want to say about it? We have handed our paper to them [the government officials]. And I don't remember exactly what was said in the paper. The government side said that your delegation did not report your arrival and did not stay at the hotel they had arranged for you. What do you want to say about it? If we didn't report it, how could we get the cards—through the air? What do you expect from the Panglong Conference? We support the conference. We left because we didn't like the accommodation, the environment and the way they treated us. I want to see peace prevail in the entire country. We came to the conference for peace. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post UWSA Peace Delegate: Observer Status Restrictions Made Us Uncomfortable appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

MCB Share Price Fluctuates Posted: 02 Sep 2016 04:49 AM PDT An official from Myanmar Citizens Bank on its first trading day at the Yangon Stock Exchange, August 26, 2016. (Photo: Myanmar Citizens Bank) RANGOON — Myanmar Citizens Bank (MCB), the most recent trading addition to the Yangon Stock Exchange (YSX), has seen its share price fluctuate this week, after doubling its opening price last week. The YSX announced last week that the base price for MCB shares was 6,800 kyats (US$5.60) with an upper limit of 7,800 kyats and a lower limit of 5,800 kyats. Trading started August 26. In its first week, MCB stock reached 13,500 kyats per share. On Friday, it dipped to 9,600 kyats—a 2,400 kyats decline in a single day—according to the YSX. U Thet Tun Oo, senior manager of the YSX, said the base share price of MCB was suggested by a third party consultant and was significantly lower than the other two companies currently trading on the exchange. "People's interest is always high initially," he said. However, MCB has yet to open new share sales to the public. The 10.7 million shares it recently sold were traded by existing share-holders playing the market through the YSX. The two other companies currently trading on the YSX are First Myanmar Investment and Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings, with share prices on Friday around 19,500 kyats ($16) and 43,000 ($35) kyats respectively. MCB has been listed since December, when the YSX opened. MCB's authorized share capital is now 75 billion kyats ($63 million), with 52 billion kyats ($43.7 million) in paid-up capital. According to MCB's website, just over 5 billion kyats are from the Ministry of Commerce and nearly 47 billion kyats are from the public. According to the YSX, the total share volume on September 2 was 7,041, while the total value reached 118 million kyats (US$100,000). The post MCB Share Price Fluctuates appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

HK Express Launches Rangoon-Hong Kong Direct Flight Posted: 02 Sep 2016 03:18 AM PDT HK Express launched a direct flight between Rangoon and Hong Kong this week. (Photo: Thiha Toe / The Irrawaddy) Rangoon — HK Express, a low-cost airline based in Hong Kong, launched a direct flight between Rangoon and Hong Kong on Thursday, the airline announced. Discounts of up to 50 percent will be offered on airline tickets to commemorate the launch. A direct flight between Mandalay and Hong Kong is also scheduled to begin on September 5, according to Sherman Luk, HK Express general manager. The airline currently flies to 27 destinations in Asia and plans to launch new flights to Laos, Saipan and Guam later this year. "It's good that more and more international airlines are coming to Burma. Previously, Burmese travelers had to travel through Bangkok to go to Hong Kong," said Ye Htut Aung, deputy director of the department of civil aviation. HK Express plans to operate four flights a week from Rangoon to Hong Kong and vice versa. Currently, there are 25 international airlines landing at the Rangoon international airport. The post HK Express Launches Rangoon-Hong Kong Direct Flight appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Searching for Equality in a Diversity of Ethnic Identities Posted: 02 Sep 2016 12:31 AM PDT Delegates attend the third day of the 21st Century Panglong Conference in Naypyidaw on Friday. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw) The idea of "equality" has long been entangled in Burmese political history and has been a factor in the world's longest-running armed conflicts in Burma, during which ethnic minorities have accused the Burman majority of attempting to dominate and control the country. At this juncture, with the holding of the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference, the issue of equality will again be at the heart of political dialogue. It will surely come up repeatedly as a yardstick for diverse ethnic leaders to measure everything from politics to economics, social welfare, security and natural resources. In spite of its influence and importance, however, the idea of equality has historically never been uniformly understood, and has not had an accurate and comprehensive definition shared by all citizens of the country. The term has been extensively politicized and has generated a complicated set of questions, starting with the basic: "What is equality?" Could equality be shared, by the signing of an agreement? Could it be measured? Could someone give equality to another, or demand it from others as a right or an opportunity? Finally, does equality exist in nature? In fact, "equality" is a highly contested concept that has served as a political slogan across the globe, perhaps most famously with the French Revolution with its call for "liberté, égalité, fraternité." But there is no such thing as a universally accepted definition of equality. People often misunderstand it to mean "sameness." In Burmese politics, equality was evoked in the famous phrase attributed to Gen Aung San: "If a Karen has one kyat, a Burman must have one kyat." But, in practice, nothing has ever been or can ever be as simple as that in terms of the way power and resources are distributed. For example, there is no equality in the separation of powers between the three pillars of the legislature, the executive and the judiciary in a government. Instead, power is built on a concept of "checks and balances" among them. Likewise, the division of power between central and regional governments could never be equal, but could rather be arranged in a fair way. According to the 2008 Constitution, Burma has central and regional governments as well as self-administered zones. In the future, when the country can be built according to a democratic federal system, there may be even more autonomous or semi-autonomous regions within various ethnic states, because the country is home to so very many ethnic nationalities. Let's think about economics. It would be very hard to find or create equality in the complex relations between the central and regional economies, or between the public and private sectors within an economy or a region. It's not just us. The idea of equality is fraught everywhere, and has been throughout history. The notion of equality enshrined in the ideology of socialism proved a failure with, among many other examples, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the demise of communism in Eastern Europe in the 1990s. We shouldn't forget that the current Western model of the market economy, which has been adopted widely across the world, has never embraced equality as a norm, but has rather encouraged free competition and worship of the principle of "survival of the fittest." Today the world is moving towards an even wider social gap between the rich and the poor, according to the whims of globalization. Due to global discontent over globalization, some governments have taken belated balancing actions to reduce the social gap in their societies, labeling themselves as promoters of equality. In this sense, equality can be understood as an act of balancing an imbalanced situation through the notion of social justice. But it is not about sharing "one kyat" equally among all. In the area of security, nation states adhere to the principle of "one nation, one army," whether they are democratic, socialist or authoritarian. But Burma has one army surrounded by more than a dozen ethnic armed organizations. Despite proposals for a "federal army," the ethnic armed organizations would never have the chance to discuss equality with the Burmese generals at the 21st Century Panglong Conference. Instead, they would face a Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration/Security Sector Reform process as part of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, which would have them disarm or integrate into the Burmese army with dignity. The control and management of natural resources is often a critical issue in, and sometimes a root cause of, armed conflict in unstable, transitional states; Burma is no exception. Natural resources mostly located in the ethnic regions have formed the backbone of the country's economy for decades. Equality in natural resource sharing will definitely be a heated topic at the 21st Century Panglong Conference, but a nation is not a piece of private property to be divided and shared among interest groups in the name of the "national interest." However, if equal opportunities are desired for all citizens living in this country, the distribution of wealth must be considered practically, based on a number of factors such as population density, geography, relative economic and infrastructural development, climactic variation, and so on—and not be based on ethnicity and religion. Burma is now at the top of the list of nations at risk from natural disasters. Only in this area would we find equality, because natural disasters destroy humanity without discrimination based on political belief, ethnicity, race or religion. To all the ethnic leaders attending the 21st Century Panglong Conference: please do not forget to discuss how responsibility is to be shared in times of national emergency caused by natural disasters. Despite the above-mentioned challenges faced by Burma, the country at least has one latecomer benefit. This is in the area of advanced information technologies such as mobile phones, computers and the Internet, which are quickly intruding into all walks of life. The younger Burman, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Arakanese and Shan generations are now becoming friends with one another in an easy and equal manner on Facebook and other social media. Nobody regards the Myitsone Dam as only a Kachin problem, but as a problem shared by all ethnic nationalities living along the Irrawaddy River. The modernity of the 21st century means that time and space are shrinking, so that a nation cannot live in isolation anymore, like our ancestors did in the 19th or even 20th centuries.  This is true even for ethnic groups inhabiting small regions within a nation. The times demand that all of us escape from isolation, learn how to open our minds, broaden our perceptions and enjoy living peacefully in diversity, so that peace across the nation can lead to economic development through the fair distribution of power and wealth. Otherwise, our attitudes will become our enemy, trapping us in situations where we enjoy less equality than others. The post Searching for Equality in a Diversity of Ethnic Identities appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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