Shan Herald Agency for News |
- Youth leaders ‘dissatisfied’ with Suu Kyi meeting
- To Hopeland and Back, the 24th trip
- Peace or War Lies totally in the Hearts of the Bamar Tatmadaw.
| Youth leaders ‘dissatisfied’ with Suu Kyi meeting Posted: 03 Jan 2017 11:51 PM PST A New Year's Day meeting with Burma's State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi fell flat when several ethnic representatives chose not to attend, while others expressed dissatisfaction at the substance of the talks.  Ma Thin Ja Sun Le Yi, one of 18 youths who attended, said talks had been "rather broad" and that she felt "dissatisfied." "What I understood from the meeting was that in order to achieve peace or unity, we have to build it by ourselves; we cannot rely on others," she said. The New Year's Day conference was convened in Naypyidaw to bring together youth leaders from across Burma to discuss prospects for peace in the country with the State Counselor. Invited representatives from Karenni and Kachin states did not attend the meeting. "We received an invitation but did not go because we wanted to voice a protest," said Ko Kyaw Tin Aung, a youth leader from Karenni State. "Also, we feel that power is held exclusively in the capital [Naypyidaw]." He added: "Kachin youth representatives could not attend because they live quite far away, and fighting is continuing in that area. "There is no peace in this country because of the Burmese military. But they did not plan to discuss that [at the January 1 meeting]. That's why we decided not to attend." Ma Thin Ja Sun Le Yi added: "The Kachin and Karenni representatives chose not to attend the meeting because they had been through this kind of lecture many times before. It is all talk and no action. They simply did not want to listen to it all over again." By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) | ||||||
| To Hopeland and Back, the 24th trip Posted: 03 Jan 2017 10:55 PM PST Day Two. Saturday, 10 December 2016 Call me a coward because I am all for peace Tell me that I am evil because I am all for peace. No matter how I am labeled, I will not shy away from making peace.
Gen Mutu Saypoe, quoted by Aung Naing Oo's Pathway to Peace, published December 2016 The Peace Process Steering Team (PPST), made up of top leaders of the NCA signatory EAOs, can be compared to the government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC). Both are decision-making bodies. Whereas the Coordination Team (CT), now to be known as Peace Process Working Team (PPWT), can be compared to the government's Peace Commission (PC). Each of them implements its decision-making body's policies. Today's meeting is about the reports from PPST, CT, JICM (EAO component) JMC (EAO component) and UPDJC (EAO component). Here are the highlights: · Following the signing of the NCA, 3 principles were laid out by the signatories: 1. Cooperation among signatories 2. Implementation of the NCA to its completion 3. Strong relationship with the non-signatories · The PPST is given preferential treatment by the State Counselor, who has so far never turned down any of its request for a meeting. The only complaint is that the government component in the JICM is not made up of top leaders as in the EAOS component. But the government may have a good reason for it: Many EAO top leaders usually send their deputies to the JICM. · The CT meanwhile is very efficient and usually takes the lead in most meetings, either with the government's PC or its own PPST. One evident complaint is that the PPST is having a hard time trying to keep up with its supersonic subordinate. · As for the JMC, it has already had its ToR for liaison offices approved. What it needs is to have it authorized by the JICM. · The UPDJC, in the meantime, is busy setting up work committees and supervisory committees for the National Level Political Dialogues (NDs) in states and regions. The UPC#3, otherwise the UPC 21 CP#2 as the NRPC prefers, is due to start in February and it has only a little over one month to complete them. One problem in the UPDJC is the war on words: a) One side still maintains the use of "21st Century Panglong" (21 CP) is illegal, as the NCA only recognizes "Union Peace Conference" (UPC). The Lady then proposed before August that it be UPC 21 CP, which the opposition had grudgingly accepted. At least for the time being, as the Framework for Political Dialogues (FPD) could be amended every six months. b) Another is the use of the "7 Step Roadmap" of the 7 point policy put forward by the government on 15 October 2016, the anniversary of the NCA signing which may be dangerously running neck to neck with the NCA's roadmap:
Due to objections, the government agreed to change the wording to "policy" replacing "roadmap." "But it hasn't soothed the generals much," a participant at the meeting which took place after the ceremony marking the NCA anniversary reports. "And when one of the government officials spoke against the CinC's reiteration of his Six Peace Principles, it only served to change the atmosphere from bad to worse." (The Six Peace Principles, first promulgated in Myitkyina in November 2013, are: 1. Genuine desire to make lasting peace 2. Commitment to peace agreements 3. Abstaining from taking unfair advantages from the peace agreements 4. Not to put burden on local population 5. Strict adherence to existing laws 6. Cooperation in democratic reform processes based on the 2008 constitution, our Three Main National Causes, and the essence of Democracy.) The meeting also discusses the following: · Provision of rice and medical supplies has stopped since the new government took office · Need to request for a new UN special envoy to succeed the outgoing Vijay Nambiar · U Aung Min, the government's chief negotiator, was also a President's Office minister, and had direct link to all union ministers. Which made it convenient for the signatories to get access to them through him. This link needs to be re-established. · China, according to a Chinese expert, thinks Burma's peace process will be "a long and winding road." It also is deeply suspicious of Burma's growing normalization with the West. It will therefore be for maintaining the status quo, at least, in the forescable future. · The designation of the Northern Alliance Burma (NAB) as terrorists is deemed to be premature. The signatories should steer the middle course and try to mediate both sides. However, staying in the middle also means it might get crushed by them, if one's not smart enough. · Getting a new constitution doesn't always mean getting a new government. Cambodia has had a new constitution since 1993. But Hun Sen, who's been prime minister since 1885, is still there. · The EAOs should push for the acceptance of the 8 constitutional principles adopted in 2005 and presented at UPC#3. Even one government negotiator has agreed that reaching an agreement on them would make a most significant milestone in the peace process. (The 8 constitutional principles are: 1. Sovereignty of the people 2. Equality 3. Self Determination 4. Federal Union 5. Minority rights 6. Democracy, Human Rights and Gender Equality 7. Secular State 8. Multiparty democratic system) The meeting adjourns at 17:05 | ||||||
| Peace or War Lies totally in the Hearts of the Bamar Tatmadaw. Posted: 03 Jan 2017 07:50 PM PST Peace or War lies entirely in the hearts of the Tatmadaw Generals. Peace must come from within themselves because unless they are at peace with themselves they cannot make peace with others. Individually, they are good Buddhists, but as members of the Institution they follow different principles and allow anger, suspicion, resentment and violence to implement their actions.  The Bamar Military Instititue was founded by a group of Bamar Politicians (Doe Bamar) with very strong feelings against the colonisation of the Bamar Heartland by Britain, as seen by their frequent remarks, "colonization is evil, and that the British colonization of Burma was a shock to their system, damaged their psyche and shattered their pride." The fear of being colonised by Foreign Power has left a scar in the minds of Bamar Nationalists: phobia, suspicion, anger, hate and resentment. These negative feelings have also been directed against other ethnic nationalities because they felt being let down by the latter due to being manipulated by the British to oppose them. Although Bogyoke Aungsan was one of the members of the Institution, by the time he came to Panglong in 1947, he had altered his view and attitude towards other ethnic nationalities. He came with a purpose, to win and influence the Shan, Kachin and Chin to join the Bamar people as equal partners in the formation of the Federal Union of Burma before becoming independent from Britain. But other Bamar Politicians, were again Phobic, suspicious and began to regarded the signatories of the Panglong Agreement as their enemies. Bogyoke Aung San was assassinated by one of his own colleagues, and U Nu and his supporters altered the Panglong Agreement. Ten years later, in the form of the Tatmadaw, the Bamar Military declared war on the Shan and other ethnic nationalities because they suspected that the Shan and Karenni would secede and break up the union according to the secession clause that gives them the right to secede after ten years. The Shan and other Ethnic Leaders did not at any time, not then and not now attempt to secede, other than try and make the Union more democratic: more equal, just and fair. Bogyoke Aung San and the Shan Leaders brought all the ethnic States including the Bamar Heartland together, why should they want to break it up again? It does not make sense. The Bamar Military Dictators used violence, terrorism and human rights violations against other ethnic nationalities to prevent something that is non- existent from happening for the last 5 or six decades, and is still continuing . Is it surprising that there are so many resistant armed forces in Burma? The greater force used, the greater the resistance. With regard to the right of secession by the Shan and Karenni States, a Bamar politician asked Bogyoke Aung San in 1947, " What if they( other Ethnic nationalities) should use their rights to secede?" To this Bogyoke Aungsan replied, "the Bamar people will have to try very hard, so that they will not want to secede and continue to stay in the Union". The Tatmadw did try hard, but by using a wrong method. By using force and threats and holding other ethnic nationalities to ransom with the following: 1. Not to secede 2. Not to disintegrate 3. Agree to co-operate in a joint economic and narcotic programs 4.Formation of political parties and to contest election 5. Accept 2008 Constitution and legally amend it as necessary 6. One National Armed Forces the Bamar Military/ Politicians have driven them further away. Instead,why not exchange Peace with loving kindness, friendship and compassion like true Buddhists. This way the Tatmadaw and the other ethnic nationalities can begin to build a better relationship, followed by mutual understanding, trust and respect. It is up to the Generals of the Tatmadaw whether it is to be Peace or everlasting War in Burma. For the sake of the whole country they should end the ongoing rights abuses, and change the way they interact with civilians particularly in the ethnic borderlands which belongs to the original indigenous people. The Tatmadaw Institution should be reformed and transformed into a professional army, accountable to the elected Government. This way it can prove to itself and the world that it is a genuine protector and defender of the country and its peoples and thus restore its damaged reputation. A Country is stable, secure and great only when all sections of society, Government, Army and civilians work harmoniously together, and each group without mis-using its power. In a modern, supposedly civilized world using absolute power like the ancient kings, killing all opposition is completely out of date, and create disharmony, instability and insecurity which makes weak against outside aggression or pressure. Please give citizens of Burma, especially the ethnic Bamar the chance to enjoy peace, which according to history they never had the privilege to know what 'peace' is like other than during the British regime. |
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