The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Peace Commission Reaches Out to Wa-Led Committee
- Karen Rights Group: Challenges Persist Despite Ceasefire
- A Brighter Future for Burma’s Juvenile Offenders?
- Military Submits Complaint to Press Council Over Satirical Article
- Burmese Fortune Teller ET Appeals to Thai King in Koh Tao Murder Sentencing
- Concerns Surface Over U Wirathu’s Visit to Arakan State
- Burma and The Vatican Establish Diplomatic Ties
- Burmese President’s Resignation Rumors to Prompt Legal Action
- Analysis: Conflict at Home Leads to Criticism Abroad for Burma’s State Counselor
- Why Education Reform is so Important for Myanmar
| Peace Commission Reaches Out to Wa-Led Committee Posted: 04 May 2017 08:53 AM PDT RANGOON — The government's peace commission is approaching the Wa-led political negotiation committee for talks on Burma's peace process. "We are trying to contact the Wa-led political negotiation committee. The earlier we can meet, the better. Currently, we are still holding internal discussions about it," peace commission adviser U Aung Kyi told The Irrawaddy. Burma's largest ethnic armed organization (EAO), the United Wa State Army (UWSA), leads seven armed groups in the committee, none of which have signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). "We are taking all the factors into consideration, including the advantages and disadvantages. We are also considering holding talks without any restrictions," said U Aung Kyi. As the peace commission has been assigned to facilitate the peace process, it would meet all EAOs and not just certain ones, said U Aung Kyi. Formed at the fourth Panghsang Summit held in April, the Wa-led committee comprises seven EAOs based in northern Burma and along the China-Burma border. The committee has representatives from the UWSA, the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-North), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Arakan Army (AA). The groups rejected the path to peace initiated by the former President U Thein Sein's government. Instead, they want to sign ceasefire agreements at the state and Union levels, and enter political dialogue with the government to discuss their stances, policies and demands. The Burma Army has refused to hold peace talks with the MNDAA, the TNLA, and the AA, stating that the three groups had formed after the quasi-civilian government took office in 2011. The military demanded the three groups lay down their arms, but they refused and joined the Wa-led committee. U Aung Kyi said the Burma Army has not given the peace commission specific instructions concerning these three groups. "We take action independently on our own initiative. We have not received any particular instructions like who and who not to meet," said U Aung Kyi. The Wa-led political negotiation committee is waiting for the government's invitation for talks, said TNLA Vice-Chairman Brig-Gen Tar Jok Jar. Seven EAOs at the Panghsang Summit in April agreed on a paper defining policy on political dialogue and the Wa-led committee wanted to discuss the details of the paper with the government. The paper outlines rights of ethnic states, ethnic groups, equality, constitutional amendments, including changing the eligibility criteria for the president and lawmakers, and civilian government's control over the military, and assigning ethnic troops for security in states. The Wa-led committee has stated it wants to hold talks with the government as a whole and not as separate groups. According to the peace commission, the government will meet all the EAOs based in northern Burma and along the China-Burma border, including the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). "Our leaders are discussing the possibility of talks thoroughly," U Aung Soe, a Lower House lawmaker and member of the peace commission, told The Irrawaddy. "If there are talks, both the government and the military will join. But I don't know when the meeting can take place. I hope it will take place before the 21st Century Panglong." The second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference is scheduled to commence on May 24. The KIO and the Burma Army will meet separately soon, according to sources, but the venue and date are yet to be confirmed. Kyaw Kha contributed to this report. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko The post Peace Commission Reaches Out to Wa-Led Committee appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Karen Rights Group: Challenges Persist Despite Ceasefire Posted: 04 May 2017 08:41 AM PDT MAE THA WAW, Thailand — The ceasefire between the Burma Army and the country's oldest ethnic armed group the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) in Karen State has had both positive and negative effects on the lives of local civilians, according to a Karen rights group. The Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), which has been documenting the human rights situation in Karen State for years, told The Irrawaddy that while local ethnic Karen now have greater freedom of movement they suffer from displacement, land disputes, continued militarization, and landmines. "The recent clashes in Mae Tha Waw led to the displacement of more than 5,000 civilians who are still displaced and dare not to return to their own villages due to fear of landmines and possible new clashes," said Naw Htoo Htoo, program director of KHRG. "Antipersonnel landmines, unexploded ordnances and other remnants of war—a great danger which has affected southeast Burma for decades—are still prominent after years of ceasefire," said Naw Htoo Htoo. Villages remain displaced in Myaing Gyi Ngu and Mae Tha Waw villages of Hlaingbwe Township near Hpa-an from September 2016 clashes between a joint force Burma Army and Border Guard Force (BGF) and a breakaway Karen armed group who split from the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA). Naw Htoo Htoo, however, recognized some improvements in KNLA-controlled areas after the bilateral ceasefire and nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) were signed by the KNLA's political wing the Karen National Union and the Burmese government in 2012 and 2015 respectively. "Villagers are able to travel freely in some areas and have resumed their livelihoods in relative stability and freedom," she said. There are fewer reports of killings, theft and looting, enforced disappearances, forced labor, arbitrary arrests and detention, abuse, rape, and torture, according to the rights activist. The recruitment of child soldiers has also reduced. Relative peace, however, led to land confiscations from large–scale development projects, such as the Asian Highway, hydropower dams, palm oil and rubber plantations, and natural resource extraction such as mining and logging, she pointed out. "It is worrying that some communities in Burma are being sued by companies for trespassing on their own land which was confiscated in the past. A lot of land confiscation cases before the ceasefire are still not resolved," said Naw Htoo Htoo. The placement of landmines and reluctance by the Burma Army to remove them as well as the presence of unexploded ordnance and remnants of war on villagers' lands is another continuing post-ceasefire threat. Villagers told the KHRG that the Tatmadaw (Burma Army) had been enlarging nearby bases and amassing rations and ammunition since signing the NCA—making villagers doubtful of the peace process. "They [villagers] felt that even though there is a ceasefire, it is not a genuine ceasefire because villagers still feel afraid to work on their land near the army bases and areas where supplies and ammunition are transported," said Naw Htoo Htoo. After the NCA was signed, the Burma Army troops also gained increased freedom to travel in areas previously contested by the KNLA, according to the KHRG, which also reported that Burma Army troops used local villagers as human shields during operations in 2016. The post Karen Rights Group: Challenges Persist Despite Ceasefire appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| A Brighter Future for Burma’s Juvenile Offenders? Posted: 04 May 2017 06:25 AM PDT RANGOON — As he waits impatiently for his time in custody to end, the first thing 16-year-old Zaw Thein Htike does every morning is count the days. There are almost four hundred of them left. "Aug. 1, 2018—that's my release date," he says, his words tumbling out all in a rush; there is no danger that he will forget the date fourteen months from now when he is due to leave the Hnget Aw San Youth Rehabilitation Center in Rangoon's Kawhmu Township, commonly known as the "children's prison." One impulsive mistake less than a year ago changed the boy's life forever. It was around 2 a.m. when his cousin came calling and asked him to come out. As the pair rambled the streets, the older boy revealed a plan to steal a motorbike. The pair would split the cash. "I was swayed by the idea of the pocket money he promised to share," said Zaw Thein Htike. The boys soon found a bike to take, but the police were quick too. As they approached, the older boy got away while Zaw Thein Htike was caught. A court sentenced him to two years in a center that's officially meant to equip him with the tools he needs to start a new life when he leaves. But that's going to be a challenge.  Children at Risk Burma's 1993 Child Law states that children under the age of 16 at the time of a conviction and those under 18 years old who need protection (including drug addicts, orphans, and those living on the streets) should be sent to one of 10 youth rehabilitation centers run by the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement. Three centers are for girls, four are for youths who need protection, and only the remaining three accept young males convicted of crimes. Hnget Aw San is the largest with around 460 juveniles, while a center in Mandalay has fewer than 300 young people and the smallest in Moulmein (Mawlamyine) has around 100, according to the Kawhmu center's governor U Kyaw Oo, who is also assistant director at the department of social welfare under the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Around 360 youths at Hnget Aw San have been convicted of a crime, while the others are former street children. All the youths are subject to the same stated broad goals. "We educate the boys in morals, and we aim to train them to be ready for when they go back into the community," said U Kyaw Oo. Most of the young offenders were charged with theft, he said. Others were convicted of violent behavior, while just a few were sentenced under murder or drug charges. Snatching or pick-pocketing mobile phones on city streets accounted for the sentences of more than 100 boys, he said. "At age 14 or 15, they want to own a phone. Their parents are poor and can't afford one. So the boys steal.'' Phone theft convictions typically result in sentences of between two months and two years. "They just don't have knowledge," said U Kyaw Oo. "It's clear when you look at the case load. Children who arrive here come from poor families, they've dropped out of school, and they've fallen into bad company."  Life in an Institution Juvenile centers were first opened in 1973 under the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement. Prior to this, youth offenders were sent to prison-like correctional facilities under the Ministry of Home Affairs, where conditions were reportedly very harsh. Conditions were once very tough at the Kawhmu center, too, according to Ko Chit Ko Lwin, the supervisor of a mental health support program run by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Hnget Aw San was "notorious" for pushing children into hard labor and for beatings, he said.  These days, the gates are open at the 36-acre complex. There are no high fences surrounding the dormitories that each house some 80-100 boys. The boys are not permitted to leave, by law, but they are not under lock and key. Until recently, the youths usually had fried rice for breakfast, dhal and fish paste for lunch, and some sort of meat for dinner. In April, the official daily food allowance for each youth increased from 432 kyats to 1000 kyats as a result of a government increase, and the boys now eat meat twice a day.  It's an improvement, but the more ambitious goal of achieving effective rehabilitation and a smooth reintegration into society for the young people is still some distance off. Most of the boys suffer from anxiety about what the future will hold, said Ko Chit Ko Lwin. "They worry about how the outside world will view them after they are released. How will they be treated? Will their families love them as before?" The AAPP started a counseling program for 12 boys aged around 18 years in March, aimed at helping the boys achieve emotional stability and a positive outlook. Burma's youth rehabilitation centers are also meant to provide youth who were previously attending school with the option of continuing their educations. Providing vocational training is the stated main priority for the centers. At the Kawhmu center, vocational training classes in carpentry, masonry, tailoring, electrics, and hair dressing are meant to be on the menu.  But lately only about two vocational training programs out of a hoped-for 10 have been running, as some have stalled due to a lack of resources for equipment, training tools and trainers, U Kyaw Oo admitted. "We are still weak in vocational training. We can't offer it all the time," he said. The current offerings are just not sufficient to meet the boys' needs, Ko Chit Ko Lwin said. "I really want them to learn more solid skills, so they're not forced to reoffend when they leave." Similar concerns were expressed by Ko Zaw Zaw, a socially-conscious librarian who has opened free community libraries in Rangoon, Mandalay and Irrawaddy divisions and who visited the center last year to give the boys a motivational talk. Reoffending is still an issue, he said. The boys are taught moral principles but what they really need are strong training programs that gave them solid skills to pursue a decent occupation. That's been difficult as a result of the decades-long chronic funding shortages. Hnget Aw San has just 31 social workers while 47 are needed to take care of the almost 500 juveniles, U Kyaw Oo said. The social workers have also had to pitch in and try and do some of the vocational training, he added. Despite the challenges, the center gave about 200 children some training last year, according to U Kyaw Oo. Plans are in motion now for better provision through collaborations with the ministries of education and health and sports as well as other government and non-governmental institutions, the governor said. Mobile teams supported by the education and industry ministries and others will teach the boys skills in carpentry, masonry, machine working and other trades this year, he said. The promise was echoed by U Win Myat Aye, minister of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement on a visit to the center last Saturday.  Uncertain Futures The new options can't come too soon for Zaw Thein Htike. He told The Irrawaddy that he had learnt a little bricklaying and motor cycle maintenance over his eight months at the center. But the trainings so far didn't seem to have made much of an impression. "I think I will just become a motorcycle taxi driver after I'm released," he said. "I don't dream of becoming a shop owner or a doctor—all that became impossible after I dropped out of school." But boys at the center can turn their lives around, U Kyaw Oo is keen to say. He tells the story of former center resident Thein Soe, who went on to become a traditional Burmese boxing champion and a member of the "White New Blood" Burmese boxing club. Thein Soe visits the center every now and again to encourage the boys. "We only know about the children who had close relationships with us, unfortunately. It is difficult to contact them after they are released as we don't have follow-up monitoring programs. It would be great if we did," he said. Boys who return to troubled families and tough surroundings are more likely to return to a life of crime, he said. One possibly good thing, he added—only a very few boys have returned to the center after their release.  The issue of juveniles who lose their way is one that concerns everyone, says well-known writer and philanthropist Daw Than Myint Aung who also serves as a member of Yangon City Development Committee. If children grow up in a good environment—in stable families, with good education and health care services and in a society with the rule of law—they won't find themselves in contact with the juvenile justice system, she said. "We need a society which will embrace these kids. If we neglect them, they will fall back into crime."  The post A Brighter Future for Burma's Juvenile Offenders? appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Military Submits Complaint to Press Council Over Satirical Article Posted: 04 May 2017 06:15 AM PDT RANGOON — In the latest dispute between the military and a local daily, the Myanmar Press Council mediates a complaint over a satirical piece questioning the country's ongoing peace process, a member of council leadership said. The piece titled "Kyi Htaung Su Thitsar"—meaning "oath made in a nation of bullets"—was published in the March 26 edition of The Voice Daily newspaper and written by the paper's regular satire columnist who goes by the pen name British Ko Ko Maung. It was the third complaint from the military—following two others filed against separate private media organizations in 2015 and 2016—highlighting its intolerance of criticism, fearing a negative portrayal of the institution. The piece was titled satirically after an army-produced film "Pyi Htaung Su Thitsar" that can be translated as "Union Oath," which aired on state- and military-owned television channels in early March, commemorating the country's 72nd Armed Forces Day. The piece satirized the long-running civil war and that different ethnic groups are united simply to fight one another. It also mocked that people inside the country are so united that they do not need to leave the country to fight wars when they can just make a one-day drive to reach the frontline. Lower-ranking soldiers die in ongoing battles on the frontlines while "Top Leaders" of respective armed groups hold peace talks and exchange smiles, the columnist portrayed. According to Dr. Myo Thant Tin, a press council deputy chair, the council received a complaint from the military's Rangoon regional command just before the Burmese New Year holiday in early April, in which the military expressed its discontent with the article. He refused to disclose specific details of the complaint. However, according to a DVB report last week quoting U Myint Kyaw, a member of the council, the military said the article "could cause divisions between military officials and their subordinates because it implied that lower-ranking soldiers are the ones who actually have to die in battle while officials do not really have to fight." Ko Aung Soe, executive editor of The Voice Daily, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the news outlet's editorial team was informed by the council about the complaint on April 25 and replied to the council two days later. "We explained in our reply that there are different standards and qualifications between news stories and satirical articles," Ko Aung Soe said, adding that the military might have misinterpreted the article. While the satirist mocked the situation with humor and creativity, it was constructive and in no way intended to harm the image of the government or army, Ko Aung Soe emphasized. Satirist Ko Ko Maung told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that his article did not name any specific institution, group or army, but satirized a generic situation regarding all armed groups with humor. "I heard [the military] complained to the press council that my article could cause divisions between military officials and their subordinates but my intention was to urge the end of civil war," he said. According to the press council's complaint committee, it will organize a face-to-face meeting between the two parties by the end of next week. According to media law, the press council has to take action against any complaint received within 15 days and settle between respective parties within 60 days, Dr. Myo Thant Tin said. In June 2016, the army sued the local private newspaper 7 Day Daily for publishing a story about former general Shwe Mann's message to graduates of the Defense Services Academy, which urged his former colleagues to work in conjunction with the country's newly-elected democratic government. The military claimed the article could lead to disunity in the army and encourage treason, and filed a lawsuit under Section 131 of Burma's Penal Code against the newspaper. The lawsuit was later dropped following negotiations, but the newspaper printed an apology to the military in state media as part of the settlement. Prior to the 7 Day Daily incident, the movie "Twilight over Burma" was banned from being screened publicly and removed from a film festival by a censorship board, which alleged that the film could damage the image of the army and harm ethnic unity. The film tells the story of ethnic Shan leader Sao Kya Seng—who was arrested by the Burma Army during Gen Ne Win's coup and later disappeared under mysterious circumstances. In 2015, local private newspaper The Myanmar Times apologized for a cartoon published in its Burmese-language weekly, drawn by artist Htoo Chit featuring a husband and wife discussing the conflict in Laukkai between the military and ethnic Kokang armed forces. The post Military Submits Complaint to Press Council Over Satirical Article appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burmese Fortune Teller ET Appeals to Thai King in Koh Tao Murder Sentencing Posted: 04 May 2017 05:47 AM PDT Well-known mystic and fortune teller Daw Swe Swe Win—popularly known as ET—met the Thai ambassador to Burma yesterday in Rangoon, delivering a petition intended for Thailand's king. The letter requested amnesty in the case of two Burmese migrants sentenced to death for the double-murder of two British backpackers on the Thai island of Koh Tao in 2014. ET handed her statement to H.E. Jukr Boon-Long, who will deliver the petition to the Thai king, HM Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun. Burmese migrant workers Win Zaw Htun and Zaw Lin were sentenced to death for the crime, but their lawyers have appealed to Thailand's Supreme Court, citing discrepancies in the investigation and in the preservation of the chain of evidence. They maintain that the defendants are innocent. In her petition letter, ET said that Win Zaw Htun and Zaw Lin had been "falsely arrested and convicted" in the murder case, which has been ongoing for nearly three years. The two young men were arrested in October 2014, one month after the crime took place. On Dec. 24, 2015, it was announced that they would receive the death sentence. A petition against the sentencing followed in May 2016, but was rejected in the township court. ET's petition letter said that the people of Burma anticipate hearing a positive outcome in the appeal process from the King, and that she had prayed at pagodas in Thailand, making "a solemn wish" for "justice and truth" in the case, so as to advance the reputations of both Thailand and Burma. ET has been consulted as a fortune teller for both Burmese and Thai figures, including former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. "We do appreciate fortune teller ET and her team…it will be very helpful for the case," wrote U Htoo Chit on Facebook, director of the Foundation for Education Development, an organization assisting Burmese migrant workers in Thailand. He also has been providing assistance in the two convicted migrant workers' legal case, and added that he hoped ET's petition would help Win Zaw Htun and Zaw Lin. The post Burmese Fortune Teller ET Appeals to Thai King in Koh Tao Murder Sentencing appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Concerns Surface Over U Wirathu’s Visit to Arakan State Posted: 04 May 2017 05:28 AM PDT RANGOON — U Wirathu, an ultranationalist monk notorious for his inflammatory anti-Muslim rhetoric, is visiting Maungdaw Township in Arakan State, where mostly stateless Muslims that identify as Rohingya have been the targets of deadly riots and an army crackdown. Border police are providing security for the monk, a high-profile member of Buddhist nationalist group Ma Ba Tha, who was banned from delivering sermons for a year starting in March because of his religious hate speech. U Wirathu will stay at Alodaw Pyei monastery in downtown Maungdaw, which is constantly under police watch, according to a local resident. He has asked authorities for permission to visit northern Arakanese villages. Most Arakanese Buddhists strongly deny the claim of the region's Rohingya—roughly 1 million—to belong in Arakan and, like the government, refer to the minority as "Bengalis," a term suggesting they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. The Burma Army began a "clearance operation" in Arakan State after militants attacked border police outposts there on Oct. 9; a Rohingya group calling itself Harakah al-Yaqin claimed responsibility for the attacks. During the operations by security forces that followed, hundreds of Rohingya were reportedly killed and about 75,000 fled to Bangladesh, according to the United Nations. A Maungdaw police officer said that U Wirathu had brought rice to donate to the Arakanese community. Local media reported the amount of rice as 3,000 bags. Ma Ba Tha follower Ko Phoe Thar, who is travelling with U Wirathu's entourage, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the group was waiting for permission from the state government to visit Arakanese villages in the area. Without naming the locations, he added that authorities had designated some areas off-limits because of safety concerns. "We have been facing some inconveniences here. We suggested somewhere to visit and the authorities responded by giving us permission to visit another place instead," he said. He declined to provide details about the length of the trip and about whether the monk had plans to speak out in the area. Local media reported that the trip would last for six days. "The intention of this trip is to make donations to Arakanese villages. I cannot provide further information right now. Sayadaw [U Wirathu] might hold a press conference in Maungdaw this afternoon," he said early in the day. Separately, Ahnu Lamar, the 60-year-old owner of one of two houses that were destroyed in a fire in Sittwe's Muslim quarter on Wednesday night, has been detained for questioning. Deputy police Maj Cho Lwin said Ahnu Lamar was visiting his daughter when the fire broke out in Aung Mingalar quarter—known locally as Ambala. He said that it might have been caused by a faulty solar panel. Hundreds of residents came out to see the fire and one was hit and wounded by a small stone, said Major Cho Lwin, adding that Border Affairs Minister Col. Htein Lin deployed 50 officers to break up the crowd. Local Rohingya resident U Kyaw Hla Aung told The Irrawaddy over the phone on Wednesday that some Arakanese people threw stones at the burning homes as Muslims tackled the blaze. He is concerned that U Wirathu's visit will embolden nationalist groups in Maungdaw, adding that many Arakanese reportedly support the monk because he said the Rohingya should be deported to Bangladesh. "The government is responsible if something bad happens during Wirathu's visit," said U Kyaw Hla Aung. On April 28, four Ma Ba Tha followers were trialed under Article 505(b) of Burma's Penal Code in Rangoon's Kamayut Township courthouse for "intent to cause fear or alarm to the public" whereby someone "may be induced to commit an offense against the State." They are being charged for protesting outside the US Embassy in Rangoon last April against the American mission's use of the word "Rohingya." U Wirathu arrived at the court hearing wearing a surgical mask, which he later removed to reveal tape covering his mouth to protest the gag order on his sermons put forward by the State Sangha Nayaka Committee (Ma Ha Na). The same day, authorities sealed off two madrasas in Thaketa Township near downtown Rangoon as an alleged Buddhist nationalist group marched on the area, claiming the Islamic schools were operating as mosques, without official permission. Two days later, U Wirathu and about 10 other Ma Ba Tha monks, along with their followers, boarded a flight from Rangoon to Thandwe Township in Arakan State, then traveled to the state capital Sittwe before taking a boat to Buthidaung Township and driving to Maungdaw on Wednesday. U Wirathu visited Maungdaw several times following rioting in 2012 between the Buddhist and Muslim communities in Arakan State. During the visits, he blamed the clashes on Muslims, demanded their deportation, and stirred up ultra-nationalist sentiment. The post Concerns Surface Over U Wirathu's Visit to Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma and The Vatican Establish Diplomatic Ties Posted: 04 May 2017 04:59 AM PDT VATICAN CITY — The Vatican and Burma established full diplomatic relations on Thursday, minutes after Pope Francis met with the country's leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The surprise move means that the Vatican will have much more diplomatic influence in Burma. There are about 700,000 Catholics in Burma according to the country's cardinal, Charles Maung Bo, out of a total population of some 51.4 million, the majority of whom are Buddhist. The Vatican had previously been represented in Burma by an apostolic delegate to the local church who was based in Thailand. The move means the Vatican and Burma will each appoint a fully-fledged ambassador. The announcement came shortly after Pope Francis met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of Burma's civilian government and also its foreign minister. The Nobel Peace laureate talked privately with the pope for about half an hour in his study in the Apostolic Palace. In February, Francis issued a stinging criticism of the treatment of the Rohingya, saying they had been tortured and killed simply because they wanted to live their culture and Muslim faith. On Thursday, Francis gave Daw Aung San Suu Kyi a copy of his 2017 message for the Church's World day of Peace, whose title is "Non-violence: a style of politics for peace". His remarks in February came shortly after a UN report that said security forces in the north of the country had carried out mass killings, gang rapes, and had burned villages. On Tuesday, the European Union clashed with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by publicly supporting an international mission to look into alleged human rights abuses against the Rohingya. The EU's top diplomat Federica Mogherini, speaking at a news conference with the State Counselor, said an agreed resolution of the UN Human Rights Council would help clear up uncertainty about allegations of killings, torture and rape against Rohingyas. On the basis of that resolution, the top UN human rights body will send an international fact-finding mission to Burma despite Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's reservations. She said Burma was "disassociating" itself from the resolution. The post Burma and The Vatican Establish Diplomatic Ties appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burmese President’s Resignation Rumors to Prompt Legal Action Posted: 04 May 2017 12:30 AM PDT NAYPYIDAW — The spokesperson for Burma's ruling National League for Democracy party said actions would be taken against those who spread rumors that the country's President U Htin Kyaw would be replaced with a former general who is close to State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. For several days, it circulated on Facebook that President U Htin Kyaw would step down due to poor health. The widely-shared post added that the party's spokesperson U Win Htein had accepted the President's resignation and awaited Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's approval to install former general Thura Shwe Mann. U Win Htin told the media in Naypyidaw on Thursday that he personally called Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe to tell him to find the person responsible for the original post and take legal action. "As far as I'm concerned, it was done by people who are trying to politically destabilize the country while Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is away," he said. The State Counselor has been in Europe since Sunday. She is now in Italy before heading to the UK. President U Htin Kyaw is one of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's confidantes, and he was believed to be handpicked by the Nobel laureate as she is barred from the presidency by the country's 2008 military-drafted Constitution. Thura Shwe Mann was a powerful general who became chairman of the then-ruling Union Solidarity and Development party in 2013. He has since built a relationship with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He was purged from the USDP in 2015 and now serves as chairman of the Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission, formed by the Union Parliament after the NLD came to power in 2016. The post Burmese President’s Resignation Rumors to Prompt Legal Action appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Analysis: Conflict at Home Leads to Criticism Abroad for Burma’s State Counselor Posted: 03 May 2017 09:40 PM PDT During State Counselor and Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's European tour this week, she has highlighted her government's peace efforts, and defended her approach to addressing conflict in Arakan State. The State Counselor was in Belgium on Tuesday, where she met EU leadership before proceeding to Italy on Wednesday. She will then travel to the UK, where she will receive the freedom of the city of London award on Monday, May 8, before concluding her trip. The visit to Europe comes as she faces criticism for being unable to bring all ethnic armed groups together for peace negotiations in Burma. She is also under fire from international rights activists for what they have described as her failure to confront reports of abuses by state security forces in Arakan State, after she publicly announced she would not "take sides" in the conflict. The EU and Burma's Path to Peace While peace talks are ongoing, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has kept to the path laid out in the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) by the former government, and will convene the second round of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference on May 24. She invited all the non-signatory ethnic armed groups to sign the NCA before this summit, a move that many of the organizations critical of the ceasefire see as an obstacle in moving forward. Stakeholders from among Burma's many ethnic nationalities have stated that country's peace process must be all-inclusive, involving armed groups, civil society and women's organizations. Only this approach, they say, can bring genuine peace and democratic federalism to the country. "It is good that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is prioritizing the peace process," said Nant Zoya Phan, campaign manager for the London-based Burma Campaign UK, "but it was a mistake to just carry on with [former president] Thein Sein's process, which is not designed for genuine peace—just to get ceasefires and exploit our natural resources." The EU has been supportive of Burma's peace process since the country's transition from a military dictatorship to a quasi-civilian government six years ago, and has allotted some 103 million euros to support the government's peace initiatives until 2020. The EU's funds are now channeled through the international peace funding body known as the Joint Peace Fund. EU ambassador to Burma Roland Kobia was also present at the signing ceremony of the NCA in October 2015. However, longtime ethnic Karen activist Nant Zoya Phan would like to see a shift in the EU's role in the process. "Europe needs to change the way it has been supporting the peace process, as it is very one-sided, working mainly with the government and following their agenda," she explained. The EU has also supported police reform in Burma by providing crowd management training to the police since 2014. The move has been welcomed by some, seen as a step toward prioritizing the protection of civilians, following a brutal crackdown by the police force on students marching to demand reform of the education law under the previous government in March 2015. "The police force reform should have been done long ago," said U Aung Myo Min, director of rights group Equality Myanmar. Analysts have questioned whether the support for the police force came from an agreement between the State Counselor and Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who controls three ministries—defense, border and home affairs. Burma's police fall under the Ministry of Home Affairs. "We don't know what agreements they have had," said Khuensai Jaiyen, an adviser for the Committee for Shan State Unity. The Tatmadaw's hold on these three key ministries—in accordance with the 2008 Constitution—has arguably delayed the success of any peace building process in the country. Yet the State Counselor continues to proclaim 2017 as a "year of peace." Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the Defensive Although Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit this week aimed to strengthen bilateral relations and collaboration between EU countries and Burma, the trip has placed her on the defensive in response to international allegations that she has not sufficiently confronted rising conflict in Arakan State. The State Counselor knew she could be asked questions about reports of security forces' atrocities against the Muslim Rohingya in the region, as other Burmese activists have experienced on their own trips to the West. After she met with EU leadership, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reaffirmed that her government would not accept the United Nations' March resolution calling for an international fact-finding mission to investigate UN reports of rights abuses against the Rohingya in western Burma. "We are disassociating ourselves from the resolution because we don't think the resolution is in keeping with what is actually happening on the ground," the State Counselor said in response to a reporter's question at the press conference at the EU office on Tuesday. She has said her government would "totally" accept the recommendations of the former UN secretary general Kofi Annan-led advisory commission on Arakan State, which was formed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to explore the current crisis and identify factors that have contributed to violence, displacement and underdevelopment. This commission, she said, reflects "the real needs of the region." "Those recommendations which will divide further the two communities [Buddhist and Muslim] in Rakhine [State] we will not accept, because it would not help us to resolve the problems that are arising all the time," she said. In her response as to whether the government would allow full media access to the conflict area—one of the Kofi Annan commission's 12 recommendations—she stressed how local interviewees were reportedly beheaded by extremist groups after they spoke to journalists in December 2016 and March 2017. After attacks on border police outposts in Maungdaw Township in October 2016, Burmese security forces carried out clearance operations in northern Arakan State, during which, multiple reports of rape, torture, and murder of the Rohingya were published. The Muslim minority are locally referred to as "Bengali," and characterized as migrants from neighboring Bangladesh. In response to an international outcry concerning reports of widespread abuse, the government formed the Arakan State Investigation Committee—headed by military-appointed Vice President U Myint Swe—to look into allegations against the military and border police involved in the clearance operations. However, there has been no independent inquiry led by internal actors or by international experts. "We have allegations and denials on the rights abuses on both sides, recorded by NGO groups. We need those with expertise, who are unbiased, fair and independent to inquire about the situation," said rights advocate U Aung Myo Min. He said that although the UN could carry out their own investigation, it may not result in a "win-win" outcome. "More comprehensive findings could be done with the collaboration of the [Burmese] government," he said. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi emphasized that her government is implementing the recommendations made in the Kofi Annan commission's interim report submitted in March "as quickly as possible" and reporting progress to the group regularly. "You have to be aware of the difficulties that we face, the danger that we face in coping with a situation where two communities have been distrustful of each other for decades and decades," she said at the press conference. The deep-rooted problems in Arakan State cannot be resolved overnight, the State Counselor said at the press conference, adding, "All we ask for is time." The post Analysis: Conflict at Home Leads to Criticism Abroad for Burma's State Counselor appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Why Education Reform is so Important for Myanmar Posted: 03 May 2017 05:30 PM PDT I was born in the small town of Kanyutkwin in Bago Division, Myanmar. I left the country in 2005 to further my education in Singapore. When I came back to Yangon to work as a research officer at Consult-Myanmar, a Myanmar-based research and consultancy firm, I noticed that the streets were more crowded, the traffic was worse, there were more high-rises in the downtown area and Yangon was teeming with foreigners. But I realized that some aspects of the country have never really changed. The persistence of poor quality education is one of them, leaving profound impacts on the development of Myanmar – both as a society and as an economy. Although US sanctions were lifted on Oct. 7, 2016, Myanmar's economy is still struggling to take off. Foreign investment for the year ending on March 31, 2017 is predicted to be 30 percent lower than that of the previous fiscal year. Foreign investment is still largely focused on extractive industries such as oil and gas. A concrete plan for diversification is nowhere to be seen. After almost 50 years of economic mismanagement and under-investment, Myanmar's infrastructure is creaking alone under the load of a growing population and increased foreign investment in factories and real estate – all of which demand even more power and a sound infrastructure. Most of these problems in infrastructure and investment can be traced to one single root – quality of education. All of the private schools, language centers and vocational schools that were contacted by Consult-Myanmar for our research on education responded with the unequivocal answer that the current education system is no longer adequate to support the growth of Myanmar into an industrialized economy and cannot be relied upon to reduce Myanmar's dependence on the export of natural resources which are being depleted every day. The previous government did try to tackle the problem by embarking on education reforms such as allowing private schools to operate. But, more needs to be done and Myanmar cannot afford to drag and delay the implementation of comprehensive reforms in the education sector. Notwithstanding some entrenched problems, Myanmar, as a latecomer, can leapfrog in education just as it did in telecommunications. The fact that mobile phone penetration jumped from a mere 7 percent at the end of 2013 to 90 percent at the end of 2016 and that 4G is widely available in Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw – in such a brief time – is nothing short of breath-taking, even if it was achieved mainly as a result of foreign investment and talent brought in by multinational telecommunications firms like Telenor and Ooredoo. Where education is concerned, Myanmar need not look far for inspiration. Among Myanmar's ASEAN neighbors, Singapore and Vietnam provide encouraging examples. Even though Singapore topped the PISA 2015 (Program for International Student Assessment) in all subjects, Vietnam was the surprise. As a lower-middle income country, its performance was expected to be in the same league as Indonesia, Kosovo, Moldova and Tunisia, as PISA performance is correlated to GDP per capita and how affluent the country is. However, Vietnam surprised everyone by coming ahead of advanced countries like Germany and Switzerland in science and ahead of the US in science and math. Professor Paul Glewwe from the University of Minnesota found that the parents of the Vietnamese students taking part in the exam had a much lower educational background and less wealth than their peers in other countries. "The 10 percent of the most disadvantaged children in Vietnam – and they grow up in very poor households – those children do better than the average American child," OECD Education Director Andreas Schleicher said, as cited by CNN. Vietnam shows that one does not need a developed economy to have a quality education, he said. What many researchers found was that there were certain commonalities in the education systems of Singapore and Vietnam. One of them is curriculum. Their curricula are focused on both academic as well as practical skills. In other words, they are designed for students to gain deep understanding and knowledge of core theoretical concepts as well as the ability to apply them in real life situations. As a result, students love to inquire, learn and apply their knowledge. Myanmar's curriculum, on the other hand, is outdated and disconnected. Take high school math for example. Each chapter is treated as entirely separate from another and questions do not test students' ability to use various concepts from different chapters to solve real-life problems. English is the language of science and technology. It is also the language of the Internet. If you have a good command of English and a good Internet connection, you can educate yourself by using free education websites like Khan Academy, Coursera and so on. Google search and the worldwide web have allowed students to move away from mere memorization to focusing on query, learning, collaboration and application. However, the teaching of English in Myanmar schools leaves much to be desired. To gauge the level of English literacy among Myanmar's working youth, I surveyed job applicants at Consult-Myanmar in February. Ten out of 11 shortlisted applicants had attended at least one English course and were able to produce certificates of completion. They were also asked, before sitting for a simple English test, to rate their English language ability – only 1 chose 'basic'; 6 'fair'; 3 'good'; and 1 'excellent'. The test results are not encouraging in spite of the candidates' modest confidence. None of them was able to get a perfect score, even though the comprehension passage was fairly easy. They all stumbled over open-ended writing, being unable to write more than three to four sentences, not to mention that those sentences were full of grammatical mistakes. I have always been skeptical of the quality of most private English courses in Myanmar that sprang up amid lack of government regulation of private schools and language centers. The test results reinforce my hypothesis that most Myanmar youths' command of English is still basic despite what they say about how good their English is and how many external courses they take. In addition, Vietnam and Singapore have also focused on STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering & Mathematics) in their push for industrialization and modernization and continue to do so. It is no different for Myanmar. Only STEM skills can push the country towards industrialization, modernization and improvements in the standard of living over a period of time. Qualified engineers must build all of the new towns, Special Economic Zones, power stations, bridges and roads that Myanmar desperately needs. Starved of a curriculum that can produce STEM-strong engineers, the country will not be able to build the foundation for economic growth. Myanmar currently does not have this sort of curriculum. For example, my friend, a civil engineer graduate from a Myanmar university, was offered the position of site engineer in Singapore by a Japanese construction firm about three years ago. His joy of landing an overseas job was short-lived as he soon came to realize that the brick building techniques he learned in the Myanmar university cannot be applied to the steel structures that grace modern cities. In my interview with Neelam Bhusal, the co-founder of Impact Skill Development Centre, which offers a variety of high quality English courses, she agreed that Myanmar needed to upgrade its provision of STEM skills. Only then will the country be able to rely upon its own skilled workforce needed in finance, construction, scientific research and many other job sectors as the economy grows, she said. It is also to be noted that qualified and committed educators are to a good curriculum as wheels are to an engine. Well-trained teachers and a great curriculum are never mutually exclusive. In the case of Vietnam's education reforms, the government regularly offers overseas scholarships to promising teachers who later return to assist in imparting knowledge and skills necessary to raise the standard of education in the country. Myanmar should do likewise by asking for teaching scholarships from friendly countries supportive of reforms. The tendency of government scholars to not return home from overseas tenure can be resolved by a bond system which make the parents or guardians the guarantor. It is, after all, for the good of the country and not too stringent a term to ask. Most importantly, returning scholars must commit by going to rural areas and under-performing schools and working hard to close the gap between the 'elite' schools and the 'poor' man's schools. That is the most towering achievement of both Singapore and Vietnam, where neighborhood or rural schools perform just as well as elite schools. One is a democratic country and the other is a socialist country. But, there is one thing that they agree upon: their education systems must serve the rich and the poor alike and provide everyone the same level of quality education, regardless of their class or religion. Lastly, education reforms also entail educating the public – especially the poor – to change attitudes towards education. Phung Xuan Hua, Vietnam's education minister, has said: "Vietnamese parents can sacrifice everything, sell their houses and land just to give their children an education." I don't doubt that many middle and lower-middle class families in Myanmar can do the same. But, the same attitude must seep in to the poor class. But now, some poor families in Myanmar ask their children to work as indentured labor and collect in advance from business owners about six months of the child's salary. As a result, children are seen as an economic unit that must be put to work to support families. Consequently, child labor is rampant. Scenes of kids working days and nights at the tea shops that dot the country are not uncommon. This is a practice that must be stopped and children must be enrolled in school. Otherwise, Myanmar will have a group of uneducated, unskilled workers who are not employable in the offices and factories of the future. Even if all these suggested reforms are implemented, the country will not reap maximal benefits unless it addresses the problem of low morale and work ethics of its citizens. Thailand's Institute for Promotion of Teaching and Science and Technology found that the work ethic of Vietnamese teachers is admirable. They rarely take time off. Whereas in Myanmar, citizens are still upset over the reduction of the New Year holidays from 10 to 5 days even though the total number of public holidays remains at 28 days a year, which is already one of the highest in the world. Under the previous regime, the government provided the people with more holidays along with cheap liquor and cigarettes. Myanmar should now be more circumspect and improve morale slowly by weaning its citizens off those cheap drugs. Myanmar needs to look at how it can improve its citizens' work ethic so that its workforce becomes more productive. It can become a mecca for manufacturers globally, only if endemic problem of low motivation to work hard is addressed. In conclusion, Myanmar is at an inflection point after 50 years of a downward slide; it has the opportunity to turn its education and economy around with a government that is elected by the people. There will not be any shortcut or silver bullet that will make everything better overnight. However, what the educational success of Vietnam and Singapore has shown is that with a well-designed curriculum, qualified and committed teachers, self-sacrificing parents and industrious teachers and students alike, significant improvements can happen in Myanmar's education sector, thereby paving the way for an economic miracle many Myanmar citizens are waiting for. Brandon Aung Moe was born in Myanmar and educated in Singapore. He is an engineering graduate from the National University of Singapore. The above article is part of a research project on education reform in Myanmar that Brandon was involved with during his time at Consult-Myanmar Co Ltd in Yangon. This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar. The post Why Education Reform is so Important for Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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