Tuesday, June 27, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Detained Myanmar Journalists to be Charged Under Colonial Era Law: Officials

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 09:04 AM PDT

YANGON — Three Myanmar reporters detained at an undisclosed location by the army will be charged under a colonial-era statute against "unlawful association" and risk up to three years in jail, government and army officials said on Tuesday.

The military arrested the journalists in Myanmar's northeastern Shan State on Monday after they covered a drug-burning event organized by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), an ethnic armed group designated as an "unlawful association" by the Yangon authorities.

The reporters are from two media outlets, the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and The Irrawaddy.

The arrests alarmed Myanmar's media community, increasing fears that freedom of speech has become increasingly restricted since the government of Nobel Peace Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took power in April last year.

"Everyone should be treated according to the law," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's spokesman U Zaw Htay told Reuters. He added that the military told him it planned to charge the reporters under the Unlawful Association Act. A military source confirmed this.

Citing information from the army, U Zaw Htay said the three reporters and four other men arrested with them were "being treated very well" at a military guesthouse and would be handed over to the police "tomorrow or the day after tomorrow."

Despite pressure from human rights bodies and the West, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government has retained loosely worded security laws dating to British colonial rule, which ended in 1948, and decried by monitors as violating free speech.

The State Counselor has not spoken out against increasingly frequent arrests of reporters and activists.

The Unlawful Association Act has long been used by the authorities to arbitrarily arrest and detain people in Myanmar, in particular people in ethnic and religious minority areas, according to human rights watchdog Amnesty International, which has called on the government to release the journalists.

Western governments have also expressed their concern over the incident. "Journalists need to be able to do their work, as a free press is essential to Myanmar's success," the US embassy in Yangon said on its official Facebook page.

The editors from the publications where the reporters work told Reuters they had tried obtaining explanations from the military and the government, but to no avail.

"We are all concerned about the situation, because we have lost connection with the detainees," Than Win Htut, a DVB editor, told Reuters. "Their families have the right to know what happened to them."

The post Detained Myanmar Journalists to be Charged Under Colonial Era Law: Officials appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Media Organizations Call for ‘Immediate Release’ of Detained Journalists

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 07:50 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar media organizations sent an open letter to the country's leaders on Tuesday calling for the immediate release of three journalists detained by the military while reporting in northern Shan State.

The statement, addressed to the President, State Counselor and the Myanmar Army commander-in-chief, was signed by 25 news outlets, organizations and journalist networks currently attending the fifth annual ethnic media conference in Karenni (Kayah) State's Loikaw, The letter described the arrests—which took place on Monday—as "restricting and censoring the press."

"Before charges are brought against [the detained journalists], we media organizations and journalists urge the government to stress the [resolution of this] issue," U Myint Kyaw, a member of Myanmar Press Council, told The Irrawaddy.

"It is not good for anyone if the media is 'hands off' when it comes to reports relating to ethnic armed groups and in terms of access to information," he said.

The military arrested seven people, including three reporters—The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, as well as U Aye Naing and U Pyae Bone Naing from DVB—on the road between Namhsan and Lashio townships in northern Shan State. The authorities said they were apprehended on suspicion of connection with the ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which operates in the area.

The reporters had traveled to a TNLA-controlled area to report on a drug eradication event marking the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. Their whereabouts were still unknown on Tuesday afternoon, as were the identities of the four other detainees.

The open letter highlighted that while the government aims to bring all ethnic armed groups on board its peace process, the arrest of journalists for contacting what was termed a "terrorist group" is not a positive sign for national reconciliation.

Citizens need to receive information from ethnic regions during this time, and the journalists are just trying to fill that requirement, the letter added.

"It is very concerning that the media organizations still can't reach the whereabouts of their detained journalists and under which exact conditions they were arrested. The journalists were out there just to gather information, not rebelling against the country," the letter stated.

The Myanmar Press Council also sent the letter to army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing on Tuesday, requesting help in securing the release of the detained reporters.

U Myint Kyaw from the council added that they would try to meet with military representatives soon to discuss the case.

Several other human rights groups, media agencies and associations expressed their concern for the detained journalists and have called for their release.

In a statement published on Tuesday, the TNLA also condemned the military's arrest of the reporters who had covered their drug eradication event.

The US Embassy in Myanmar also said in a statement on Tuesday that they were "concerned" about the incident. "Journalists needs to be able to do their work, as a free press is essential to Myanmar's success," the embassy said.

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Wa Declare Poppy-Free Zone

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 07:43 AM PDT

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) claimed opium poppy fields have now been completely eradicated from the southern area of the Wa Self-Administered Division bordering Thailand, as it incinerated seized drugs to mark the UN's international day against drug abuse on Monday.

"I invite government officials, lawmakers, foreigners, and other people to observe our southern Wa State—I guarantee there is no poppy plant in the southern part [of UWSA territories] controlled by military region 171," said UWSA commander Yang Guozhong at a village in Pone Pa Kyin Township, home to the ethnic armed group's southern headquarters.

According to the commander, a total of 2.7 million methamphetamine tablets, four kilograms of heroin, and 14 kilograms of raw opium were seized by the UWSA anti-narcotics squad between January 2014 and June 2017. Thirty drug dealers and 60 drug users were arrested over the same time period by the narcotics squad.

The Wa anti-narcotics squad, headed by Yang Guozhong, was formed on June 26, 2011.

Yang Guozhong said UWSA Chairman Bao Youxiang had sworn to the international community he would eradicate drug production, dealing and abuse in Wa-controlled areas.

UWSA began controlling opium poppy growing in 1996 and adopted policies to combat the production of drugs in 2005.

In 2000, UWSA relocated residents living in the southern part of Wa Self-Administered Division to the northern part, and also relocated those from northern part to southern part to grow substitute crops, said the commander.

Areas around Pone Pa Kyin village were being used to grow rubber, maize, oranges, and rice, when The Irrawaddy visited.

From 2011 to 2017, the UWSA drug squad made four door-to-door inspections in military region 171. Drug users, if arrested for the first time, were brought to undergo military training while repeat offenders were handed prison sentences.

U Hsan Win Aung, a lawmaker of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the Shan State parliament, said that besides the government, ethnic armed groups were also responsible for drug eradication.

UWSA previously incinerated drugs behind closed doors in the southern Wa Self-Administered Division in 2004 and 2015, amid allegations that the drugs were fake.

On Monday, journalists were invited to inspect the seized drugs.

Myanmar is the second biggest poppy grower, and over 80 percent of poppy is grown in Shan State, according to the UN.

Authorities from Thailand, which shares a border with the southern Wa Self-Administered Division, have accused UWSA of supplying drugs to dealers in Thailand.

Ta Ma Ha, the vice-chairman of another Wa ethinic armed group the Wa National Organization, the political wing of the Wa National Army, was arrested in Chiang Mai, Thailand with 10 kilograms of pure methamphetamine, 7.5 kilograms of raw opium and 26,400 methamphetamine pills in June last year.

WNO denied its involvement in the drug trade.

The southern part of Wa Self-Administered Division, often referred to as military region 171, houses five brigades of more than 2,000 troops each: 772, 775, 778, 518 and 248.

The incineration ceremony was attended by the Mongton Township Lower House lawmaker, NLD party members and officials from the Forest Department.

UWSA signed a ceasefire with the military regime in 1989, but opted out of signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the former U Thein Sein government in 2015. In April, together with other northeastern ethnic armed groups, it denounced the NCA and proposed an alternative path to peace.

Under the 2008 Constitution, the UWSA-controlled area also known as Shan State (North) Special Region 2, consists of six townships— ​Hopang, Metman, Mongma, Narphan, Panghsang, and Panwai—which are divided into two districts.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Military Files Second Lawsuit Against Myanmar Publication: Lawyers

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 07:37 AM PDT

YANGON — The Myanmar military submitted another lawsuit at the Bahan Township court against The Voice Daily's chief editor and columnist over the same satirical article that led to charges under the country's controversial online defamation law, according to the lawyers of the accused.

Lt-Col Lin Tun originally filed a suit at the Bahan Township police station on May 17. The police detained the columnist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing, also known by his pen name British Ko Ko Maung, and the paper's chief editor U Kyaw Min Swe in early June, bringing them to court under Article 66(d) of the 2013 Telecommunications Law.

Examining statements made by the chief editor to the police, the court later decided that columnist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing could not be indicted under the Article 66(d) as his article was to be primarily printed in The Voice's daily newspaper, rather than distributed online. He was absolved from the charge on June 16.

U Khin Maung Myint, legal adviser to chief editor U Kyaw Myint Swe, said that the police summoned the pair and their lawyers on June 23 for further investigation into the case under an additional complaint.

Defense lawyer U Myo Thein told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the new complaint addressed the same concerns raised under the Article 66(d) charges.

"It seems like the plaintiff complained twice about the same issue, and such an action is not in line with legal provisions," he said.

U Khin Maung Myint, however, emphasized that the complaint appeared to have ben submitted to the Bahan Township court at the same time as Lt-Col Lin Tun filed the charges filed against the pair at the police station, but the police had only just started taking action regarding the additional complaint.

"According to existing laws, any individual or any institution has a legal right to file complaints [to the prosecuting body] if one feels aggrieved," U Khin Maung Myint said, stressing, "In this particular case, the plaintiff has exploited [his] legal rights."

The article in question, titled 'Kyi Htaung Su Thitsar'—meaning 'Oath Made in a Nation of Bullets'—was written by Ko Ko Maung and published on March 26.

The title was a play on the army-produced film 'Pyi Htaung Su Thitsar'—translated as 'Union Oath'—that commemorated the country's 72nd Armed Forces Day and aired on state- and military-owned channels in early March.

Lower-ranking soldiers die in ongoing battles while the leaders of armed groups hold peace talks and exchange smiles, the satirist wrote.

The lawsuit came amid mediation held by the Myanmar Press Council between the paper and the military. The Tatmadaw complained to the council about the article just before the Thingyan holidays in April.

According to U Khin Maung Myint, the army insisted that The Voice publish an apology note stating that the article's content was factually wrong. However, the paper only published a note on May 14, expressing its "regret" for the army's concerns, and said the article was humorous, constructive and did not intend to harm the image of the military or any other ethnic armed groups.

Lawyer U Myo Thein has requested three times that the court grant bail for U Kyaw Min Swe, but the attempts have been denied by the judge. The next court hearing is scheduled for June 30.

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From the Archives: Surviving the Night

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 05:58 AM PDT

Today marks the second day that The Irrawaddy’s senior reporter, Lawi Weng, is in detention in northern Shan State after he was arrested by the Myanmar Army on June 26 along with fellow journalists U Aye Nai and U Pyae Bone Naing of the Democratic Voice of Burma while reporting in the region. 

We are re-posting one of Lawi Weng’s past articles to highlight his dedication and professionalism in reporting on conflict and to remind readers that he continues to be held, in an as yet-unknown location.   

'Surviving the Night' was originally written on November 23, 2016. In this piece, Lawi describes long, cold hours in Shan State’s Kutkai Township listening to artillery shells fall in the distance as clashes occurred between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups. 

The sounds of guns and artillery fire made for a sleepless night on Monday in Nang Pha Lon village, located on the road from Lashio to Muse, in northern Shan State's Kutkai Township.

It was 7 p.m. when the shooting started.

Our car, with eight people inside, was parked at a shop belonging to an ethnic Kachin woman. Hearing the guns nearby, she gathered her things in a small bag hung on her shoulder, preparing to run.

"Where would you hide?" I said, asking if she in fact had a bunker—she did not.

With nowhere to go, I returned to the car, where a friend of mine, Ma Noe, was waiting. We agreed to stay there, and leave the night to fate.

"It's a matter of luck," Ma Noe said. "If we have bad luck, artillery will fall on our car. But let's anticipate that we will have good luck."

There was nothing to say as the time passed. We just listened to the gunshots and artillery explosions in the distance—from whom they were being fired, we did not know. On Sunday, four ethnic armed groups—the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Arakan Army—announced that together they had formed a Northern Alliance and began a joint offensive against the Burma Army along the Chinese border in northern Shan State. To date, more than 5,000 people have been displaced, and state media report that at least 10 people—both police and civilians—have been killed.

Dogs barked throughout Nang Pha Lon, and that, combined with the cold, made it impossible to sleep. We kept from using any light, worried that it would attract attention from the armed men nearby.

As we saw the early morning sun dawn on Tuesday, I felt thankful that we had been lucky as Ma Noe had predicted, and that we could proceed our journey.

Just outside Nang Pha Lon village, we soon discovered that over 100 vehicles, including large 12-wheel trucks, had been blocked from continuing onward by a group of KIA soldiers. Like us, they had spent the night in their cars, fearing the shells they could hear being fired from the surrounding mountains.

The previous afternoon—Monday—we had encountered KIA troops by the roadside who had demanded that each vehicle pay a fee in order to pass. Drivers of big trucks were required to pay 500,000 kyats (US$382); our smaller car got through for 50,000 kyats ($38).

At the checkpoint, our phones had been confiscated as well.

"It's for security, and we will give it back soon," said the KIA member who took my phone from me and from the other passengers in the car. We never got them back.

Some truck drivers refused to pay the fee in order to pass, claiming they did not have the money to do so, and the keys to their vehicles were seized. One KIA soldier held a handful of keys up for the line of waiting cars to see, pronouncing that we were paying a "yearly tax."

"After you pay this, you don't have to pay again for the whole year," he said.

At one point, he shot his gun upward toward the sky, threatening to "destroy" any trucks for which the "tax" could not be paid. The congestion of seized vehicles meant that only small cars were able to pass.

Fifteen minutes past Nang Pha Lon, we encountered Burma Army soldiers intent on removing the KIA road block. We later heard that a truck driver was shot in the head when fighting broke out between the KIA and the Burma Army in the same area where we had been delayed.

The Kachin shopkeeper in Nang Pha Lon had said that the village's precarious location meant that she had to exist between two armed forces—the KIA and the Burma Army. She explained that government troops had left the area near her house only two days before, and that KIA members had immediately taken their place.

"We are the people," she said, "who are in the middle."

But she decided that she would not run from the conflict anymore. Her market is her life, she said.

This article was originally published on November 23, 2016.

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Lawmaker Presses Union Govt to Share Pipeline Profits with Shan State Govt

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 04:37 AM PDT

Naypyitaw — A Shan State lawmaker in the Lower House has asked the Union government to share the profits from the Shwe natural gas pipeline for development in Shan State.

During the Lower House session on Monday, Nan Kham Aye representing Shan State's Namtu Township asked a question about the annual earnings from gas sold to China, and when a share of the profits would be given to the Shan State government.

In 2012, under U Thein Sein's administration, the Shan State Parliament approved a lawmaker's proposal to seek 5 percent of the profits from the gas pipeline.

The China-backed oil and natural gas pipeline starts near Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu and runs through Magwe and Mandalay divisions and Shan State before entering China at the border city of Ruili in Yunnan Province.

The pipeline is supplied from the Shwe gas field in the Andaman Sea and is being developed by the Daewoo International Corp, state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) Videsh, Gas Authority of India, Korean Gas Corporation, and China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).

"The Union government should create opportunities for equitable resource sharing among regions and states," the lawmaker told Parliament.

Deputy Minister of Electricity and Energy Dr. Tun Lwin said since the start of production in 2013 to the end of the 2016-17 fiscal year, MOGE has earned a dividend of US$121 million, but it has given all of the funds to the Union government as per the 2008 military-drafted Constitution.

MOGE, the deputy minister said, had to obtain a loan of €86.16 million from China Development Bank to implement the project, and the debt has increased to €103.64 million with interest.

"As we're still repaying the loan, we have not made a profit," said the deputy minister.

Lawmaker Nan Kham Aye then asked the deputy minister to provide a timeframe for when Shan State could expect to see its 5 percent of the profits.

"Regions that have sacrificed their environmental and social well-being for the national interest should receive the rewards they deserve," said the lawmaker.

The deputy minister said his ministry gave all earnings to the Union government and it was the responsibility of the planning and finance ministry to collect and manage taxes and distribution.

"The planning and finance ministry distributes State funds to the Union as well as divisional and state governments. Profits from this project are shared among the entire country," said the deputy minister.

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Media, Rights Groups Urge Authorities to Release Arrested Journalists

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 01:20 AM PDT

Human rights groups and local media have urged authorities to release three journalists detained by Myanmar's military while working in northern Shan State on Monday, as the reporters' editors say their whereabouts remain unknown.

Myanmar's military arrested seven people, including the three journalists, traveling in two vehicles near Phayagyi Village on the road between Namhsan and Lashio townships in northern Shan State on Monday, according to a statement from the office of the commander-in-chief of the Tatmadaw.

Editors from The Irrawaddy and Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) said the whereabouts of the three journalists—The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, and U Aye Naing and U Pyae Bone Naing from DVB— were still unknown on Tuesday afternoon.

"We've lost contact with [the reporters]," U Than Win Htut, an editor of DVB, said in a statement released on Tuesday, adding that there had been conflicting reports of the three being detained in both Namhsan and Lashio township police stations.

The reporters traveled to a Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)-controlled area to report on a drug-burning event to mark International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking and were arrested on suspicion of connection with the TNLA and handed over to police, according to the Tatmadaw's Monday statement.

"Their families and colleagues are worried; we contacted phone numbers provided by the police and military, but we cannot get a clear answer," U Than Win Htut said. "We are in the dark."

Chief editor of The Irrawaddy Ko Aung Zaw called for Lawi Weng and the DVB journalists to be released, saying "we are ready to cooperate, under the proper conditions, with authorities for their release."

"Lawi Weng was just doing his job, gathering news. He has not committed any crime," he added.

Amnesty International described journalists' critically important work as "under threat" by the Myanmar government's draconian laws and said the recent arrests sent a "chilling message," in a statement released on Monday.

"These journalists must be immediately and unconditionally released, and allowed to resume their work freely and without fear," said James Gomez, Amnesty International's Director for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, according to the statement.

Phil Robertson, Deputy Asia Director of Human Rights Watch said it was time for Myanmar to repeal Myanmar's 1908 Unlawful Associations Act, believed to have been used to charge the journalists, in a tweet posted Tuesday. "Stop using colonial laws to arrest & punish journalists & activists," he tweeted.

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Media Urges Govt to Scrap Article 66(d)

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 01:14 AM PDT

LOIKAW, Karenni State — Members of the media concerned about the growing use of Article (66)d of the Telecommunications Law urged the government to reconsider the legislation.

Editors, journalists and the information minister talked about the controversial law, which has been criticized for suppressing freedom of expression, and the problems that social media presents to the mainstream press, at the Ethnic Media Conference in Loikaw on Monday.

Editor of the Karen Information Center, Nan Paw Gay, said Article 66(d) is "an obstacle to freedom of expression and a threat to all people in the media."

"Article 66(d) should be thoroughly reviewed and if it needs to be revoked, the government should not hesitate to do so, and then draft new legislation that does not affect the media's ethics," she said.

Editor and founder of Mawgun magazine, U Zayyar Hlaing, would "not disagree" with the parliamentarians and people in government who have argued that Article (66)d should be kept in order to control social media users who act without ethics or responsibility.

"But it is an injustice that a person is detained for what he or she said even though they are not committing any physical crimes," he said.

Some 20 media members have been charged under Article 66(d) including The Voice Daily news editor U Kyaw Min Swe, said U Zayyar Hlaing, quoting figures from the Ministry of Transport and Communications.

Ko Thiha, a media trainer at Yangon Journalism School, said media practitioners—especially registered print media outlets—are already ethical and responsible.

Part of the problem, he added, lies with media bodies such as the Press Council, whose responsibility is to intervene in disputes among the media or between the media and its audience.

"However good we are at journalistic ethics, we cannot do anything if an organization like the Press Council is weak and incompetent," said Ko Thiha.

Ko Myo Myint Zaw, a central member of the Thandwe-based Rakhine Journalist Association, argued that Article 66(d) should be scrapped.

"As an online media group, we worry about posting our news reporting because we could be arrested at anytime and charged for what the authorities deem as wrong reporting," he said.

The media practitioners told The Irrawaddy that authorities pledged to use Article 66(d) for serious cases of unethical, irresponsible and defamatory posts, but it has been used more widely. The mainstream media is being charged under the law and denied bail, they added.

In his opening speech, information minister U Pe Myint told the conference that technology has blurred the line between the mainstream media and social media, which, he said, underlined the importance of media practitioners being ethical.

"Media practitioners, including social media users, need to balance their freedom of expression and defamation against others," said U Pe Myint.

The minister acknowledged that wider use of Article 66(d) to target "irresponsible" Facebook posts has impacted the mainstream media.

He told The Irrawaddy that legal experts and parliamentarians would review the law.

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Local Organizations Address Ongoing Practice of Torture and Needs of Survivors

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 11:52 PM PDT

YANGON— Daw Ze Nyoi, 43, still remembers every detail of her husband's arrest and torture. It happened five years ago but she tearfully recounted it as though it was yesterday.

"It hurt me badly," she cried at a public event to mark the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture in Yangon on Monday.

Her husband, Lahtoi Brang Shawng, then a 26-year-old Kachin man, was arrested by Military Affairs Security on June 17, 2012, while they were living at the Jan Mai Kawng camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) on the outskirts of Myitkyina, Kachin State. He was initially accused of involvement in a bomb explosion and later charged as a KIA captain under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act.

Daw Ze Nyoi said during the interrogation, her husband was burned on his face, abdomen, and eyes. He was stabbed several times in both thighs and suffered wounds to his head and legs. She said it was difficult to recognize his face after what was done to him.

She attended 64 trials over the course of a year from the IDP camp while her husband was detained. He was forced to make a false confession and sentenced to two years with hard labor on July 18 but released after a week when he was granted amnesty.

Daw Ze Nyoi addresses the audience at a panel discussion, while three other survivors share their experiences. (Chanson/ The Irrawaddy)

"I can't sleep and eat when others do. I became a fishmonger and also sold vegetables when it was hard to get fish. My life was so hard," she said.

She said her husband is no longer in good health and cannot work, but they have to spend about 40,000 kyats every week for his medicines.

"I would like to request support for the families of victims of torture," she told the audience at the event, where lawmakers, former political prisoners, survivors of torture and their families gathered.

The event was held by Vimutti Women's Organization (VWO), the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), Women's League of Burma (WLB), Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) and the Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma.

The five organizations called for an end to torture, the rehabilitation of survivors and the ratification of the United Nations Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) in a joint statement released on Monday.

Celebrations to mark the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture were also held in Irrawaddy Division's Bogale and Monywa in Sagaing Division.

"Torture is not a practice of the past. It continues to be used in Myanmar," Aung Myo Kyaw from the AAPP said, adding that this event was held to address the ongoing problem and the needs of survivors.

He said despite torture being carried out by state and non-state actors, action is rarely taken against the perpetrators.

Other survivors of torture, including former political prisoners, shared their experiences at the event and called for justice for the victims, for stopping the practice of torture and for the release of all remaining political prisoners.

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In Troubled Rakhine State, Focus Turns to Mountains  

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 09:55 PM PDT

YANGON — The Mayu mountains in northwestern Rakhine State have become the focus of fresh reports of armed activity in the troubled region, as government and intelligence sources claim the hills are sheltering militants.

Security forces conducting clearance operations in the mountainous area on the borders of Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships on June 20-21, found a suspected militant camp which was being used to try to recruit and train people in nearby Muslim Rohingya villages, according to the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar last week.

The security forces killed three suspected militants hiding in a man-made tunnel during the operation, according to the report, which claimed the killings were in "self-defense." Homemade weapons, two packs of gunpowder, two coils of wire, and dozens of walkie-talkies were found in the operation, according to the June 22 article.

The government also claimed last week that interrogations of suspects had indicated that another tunnel, 110-foot in length, was dug by militants in a western part of the mountain range during April and May.

An Asian intelligence source who asked for anonymity has claimed armed training sessions have been carried out in the mountains of the region over a considerable period, and that militants were "regrouping" in the area.

Militant recruitment of local leaders began in 2013, according to the source, followed by the training of villagers a year later in both Bangladesh and northern Rakhine State.

"Training was in small batches to avoid attention, a village at a time, so members would not know the identities of other trainees, primarily in the hills of the Mayu range along the border of Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships, as well as possibly in the compounds of some large houses in villages," the source said.

"Hundreds" of militants, including some of foreign origin, were active along the Rakhine-Bangladesh border, according to the source, who claimed there had been "significant funding and donations" from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and other gulf countries for Bangladesh and Myanmar-based Muslim militant groups.

The existence or extent of foreign elements in the region is still largely a subject of speculation, with reports remaining difficult to confirm.

On May 4, Myanmar police said two Pakistani nationals—along with two locals—died in an explosion as they tried to assemble an improvised explosive in Buthidaung. It is not known how the men's nationality was identified and there was no further information.

The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), previously named the Faith Movement, or Harakah al-Yaqin (HaY), which claimed responsibility for the October 9 2016 attack on three border posts that killed nine police officers, has denied links with any international terrorist group.

However an International Crisis Group (ICG) report on the conflict released in December last year stated that a number of persons of Rohingya heritage in the Middle East were allegedly involved in the event.

The report also stated that HaY was led by a committee of Rohingya émigrés in Saudi Arabia, and seemed to be receiving funds from the Rohingya diaspora and major private donors in Saudi Arabia and the Middle East.

Myanmar expert Bertil Lintner wrote in The Irrawaddy in December that one of the key leaders of the 9 October attack was said to be a Pakistani national named Abdus Oadoos Burmi. He was reportedly born in Pakistan to parents from Rakhine State and had been linked to organizations affiliated with al Qaida, Lintner wrote.

Prior to the attack, Oadoos Burmi appeared in videos on social media showing armed men speaking in the local dialect spoken by Rohingya Muslims. The attack triggered a brutal army crackdown and some 74,000 Rohingya—most of whom were stateless and had already been stripped of their rights—have fled Rakhine to Bangladesh since the security operations began, according to UN estimates.

The post In Troubled Rakhine State, Focus Turns to Mountains   appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week (June 27)

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 07:45 PM PDT

Light of the Nation | June 30

Burmese Python Aung La N Sang fights Bigdash, the defending middleweight world champion to whom he lost months ago.

June 30, 7 pm. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets available here.

 

Myanmar Women's Day | June 29

Showcases of traditional Myanmar dress throughout different periods, as well as comedy and musical performances take place to celebrate Myanmar Women's Day.

June 29 and 30. 7 pm. National Theater. Tickets can be purchased at entry.

 

Kanbawza Bank Cup | June 28, 30, July 2

Myanmar U-22 men's soccer team will play against Cambodia, Hong Kong and Japan University teams respectively on June 28, 30 and July 2.

June 28 and 30, July 2, 6 pm. Thuwunna Stadium. Advance tickets for 1,000 to 3,000 kyats are available at Hledan Center, Bogyoke Aung San Stadium, and Padonma pitch between 10 am and 5 pm until June 27.

 

Book Sale | July 1-7

Yar Pyae Publishing House offers a 20 percent discount on all books published by it as well as by Pu Pwint Wai Wai Publishing House.

July 1-7, Yar Pyae book stores on Pansodan Road (upper block), and in Hledan.

 

Apartment Sale | June 30 to July 2

Hundreds of apartments and condos priced between 25 and 100 million kyats are showcased.

June 30-July 2. Tatmadaw Hall on U Wisara Road.

 

Wednesday Night Music: Acoustic Session | Every Wednesday

50th Street has live acoustic music on Wednesdays, with songs ranging from contemporary pop hits to beloved classics.

Every Wednesday, 8:30 pm to 10:30 pm. 50th Street Cafe Restaurant and Bar, No. 9/13 50th St, Botahtaung Tsp.

 

Open Mic Unplugged | Every Wednesday

An open mic aimed at supporting young talent in practicing their craft.

Every Wednesday, 4 pm to 8 pm. Hledan Center. Free admission.

 

Pouring Rain @ The West | June 30

Dozens of musicians and DJs perform.

June 30, 7 pm to 11:30 pm. The West Steakhouse, Building D, G12, Kaba Aye Pagoda Road, Pearl Condo. Tickets are 5,000 kyats, available at 09-962599848.

 

Trance.Portation: Techno to Trance Party on a Boat | July 1

Onboard activities include games, fire dancing, and an exploration and ecstatic dance workshop.

July 1. Leaves from the Warden Jetty at 12 pm and arrives back late at night. Tickets are 15,000 kyats and are available at 09-796140175.

Platform of the Peace | July 1-7

This art exhibition will feature the works of Korean and Myanmar artists.

July 1-7. New Treasure Art Gallery, No. 84/A, Thanlwin Street, Golden Hill Avenue, Bahan Tsp.

The post Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week (June 27) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Will the United Nationalities Federal Council Dissolve?

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 07:16 PM PDT

The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) was established in February 2011 to fulfill various peacemaking objectives such as building ethnic unity, establishing a genuine multi-party system, and introducing a peaceful federal union. Six years since its formation, the UNFC has failed to obtain its objectives, or achieve any tangible results, and instead faces fragmentation among its members.

Initially, many people—particularly ethnic minorities—put their hopes in the UNFC, believing that the organization could collectively deal with the government and military to end Myanmar's perennial civil wars. But the hope of many has faded, particularly after the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)—one of the chairs and co-founders of the UNFC—withdrew its membership earlier this year.

The question of whether the UNFC will dissolve in the same manner as the National Democratic Front (NDF) formed in 1976 and the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) formed in 2001 is frequently asked, especially by skeptics. The answer depends on whether the UNFC can resolve existing problems in the near future. If not, it may well be consigned to history.

Membership Problems

The UNFC was formed from the remnants of the Committee for the Emergence of a Federal Union (CEFU) in November 2010 with 12 member organizations. The expectations of UNFC members were high. In 2014, however, the Karen National Union (KNU) suddenly withdrew its membership. An internal power struggle was largely assumed to be behind the move. One year later, in October 2015, two other members—the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PLNO) and the Chin National Front (CNF)—were suspended from the council after signing the government's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), which other members had rejected because it was not all-inclusive of armed groups. The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) resigned from the bloc in 2016, followed by the KIO and the Wa National Organization (WNO) in 2017.

For the time being at least, the UNFC remains the linchpin of collective political bargaining. But if more members withdraw, the architecture of commitment and negotiation will be gone.

Coordination Problems

All members of the UNFC share the same political goal of building lasting peace in the country but have different interests in and opinions on the peace process, respectively. History provides insight into this complex scenario. Since some members signed the NCA, the UNFC has seen ever-more division among its members.

Adherence to a single political process requires a lot of coordination and cooperation by all members. The difficulty lies in the fact that different potential solutions to Myanmar's peace process vary in their costs and benefits to UNFC members—which include both smaller, weaker groups and larger, more powerful groups. Particularly, smaller groups are less able to resist attacks from Myanmar's military and thus have to consider security as a greater concern. That is the reason some of its members signed the NCA in 2015 and others recently showed inclinations to signing. These actions in turn frustrated other members, particularly the KIO, which has remained resolute in not signing the accord due to its lack of inclusivity.

The UNFC needs coordination on crucial points such as the NCA to survive.

Financial Problems

Another major problem facing the UNFC is its onerous financial burdens. Each member contributes a certain portion of the UNFC's finances. Some smaller ethnic armed organizations, however, will not be able to contribute their share in the long run. The costs of the UNFC are high—operational costs, administrative costs, living costs for staff, travel costs and meeting costs. There may be a "free rider" problem in the UNFC in which some small armed organizations wish to benefit from the UNFC's leadership in the peace process and the security umbrella it provides, but do not want to, or cannot afford to, contribute membership fees.

According to a prominent member of the UNFC, Japan's Nippon Foundation has provided some financial and technical assistance after signing a memorandum of understanding with the UNFC for a relief plan in September 2012. The foundation has been working closely with the UNFC in the peace process. The UNFC has, in the past, requested the Nippon Foundation act as a foreign mediator during negotiations with the government. The question is, however, how long the foundation will continue to provide financial assistance to the UNFC when the council fails to reach tangible results in the country's peace process.

Ineffective Institution

Weak structural mechanisms also hold the UNFC back as an effective institution. For example, the council lacks any voting mechanism or a policy to discourage members from leaving. It is understandable that members should be free to exit, but without any mechanism to penalize members who leave the bloc, each exit is costly to the organization. When high-profile members like the KNU and KIO unexpectedly leave, the UNFC seems a loose organization, much like if corporations were free to enter and exit the market casually.

With an absence of any effective voting mechanism, the UNFC is unable to aggregate opinions on policy decisions.  The chairperson oversees most of the UNFC decision making, rather than a unanimity or majority voting system, inevitably leading to friction over policy decisions. The withdrawal of the KNU in 2014 showed how easily groups could become dissatisfied.

The Federal Union Army (FUA), the military wing of the UNFC, was established to protect areas with ethnic minorities but it does not function well. Initially, an agreed policy was to provide military support whenever a member group came under attack. Today, however, it is practically defunct. For example, the FUA has failed to assist the KIO facing an onslaught of Tatmadaw attacks in the last few months. All members were supposed to stand shoulder-to-shoulder to counter government attacks, but, in reality, the UNFC only issues a statement that expresses its deep concern against government offensives on member groups.

Facing Dilemmas

After the withdrawal of some members, the UNFC confronts a dilemma. Firstly, the UNFC faces a challenge of a new membership. The UNFC received applications from five armed groups—namely the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), the Chin National Front (CNF), Kachin National Organization (KNO), Kuki National Organization (KNO), and Zomi Revolutionary Organization (ZRO)—to join its ranks, but it's quandary is whether to accept new members as the government has said if new groups join, it will cease negotiations with the bloc.

The second dilemma facing the UNFC is that of the NCA. Myanmar's government and military have been encouraging groups to sign the ceasefire accord and earlier this year, some smaller groups did show an inclination to sign the NCA. This may have been behind the KIO pulling away from the UNFC and instead allying with a new United Wa State Army (UWSA)-led bloc of groups in the northeast of Myanmar. It is a tough choice for the UNFC to decide whether to continue down the NCA road or instead oppose the ceasefire accord and inject a new trajectory into the country's peace process.

The Future of the UNFC

Unsurprisingly, the UNFC is looking to new leadership and new structure to achieve its goal of national peace and federal union. The leadership will go to either the New Mon State Party (NMSP) or Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP). Under a new leader, the question of to what extent the UNFC can achieve its political goals and deal with the government and military will have to be asked. If the Tatmadaw continues to pressure ethnic armed groups to sign the NCA by force, the sustainability of the UNFC depends on how strongly the group can remain united in its political goal and rejection of the NCA. The bloc must also find a way to cooperate with the UWSA-led northern alliance, which includes former UNFC members.

If the UNFC cannot resolve its existing problems and establish a concrete strategy to achieving peace, it will dissolve. Nobody wants that.

Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based analyst.

The post Will the United Nationalities Federal Council Dissolve? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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