Monday, July 17, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Karen State Govt Secretary Detained for Alleged Corruption

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 08:36 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Secretary of the Karen State government U Pyone Cho was detained by the Myanmar Anti-Corruption Commission on Sunday, Karen State's Mon ethnic affairs minister U Min Tin Win told The Irrawaddy.

"He has been in this position for only three months. While we are praising him as an active officer, he is detained. We don't know details. He is not here now, but was taken [by the anti-corruption commission]," U Min Tin Win said.

U Pyone Cho served at within the home affairs ministry for a number of years, and then as the secretary of Chin State before being appointed as the secretary of Karen State.

According to government spokesperson U Zaw Htay, U Pyone Cho was allegedly involved in corruption concerning the sale of a land plot in Yangon worth an estimated 100 million kyats while he was serving as the deputy permanent secretary of the home affairs ministry under Gen Ko Ko in 2015.

U Pyone Cho allegedly accepted two vehicles in the incident, he said.

The case was reported to the Ministry of Home Affairs, which transferred the case to the Anti-Corruption Commission, as the ministry's officials were involved in the case. The commission then launched an investigation, detaining U Pyone Cho, a police lieutenant colonel, a deputy director and a staff officer of the ministry, as well as two others who were granted general power by the landowner in question.

"We are focusing our efforts on fighting corruption, but some cases are found to be just scandals when we launch an investigation. We need strong evidence and those who are suspected [of taking bribes] also will have to defend themselves in line with the law," said U Zaw Htay, who is also the director-general of the President's Office.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

The post Karen State Govt Secretary Detained for Alleged Corruption appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Public Needs ‘Stronger Awareness’ of Federalism

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 07:33 AM PDT

YANGON – The public needs a strong understanding of federal principles in Myanmar's changing political landscape, said practitioners at a dialogue on federalism held in Yangon on Saturday.

Joined by around 100 participants, speakers at "Federalism Dialogues on the Current Peace Process and the Building of a Federal Democratic Union" urged greater public participation. The participants, mostly university students from varying backgrounds, asked about ethnic armed organizations' role in peace process, as well as equality, self-determination and other principles related to democracy and federalism.

Having more in-depth knowledge about federal principles would particularly help young people who are keen to know more about the peace process, said Nang Ying Lao, the deputy director of Salween Institute for Public Policy (SIPP).

Aimed at providing awareness on public policies, SIPP has been providing training programs, research and development and technical assistance to ethnic armed organizations.

Nang Ying Lao said this knowledge is necessary so that the public "would be able to follow what kind of meticulous debates are ongoing [in the current peace process]."

The general public "does not easily understand why leaders argue about terms or basic principles," Nang Ying Lao explained. "When we understand these principles, it helps us to understand and follow our country's political and peace processes."

Sai Kyaw Nyunt, joint secretary of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and a secretariat member of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), said that when it comes to federal affairs, ethnic minorities are often more familiar with the concepts than those in central Myanmar.

"If we look at the public consultations in the ethnic states, federalism knowledge is higher than among those in the divisions and regions," Sai Kyaw Nyunt said, referring to areas that have a Burman majority.

He urged the public to at least be made aware of what federalism is on a basic level.

Mana Tun, the program coordinator of and lecturer in the Master of Arts and Peace Studies program at the Myanmar Institute of Theology, said many students are not familiar with the issues as federal knowledge is not included in school lessons. "If you ask what is federalism, many people do not know—even the topics of self-determination and autonomy."

Naw Naw Htoo, a student enrolled in the master's program, said that Saturday's dialogue was a good way to learn more about the current circumstances of Myanmar's peace process, as the speakers are also stakeholders in it. "Besides federalism, peace awareness talks are also what we need to be doing," she said.

Nang Ying Lao emphasized that all members of civil society play a key role in spreading knowledge. "At different stages, either at the peace talks or the local talks, everyone must participate."

"Instead of following the guidance from the national level all the time, the stakeholders—including ethnic armed group members, politicians, women, youth, farmers and so forth—can take part in peace discussions and federalism dialogue," she said.

She said the most important thing is that when they do such dialogues; the respective authorities should not impose any ban or interfere.

"We still hear about interference on the topics of discussions in communities—this should not happen anymore. If we can organize the dialogues freely, then we can do it widely," she said.

The post Public Needs 'Stronger Awareness' of Federalism appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Karen State Ma Ba Tha Chapter Refuses to Remove Signboards

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 07:26 AM PDT

MOULMEIN, Karen State — The Karen State chapter of the Buddhist ultranationalist association Ma Ba Tha will not take down its signboard from the Thayettaw Monastery in Karen State capital Hpa-An, chapter spokesperson Ashin Gambi Sara told The Irrawaddy.

The State Buddhist Sangha authority—also known by its Myanmar acronym Ma Ha Na—banned Ma Ba Tha from operating under its current name on May 23 and ordered it to take down its signboards by July 15.

In an announcement published on Friday and Saturday in state-run media, the government said the group's members from Mandalay and Hpa-An have failed to follow the orders despite Ma Ba Tha leading monks agreeing to the restrictions.

The announcement said the government would take legal action against Ma Ba Tha if it does not remove its signboards.

"We are not revolting against the order given by the Ma Ha Na Sayadaws. So far, no one has come and asked us to take down the signboard, so we haven't," Ashin Gambi Sara told The Irrawaddy.

On Sunday, Ma Ha Na senior monks, Ma Ba Tha monks, and monks from Myaing Gyi Ngu—the Buddhist religious land in Karen State's Hpa-An under the administration of influential and renowned Myaing Gyi Ngu Sayadaw (who is also chairman of the Karen State Ma Ba Tha chapter)—held a meeting in Hpa-An, after which they replaced the old Ma Ba Tha signboard in Thayettaw Monastery with a new one.

Karen State religious affairs minister U Min Tin Win said the state government had no plan to forcibly remove the Ma Ba Tha signboard.

"We have no plan to take down the signboard by exercising executive power. We will hold talks with senior Ma Ha Na and Ma Ba Tha monks to handle this. Sayadaws have great goodwill for the welfare of Karen State. We don't want to act hastily or affect the stability of the state," said U Min Tin Win.

On Friday after the government released the announcement, around 10 armed members of the Karen State Border Guard Force provided security at Thayettaw Monastery. They also provided security after the Karen State Ma Ba Tha chapter issued its statement refusing to take down the signboards on July 8, said Ashin Gambi Sara.

The statement said: "Actions shall be taken in line with existing laws and local regulations against anyone who attempts to forcibly take down Ma Ba Tha signboards. The consequence is yours."

U Min Tin Win refused to comments on this.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Karen State Ma Ba Tha Chapter Refuses to Remove Signboards appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Probes Members After Mon State Protest

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 05:48 AM PDT

MOULMEIN, Mon State — National League for Democracy (NLD)'s Central Executive Committee (CEC) has ordered an investigation into the executives of its Chaungzon Township branch in Mon State for allegedly instigating a protest over the selection of candidates for the township's 2017 by-election.

The CEC sent a letter dated July 10 to the NLD Mon State chapter instructing it to form a commission and probe the Chaungzon branch, said the chapter's chairman Dr. Khin Hsaung.

The three-member commission headed by Khin Hsaung launched the 30-day investigation on Sunday and suspended all 21 executives of Chaungzon from their duties, in accordance with CEC instructions.

The commission will submit its findings to the CEC, which will make a decision, added Khin Hsaung.

Daw Kyi Kyi Mya, a lawmaker representing Chaungzon in the state parliament and an executive of Chaungzon Township NLD, is facing investigation. She found it "unacceptable" that members staged a protest against their own party.

"I heard some people say 'how could we rely on them if they are even staging protests against each other.' I think this is the reason we lost in the by-election [in Chaungzon]. I want harsh actions taken against them," said Daw Kyi Kyi Mya.

Chaungzon NLD nominated U Saw Lin Aung, U Aye Win and U Kyaw Pe as the first, second and third priorities for the 2017 April 1 by-election.

The nomination list was submitted to the district, state and the central level CECs, and the CEC at the central level chose U Aye Win, who was the second priority, to contest the by-election.

Township NLD members were unhappy with the decision, and about 50 protestors marched to Mon State NLD chapter headquarters on October 30 last year.

Demonstrators held placards reading: "We want a local ethnic Mon candidate" and "Respect local people."

"We can't reject the nominees, but we can change their priorities," said Khin Hsaung. "(Chaungzon) Township's CEC held meetings to stage the demonstration.

He said the Mon State chapter and the NLD's CEC have audio of the meetings, adding "so [the CEC] instructed us to investigate."

U Saw Lin Aung, who was chosen by Chaungzon locals as the top nominee, contested the 2015 general elections for a state parliament seat, but lost to the candidate from the All Mon Region Democracy Party, said Daw Kyi Kyi Mya.

"Maybe the CEC at the central level chose the second candidate because of this [loss]," she said.

Prior to the by-election, thousands of Chaungzon locals had staged a protest against the NLD-led government for naming of a bridge linking the town and Moulmein after Gen Aung San. They preferred the name Chaungzon Bridge or Yamanya which means Mon State in the Mon language.

In the April 1 by-election in Chaungzon Township, NLD candidate U Aye Win got 12,636 votes, losing to his Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) opponent U Aung Kyi Thein by a margin of more than 7,000 votes.

The post NLD Probes Members After Mon State Protest appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Army Clashes With SSA-S in Shan State

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 04:55 AM PDT

YANGON — The Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), the armed wing of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), a signatory group of the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), clashed with the Myanmar Army on Friday in Shan State's Hopong Township.

Light Infantry Battalion No. 249 and SSA-S troops based in the area battled near the village of Hai Khai on Friday afternoon, said Lt-Col Sai Ngai, a spokesperson of the RCSS/SSA-S. Both sides suffered injuries but no fatalities, he added, citing ground reports.

"According to the bilateral agreement, and the NCA, government troops have to inform us in advance if they are to come into our territory. But as they came in without prior notice, there was an engagement," Lt-Col Sai Ngai told The Irrawaddy.

The government and ethnic armed groups have agreed that each party must inform the other prior to crossing the other's controlled areas, according to the NCA.

The RCSS has also reported the case to the Shan State Ceasefire Monitoring Joint Committee, he said.

Civilian representative Khun Soe Htun Aung said he was unaware of the details of the clashes, but added that previous engagements happened mostly because there is no clear line of demarcation between the sides.

"If there is no line of demarcation, it is difficult for us to intervene," he told The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy was unable to reach the Myanmar Army for comment. The army did not release a statement about the clash.

The RCSS/SSA-S, one of eight signatories of the NCA, has had frequent clashes with Myanmar Army troops since signing the ceasefire with the U Thein Sein government on October 15, 2015.

There were skirmishes between the two forces in March and April. So far, ceasefire joint monitoring committees at national and state levels have not been able to address the problem.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Myanmar Army Clashes With SSA-S in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon’s Martyrs’ Monument Revamped to Highlight Aung San

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 04:47 AM PDT

YANGON — Those who have previously visited the Martyrs' Monument, sited just north of Yangon's Shwedagon Pagoda, should be prepared for a surprise on July 19, Martyrs' Day—the anniversary of the assassination of independence hero Aung San and eight of his comrades in 1947.

The big white pointed star will be found missing from the upper left corner of the large red structure, which marks where Aung San and his eight comrades are interred. The exact spot where the star hung for the last three decades will have been hollowed out.

Those wondering where the star has gone need walk only a few meters beyond the mausoleum to find it half sunk into the ground.

"The fallen star symbolizes Gen Aung San and his colleagues. The hollow in the structure represents that they are gone and we have lost them," said Sun Oo, one of the leading architects who designed the structure nearly thirty years ago.

Why these new design ideas after all these years?

The 61-year-old architect said they are not new but were part of the original design proposed by his team.

Renovations underway at the Martyrs' Monument in Rangoon, where independence hero Aung and his eight murdered colleagues are interred. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

"The construction team at the time ignored some points in our design under various pretexts," Sun Oo recalled. More importantly, he was ordered by the government of the time, led by the military-socialist dictator Ne Win, not to highlight Aung San or his comrades in his design.

"We were not allowed to reflect the identities of those interred there," he said.

As a result, Sun Oo has never felt pride over his work.  "The mausoleum lacks the spirit it should have conveyed," he said.

For these reasons, he had never visited the site until last month, when he was invited by the National League for Democracy-led government to oversee the revamp in the design of the mausoleum, in preparation for this year's Martyrs Day, on July 19, when the government will stage its annual commemoration ceremony at the mausoleum.

Aside from the repositioning of the star, red granite slabs to be used as name plaques for those interred have recently arrived from China. The flagstaff is being repositioned from the top-middle to the right of the mausoleum, in accordance with the original design. Another architect from the original design team is working on billboards that will bear photos and bios of the independence heroes.

"They will be planted alongside the lane leading to the mausoleum. Some of Gen Aung San's famous quotes will be printed on them," said the architect Maw Lin, before explaining that the billboards were only temporary.

Renovations underway at the Martyrs' Monument in Rangoon, where independence hero Aung and his eight murdered colleagues are interred. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

"In our original design, we included space for such things. This year, we are running out of time. That's why we can only arrange temporary displays," he added.

Sun Oo said the renovated mausoleum matches 95 percent of the original design. It still lacks features such as a museum about the leaders, which will "happen later."

This is the first renovation of the mausoleum since its completion in 1985. After the 1988 military coup, the junta declared the site off-limits to the public, for fear of public gatherings contributing to unrest. The reformist military-backed administration of President Thein Sein, inaugurated in 2011, allowed public participation in the annual ceremony at the mausoleum.

President Htin Kyaw, consistent with his predecessor Thein Sein, will not be attending this year's ceremony at the mausoleum. State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be attending, as she has done in previous years.

The post Yangon's Martyrs' Monument Revamped to Highlight Aung San appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Court Accepts Unlawful Associations Lawsuit Against ABSDF Member

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 04:23 AM PDT

YANGON — The Momauk Township court in Kachin State accepted a lawsuit against U Min Htay, a central committee member of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act on Monday.

U Min Htay was arrested on Dec. 28, 2016, when he was accused of helping the Kachin Independence Army and then detained in Momauk prison. The court heard 10 witnesses from the plaintiff's side over six months. The last statement was given on July 10 by police lieutenant superintendent and head of the Momauk police station U Khin Maung Htwe.

U Min Htay will give a statement to the court at his upcoming hearing on July 27, according to his wife Daw Nang Yin.

"The court has accepted the case. The judge asked him if he was guilty and he replied that he was not," she told The Irrawaddy.

She said her husband had already told the court that he was innocent and had not assisted the KIA, as well as that he is a member of the ABSDF, which is a signatory to the government's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA).

U Min Htay, speaking to The Irrawaddy just after his court hearing, said the evidence in his case is insufficient but that it went ahead regardless, as he was arrested deliberately.

He urged his colleagues to consider their approach regarding his release and rule of law in the country.

"I should never have been charged in the first place. This is arbitrary detention. Despite the fact that the ABSDF is a signatory to the NCA, a central committee member is being charged with unlawful association. I want to call on my friends and colleagues to reconsider the NCA," he said.

U Min Htay's wife says he is in generally good health, other than having arthritis and severe headaches at times, but she worries about his mental health throughout this ordeal.

The post Court Accepts Unlawful Associations Lawsuit Against ABSDF Member appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kokang ‘Warlady’ Olive Yang Dies at 91  

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 03:39 AM PDT

YANGON — Olive Yang, also known as Yang Jinxiu, the de facto ruler of Kokang in the 1950s, died at the age of 91 in Shan State's Muse Township on July 13.

Yang, a woman who once had her own army of nearly 1,000 men, was an influential figure in the opium trade of the Golden Triangle region and received the backing of Chinese nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) forces.

She was known for her marksmanship, a skill colored by her proclivity to carry two Belgian army pistols on each hip, according to journalist Bertil Lintner.

In his book Merchants of Madness, he describes her as a "warlady" who was the first to send opium trucks to the Thai border rather than mules. She also had a taste for wearing men's clothes, according to reports.

Celebrated among the Kokang people, she was commonly referred to in Chinese as the "second daughter of the Yang family."

Between 1940-50, she set up a free school in Kokang where she invited KMT generals to teach the pupils. Drug lords Peng Jia Sheng and Lo Hsing-han were among her students, according to Kokang media.

She married the son of a chieftain in 1948 and divorced him in 1950. The pair had a son together. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup, the military removed her and her brother Sao Edward Yang Kyein Tsai, the chief of Kokang, from power.

In the 1960s, she built a big residence in downtown Yangon, keeping a low–profile over the decades she lived there. But in 1989, she played a role in negotiating the ceasefire agreements between Burma (Myanmar)'s military government and the Communist Party of Burma.

At the age of 77 in 2002, she became chronically ill and returned to Kokang the following year.

Kokang media described her as a revolutionary figure in the region who contributed greatly to the local economy and education. The public was also entertained by her personal life, as, according to Bertil Lintner and other writers, she had affairs with popular musicians and famous actresses of the time, including Wa Wa Win Shwe.

The post Kokang 'Warlady' Olive Yang Dies at 91   appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Chief Minister Apologizes to Military Chief

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 12:51 AM PDT

YANGON — Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein apologized to the Myanmar Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing for comments that the military called confrontational.

The chief minister said there were no civil-military relations in the democratic era and that the military's commander-in-chief was the same as the level of director-general according to the [state] protocol, at a workshop held in collaboration with USAID, CSOs and the media in Yangon on July 9.

Responding to the comments, the military released two statements: the first on July 11, which called for the government to "take necessary actions" against the chief minister, and the second on July 13, which said the chief minister was not suitable for "constructive, long-term relations" with the army and his confrontational comments about the military chief were an "insult."

The military reported on Sunday evening that the military chief received a letter of apology from the chief minister regarding his comments sent via express mail. The letter was postdated July 13, the same day the military released their second statement strongly condemning the chief minister.

Government spokesperson U Zaw Htay told The Irrawaddy on July 13 that the chief minister's comments had caused a misunderstanding between the government and the military and the President's Office had instructed the chief minister to do what he needed to do.

The ruling National League for Democracy party also warned the chief minister for his controversial remarks last week.

The post Yangon Chief Minister Apologizes to Military Chief appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ultranationalist Monk Says NLD Govt ‘Better Step Down’

Posted: 17 Jul 2017 12:05 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Ultranationalist monk U Wirathu released a video on Saturday, calling for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) government to step down.

The 11-minute video, which U Wirathu issued on Facebook, came after the July 15 deadline set by the State Buddhist Sangha authority (Ma Ha Na) for the Association for Protection of Race and Religion (Ma Ba Tha) to remove their signboards.

Ma Ha Na said last year that Ma Ba Tha was not a "lawful monks' association" as "it was not formed in accordance with the country's monastic rules." Founded in 2014—two years after Burma experienced religiously motivated riots largely targeting the Muslim minority—and now with sub-chapters across the country, Ma Ba Tha has become virtually synonymous with Buddhist nationalism.

The State Buddhist Sangha authority banned Ma Ba Tha from operating under its current name on May 23 and ordered that all signboards be removed. Clerics from Ma Ba Tha signed the notice but some sub-chapters have failed to comply.

"The NLD government better step down. Don't touch Ma Ba Tha. Ma Ba Tha is not the opposition. Ma Ba Tha is protecting the nationality, which the government cannot do," said U Wirathu, in the video clip.

"Ma Ba Tha is the association protecting the religion and Sasana. The government is not an expert in that sector. Don't blame on Ma Ba Tha and make it a culprit," he said. "If you [the government] think you are brave enough, be transparent and handover the power to those who can well handle the country."

The video message followed a statement from the Ministry of Information that said the government would take legal action against persons defying state orders, whether Buddhist monk or layman.

The statement said that the government had warned Ma Ba Tha chapters in Mandalay Division and Karen State, which have refused to remove their signboards despite being instructed to do so by the State Buddhist Sangha authority since May.

In his video message, the nationalist monk said he had been patient when Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein said Ma Ba Tha was not needed in the country and when the government banned him from delivering sermons for one year.

However, he said the intention to eliminate Ma Ba Tha could not be forgiven and he was forced to react.

"Ma Ba Tha is the fortress of Theravada Buddhism. I will not let this fortress be destroyed. If signboards of Ma Ba Tha fall, our religion and Sasana will disappear," said he. "I will protect it with my life."

U Wirathu also accused the NLD government of mismanaging the economy, stating that it has declined since ex-President Thein Sein's rule.

He also said that the country's Noble laureate was only just beginning to understand peace.

Peace is not easy as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi thinks it is. Since she is starting to realize the difficulties, she should admit this to the people, said U Wirathu.

The nationalist monk said the country was better off under Thein Sein, when commodity prices were low and there were plenty of goods in the market.

"In the past, we were poor; however, it was nothing compared to under NLD rule. If the government continues like this, more people will suffer," he said in the video, which was reacted to or shared on Facebook by nearly 8,000 netizens as of Monday.

The government must not put the blame on Ma Ba Tha to cover up their weakness, he said.

Meanwhile, at Kin Wun Mingyi Monastery in Mandalay's Maha Aung Myay Township, dozens of nationalists are guarding the signboards at the local Ma Ba Tha office, in fear of a police crackdown.

However, as of Monday, no signs of a police crackdown or the forcible removal of signage were seen. Nationalists asked journalists not to take photos or videos.

The post Ultranationalist Monk Says NLD Govt 'Better Step Down' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar’s Myths of Ethnic Unity

Posted: 16 Jul 2017 08:12 PM PDT

The myths of ethnic unity are alive and well in contemporary Myanmar. While we might expect misleading historical claims from previous military-led governments or even the current National League for Democracy (NLD) government, incorrect and problematic statements about the country's ethnic past even come from those attempting to paint a more complex, even sympathetic picture.

A recent op-ed from Myanmar political analyst Sithu Aung Myint is a good example of this. Considering the dispute over including a "non-secession" clause as part of the agreements to come from the 21st Century Panglong meetings, Sithu Aung Myint writes in support of the position adopted by most of the non-Bamar ethnic representatives, that the clause is unnecessary and insulting, given their stated commitments to being a part of Myanmar.

However, in making this argument, he also perpetuates one of the most problematic and ahistorical perspectives on the independence period, which is that the Bamar and the other ethnic groups fought together against the British for independence.

This simply is not true. While the Bamar-dominated Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) included members from non-Bamar ethnic groups as well as allied groups among the other ethnicities, responses to the end of British colonial rule were much more varied among the wider non-Bamar ethnic communities.

First, it wasn't actually the case that anyone "fought…against the British for independence." Independence was a struggle for Burma but didn't involve actual fighting against the British after WWII. And even during that political struggle, opinions were often divided along ethnic lines.

Shan saophas (hereditary leaders) were castigated as oppressive feudalists by Bamar nationalists but those supporting the saopha system saw more benefits to the British system of allowing local forms of rule to exist than to the political centralisation proposed by the AFPFL.

This included not just those who materially benefited from the system, but also those who believed in its broader cosmological legitimacy. Accounts of the 1947 Panglong Conference also make clear that most non-Bamar ethnic representatives were convinced more by the instrumental arguments in favour of joining with the Bamar, rather than an emergent "nationalist" spirit or even anti-British sentiment.

The Karen were perhaps the most sceptical of the Bamar-led independence movement, in part owing to the strong ties between some Karen leaders and British colonial soldiers and administrators, fostered by Christian missionary zeal among the converted Karen.

Karen desires for a separate (independent) state at the time were encouraged by sympathetic writings and public statements by prominent British figures. While views among the Karen overall varied widely, some of the most influential Karen leaders of the late 1940s advocated for a hypothetical "Karen Country" to remain under British dominion, as part of the Commonwealth.

Many of them justifiably feared a Bamar-dominated independent Burma, given past violence perpetrated against Karen communities by Bamar-led militias.

Also left unaddressed in this claim of ethnic unity in the independence struggle is the fact that, because the group of Bamar leaders that would become the core of the AFPFL initially allied themselves with the Japanese in World War II, that conflict in Myanmar played out largely as battles between the Japanese and the Bamar on one side, and the British and most other ethnic groups on the other.

Fierce combat during the war meant that Aung San's defectors, once they finally grew disillusioned with Japanese rule, were met with scepticism and suspicion when they declared their willingness to join with the British Allied Forces. Even after the Japanese had been ousted, inter-ethnic conflict persisted across parts of Burma, putting the lie to any overarching claims of ethnic unity, either before or after the historic conference at Panglong.

Why is this minor misstatement important in an article that is ultimately advocating for something on the side of the ethnic armed groups?

I would argue that this myth of unity against the British is a damaging and intentional misremembering of the complex dynamics of a key foundational moment in Myanmar's past that continues to have delegitimizing effects on non-Bamar ethnic communities and their political aspirations in the present.

There are many reasons to be critical of British colonial policies, whether they were intentionally designed to divide and weaken Burmese groups or simply misguided and based on ignorance of the multifaceted nature of identity in Burma at the time.

However, persistently positing the British as the enemy in the independence struggle has the effect of painting any groups that supported or were friendly with the British as insufficiently committed to the Burmese national project, of suspect patriotism and motivated by self-centred interests, rather than collective good.

Inaccurate claims of pre-independence ethnic unity also undercut contemporary grievances of ethnic armed groups and representatives of non-Bamar ethnic groups. As I argued in my 2008 article on "The Myths of Panglong," the predominant version of the NLD's narrative of Panglong is that it has been prolonged military rule that has denied the promise of equality that was generated from the 1947 conference.

This narrative relies on accepting the myth that the entire Burmese nation was united at the time of independence, but that military aggression through the 1950s and military rule from 1962 undermined this dream. The logical extension of this argument is that, with civilian (NLD-led) rule at least partly established, the country can now return to its independence-era condition of ethnic unity.

Any continuation of an ethnic-oriented struggle would then be seen as illegitimate and narrowly focused on the interests of one's own group, rather than the country as a whole.

I had this point brought home to me several years ago when I was invited to speak to a multi-ethnic gathering of young people in Yangon, about my work on Panglong and their own perspectives on the event and its mythos.

The most consequential part of the discussion wasn't about my own work, but was rather a heartfelt statement to the group from a young Bamar scholar who was assisting me with some research. He spoke openly about how, until he had begun reading independently, what he had been taught from textbooks, teachers and family was that contemporary ethnic struggles were based on selfish material concerns, not on legitimate political grievances.

His apology, and recognition of the validity of these struggles, was a powerful moment, but one that suggests that many Bamar people likely still hold at least partially biased and misinformed views on Myanmar's ethnic history, even if they hold some sympathy toward the groups that have borne the brunt of military abuses over the past five decades.

The national reconciliation process in Myanmar should not be looking back to some constructed historical moment of fictional ethnic unity but rather recognising Panglong as aspirational. At best, Bamar political leaders in 1947 made promises that were never fully kept, not even in the 1947 Constitution.

But the original Panglong conference was even less inclusive than today's elite-dominated discussions and the provisional nature of the agreement made there is an essential part of the narrative that underlies every continuing struggle for ethnic equality in Myanmar today.

I am sure that many from non-Bamar ethnic groups appreciated Sithu Aung Myint's support for their position on a "non-secession" clause. However, their broader cause would be better supported by a more concerted effort from Bamar elites to accurately represent Myanmar's complicated ethnic past and in doing so, lay the groundwork for a national dialogue based on honesty, inclusion and recognition.

Matthew J Walton is the Aung San Suu Kyi Senior Research Fellow in Modern Burmese Studies at St Antony's College, University of Oxford. His research focuses on religion and politics in Southeast Asia, particularly Buddhism in Myanmar and Burmese Buddhist political thought. He also writes on ethnicity, conflict, and Burmese politics more generally.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Myanmar's Myths of Ethnic Unity appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Who Killed Aung San?

Posted: 16 Jul 2017 07:36 PM PDT

Kin Oung is the author of the book "Who Killed Aung San?" He is the son of Tun Hla Oung, the deputy inspector general of police, CID department, who was credited with the rapid capture and arrest of U Saw and his men after the assassination of Gen Aung San. He is also the son-in-law of Justice Thaung Sein, who played a vital role in bringing the assassins to justice.

Kin Oung spoke to Kyaw Zwa Moe, editor of The Irrawaddy magazine, in 2010, just before the 63rd anniversary of Martyrs' Day, which commemorates the anniversary of the assassination of nine heroes of Burma's independence movement—including Aung San—on July 19, 1947, just six months before Burma won independence from Britain.

Aung San, the father of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, is also considered the father of Burmese independence, and led the fight for colonial liberation from Britain, which had ruled Burma since 1885.

Were the British thought to be involved in the assassination of Aung San?

Aung San wanted independence and wanted the Burmese to be wealthy. He also wanted the Burmese and ethnic nationals in hill areas to be united and friendly. Then some British companies got involved because it was important for them to stay on in Burma and for Burma not to gain its independence. Aung San's ideology was close to socialism and he gave some speeches about it and hinted that nationalization should take place for the sake of the Burmese people. But whether they [the British] had an intention to kill Gen Aung San and his ministers is unclear.

So Aung San could potentially have united the whole country and seemed to be a left-wing leader who sympathized with socialism. Were these the two main factors that caused him to be assassinated? Were there other factors?

Among the British there were differing points of view. It's possible that some British companies financially supported the ambitious politicians who disliked Aung San. But British governments, first [Winston] Churchill's and then [Clement] Attlee's, were not able to provide such support. The government could not give openly, but the British companies could give clandestinely. They did provide financial support to U Saw [a rival of Aung San who plotted to kill him]. At that time, Maung Maung Gyi, the brother of U Saw, was in London. U Saw would take as much as they were willing to give. And there was a black market after the war.

At that time I was in Burma's navy and knew such things well. People tried to sell or trade everything they got—just like you see high-ranking officials of the current military government involved in the businesses of opium, jade and so on. In those days some smuggled in even small items such as flint. What I mean is people did business in whatever was accessible to them. As for British military officers, they had to send their weapons to Singapore because Burma was soon to be given independence. They also sold their machine guns, tommy guns and other weapons. So U Saw bought them.

Were Maj C.H.H Young, a British commander of No.1 BEME, and Maj Lance Dane the core suppliers of weapons and ammunition? Some said Lance Dane was not a core supplier and U Saw got weapons from Young.

The police might have heard this from my father, who was deputy police commissioner at the time. But the military intelligence men detected these facts in many ways, and they became known by U Nu, U Kyaw Nyein and Aung San. They informed the British governor, but he did nothing. Many weapons had been lost.

They informed the British governor after they received information that U Saw had obtained many weapons?

Yes, the governor was informed by my father's department. They knew something would be happening due to the loss of weapons. At that time, U Nu and U Kyaw Nyein also received information that something was in the works.

It was reported that Aung San was not actually assassinated by the weapons that Young supplied. Reports said other weapons were used to assassinate him and his colleagues. Is this correct?

There were four assassins. Three of them used tommy guns. The youngest assassin, Yan Gyi Aung, used a Sten gun. After the assassination, the weapons were taken to India and thoroughly examined.

What was discovered?

They found that the weapons had come from the British army, and they found out who sold them. Young was arrested. But later, the suppliers were secretly freed.

How did British leaders regard Aung San and other Burmese leaders?

Churchill was the war-time prime minister. When U Saw asked for dominion status, Churchill told U Saw to ask him again after the war. But Churchill was defeated in the election and succeeded by Attlee, a socialist. If Churchill had kept power, Burma wouldn't have gained its independence.

Churchill said something about Aung San after he was assassinated.

He said that Aung San, his 30 comrades and the Thakhins were rebels who fought against the British, so why should he contact and help them? Churchill meant they didn't need to help Burma because it had fought against the British. Lord Mountbatten, however, favored Burma. After the war these issues needed to be debated, and there were debates in the British House of Commons about how to handle Burmese affairs. Nothing would have happened if Lord Mountbatten was not there. He helped Burma a lot. He told Aung San that he must give up his military position if he wanted to be a politician. Then Aung San resigned from the military.

What is your opinion of U Saw?

U Saw was very ambitious and selfish. Although he was an uneducated person, he achieved a high position due to his political ambition. Probably some British in the government liked him and used him.

U Saw went to London together with Aung San to make an agreement with Prime Minister Attlee. Was his refusal to sign the agreement due to envy of Aung San or policy disagreements?

As you know, an agreement must consist of many points, so one can easily find fault and withdraw. U Saw tried to find fault in the Nu-Attlee agreement and then the Aung San-Attlee agreement. Thakhin Ba Sein as well. Thakhin Tun Oak accused Aung San of killing a village headman and attempted to have him jailed.

What do you think would have happened in Burma if Aung San and his cabinet ministers had not been assassinated?

It would have been much better. He was not a god. He himself said that he was not a god. U Nu was the only person who listened to him when he said that U Kyaw Nyein, Thakhin Than Tun, U Ba Swe and Thakhin Soe needed to be controlled.

Was it possible for Aung San to get along with those men who needed to be controlled or those who opposed him?

The military respected him. There were people who admired him. Although our navy was small, we had many well-trained and well-disciplined men. As did the air force. The air force and navy supported him. Our men knew all about them. Communists started organizing the
military personnel, but well-disciplined personnel could not be organized. Those personnel supported Aung San. Karen and Kachin army personnel also supported Aung San.

Do you see any significant differences between Aung San and his daughter, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

His daughter returned to Burma for her ill mother. When her mother died, she decided to lead the people in their struggle for democracy. She resembles her father. She has a good nature and is intelligent as well. People like what she has spoken and done. I say she is very smart and wise.

The post Who Killed Aung San? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at

No comments:

Post a Comment

Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.

Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)