The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Karen Women Wary of Return to Myanmar
- USDP-Led Coalition Calls on Govt to Reject Rohingya Ethnicity
- Yangon Chief Minister Files Complaint Against Reuters
- The Khaki Guardians of The NLD
- Myanmar Govt to Send Special Envoy to UN
- Army Defends Kachin State Clearance Operations
- Police Shoot, Arrest Elephant Poacher in Irrawaddy Region
- Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week (Aug. 15 – Aug. 21)
- Debating with Data: A Response to ‘The Myth Myanmar can Afford to Ditch’
| Karen Women Wary of Return to Myanmar Posted: 15 Aug 2017 08:23 AM PDT Naw Kwut was a young Karen woman when she stepped on a landmine and lost her right leg while she was forced to act as a porter for the Myanmar Army 20 years ago. "We were treated badly. They asked us to do everything for them," she said, recalling her experiences in the jungle. She grew up in a village controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU)'s Brigade 1, in Thaton, Mon State. Naw Kwut is one of the many women who survived the conflict, along with suffering torture and human rights abuses by Myanmar military troops. She fled to KNU-controlled territory on the Thailand-Myanmar border to seek help after losing a limb. Now 45 years old, the mother of four children is working to help other disabled people. She worries about her children's safety and education if she is to return to her village. "I will not go back yet. People say we have peace, but there is neither peace nor tranquility for us," she said, adding that many disabled people and their families share her concerns. 'No Peace in the Jungle' Even though there has been no engagement between the KNU and the government army in KNU-controlled territory for a few years, the women in those areas feel that there is no security for them to be able to return to their homes. The KNU signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the government in 2012 and the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in late 2015. It is a leading ethnic armed group – along with NCA-signatory the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) – negotiating with the government and the Myanmar Army to build federalism through the peace process. The KNU has been conducting pilot surveys in areas where displaced persons and refugees are slated to return. But demining efforts have yet to start and land redistribution remains a challenge. "It may be true that there is peace for those who live in the cities, but there has never been peace for people in the jungle and remote villages," said Naw Kwut. Naw Myaing Poe, the chief justice of the KNU, echoed her concerns. She said the area is not safe and that it is important that women look out for themselves.  Helping Others Many women are no longer hoping that men will provide security and are preparing themselves. Some have joined the KNU in an effort to learn self-defense skills in case of further attacks or conflict. One such woman is Nan Cho Cho Win, a villager in her young twenties from the Irrawaddy Region. She is a medic trainee in a community health program run by the KNU, where she and other women learn how to provide medical treatment, along with receiving basic military training. She said it doesn't feel as though there is peace and that the whole country seems to be in a fragile state. "I joined so that I could help others without access to healthcare. And knowing defense techniques will prepare us in case of future clashes." The KNU also trains people from other ethnic groups who are keen to learn. Laydeya is an ethnic Naga woman who is training to be a medic. She is preparing to take her knowledge back to Naga territory. "I came to learn because the Naga region faces many disease outbreaks as well as clashes," she said. Regarding the current peace process, she is less aware of it, but said she wants "peace between all ethnic groups." Women, Leadership and Peace In the past, when Karen men were targeted for persecution under the allegation of supporting the Karen resistance, Karen women served as village heads and protected their people, despite lacking formal security training. Karen State now has more female village heads than other areas around the country, according to a United Nations Development Program research study in 2015. But in peace negotiations, men largely outnumber women in delegations representing the government and ethnic armed groups. Women's views need to be heard during peace negotiations, said Naw Myaing Poe. "These women village heads would be happy to come to the table if they were invited. It's sad that they aren't, even after putting their lives at risk throughout our struggle," she added. The post Karen Women Wary of Return to Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| USDP-Led Coalition Calls on Govt to Reject Rohingya Ethnicity Posted: 15 Aug 2017 07:14 AM PDT YANGON — A coalition of 20 political parties led by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) called on the Myanmar government to declare to the international community that there is "no Rohingya ethnicity" in the country. Party representatives—largely from minor groups currently unrepresented in Parliament, including the Democratic Party Myanmar, National Democratic Force, and the National Development Party—discussed issues in northern Rakhine State on Monday at the USDP head office in Yangon. After the talks, they signed the statement, which contained four demands: improve general security in the region, provide increased security for government staff, enforce the 2014 counter-terrorism law, and reject the term "Rohingya" to describe a population of more than 1 million Muslims. The self-identifying Rohingya are widely labeled throughout Myanmar as "Bengali," implying that they are immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh, rather than belonging to Rakhine State. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimated in May that 168,000 Rohingya had fled violence and persecution Myanmar in the last five years, mostly seeking refuge in Bangladesh and Malaysia. Most recently, following militant attacks on police outposts in October 2016, Myanmar security forces carried out clearance operations in Rakhine State, displacing nearly 70,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh. Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been criticized for not speaking out on behalf of the group, and has previously labeled both the terms "Rohingya" and "Bengali" as "emotive." She told UN Special Envoy for Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee in June 2016 that these "controversial terms should be avoided." Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, USDP central executive committee member U Hla Thein chastised the international community for "complaining about human rights violations to the government" while "ethnic Rakhine and members of the security forces are being killed by militant terrorists." In early August, seven ethnic Mro—a sub-ethnicity of the Buddhist Arakanese in the region—were found dead of gunshot and machete wounds in the Mayu mountains of Maungdaw Township in northern Rakhine State. While no one has been arrested for the murders, local sources have said they suspect militants active in the borderlands of committing the murders. Hundreds of troops were deployed to Rakhine State last week after a meeting between military commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and a seven-member delegation from the Arakan National Party (ANP) in Naypyitaw. The Irrawaddy reported on Monday that the Myanmar military gave a verbal order to villagers in the state's northern townships to avoid entering the Mayu mountains for any reason, in order to "avoid fatalities" while they conduct clearance operations in the area. U Hla Thein told The Irrawaddy that the recent mission "was not enough, if further attacks potentially happen in the area." The post USDP-Led Coalition Calls on Govt to Reject Rohingya Ethnicity appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Yangon Chief Minister Files Complaint Against Reuters Posted: 15 Aug 2017 04:35 AM PDT YANGON — Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein filed a complaint against wire news agency Reuters on Monday over an article about his regional government's deal to import buses from China, Myanmar Press Council told The Irrawaddy. The article, published on August 6 under the headline "Suu Kyi's man in Yangon under fire over transit deal with China," questioned the transparency and accountability behind two deals, estimated at more than US$100 million, according to the report. U Aung Hla Tun, one of the two vice chairpersons of the Myanmar Press Council, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the council received the complaint letter from the chief minister on Monday and would inform Reuters about the complaint on Tuesday in order to mediate the case. The chief minister told the council the article was factually incorrect and Reuters had failed to verify the article's information with him, said U Aung Hla Tun, adding that the council could not disclose any further details about the complaint. Reuters, however, stated in its report that U Phyo Min Thein "declined several interview requests from Reuters" regarding the story. The move will be the second incident in which the Yangon chief minister has filed complaint against a news organization. In November of last year, U Phyo Min Thein filed a case with the Tamwe Township police station and a complaint to the Press Council against Eleven Media Group and its chief executive officer Dr. Than Htut Aung, for an alleged accusation in the paper's editorial that he had accepted a bribe. The article quoted Yangon National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker U Kyaw Zay Ya as saying U Phyo Min Thein's government lacks transparency and the "image of the government would be damaged if he doesn't change." In late April, Yangon planning and finance minister U Myint Thaung said at the regional legislature that Yangon Bus Public Company (YBPC) purchased 1,000 buses from two Chinese companies selected and endorsed by the Chinese ambassador to Myanmar at a total cost of US$56 million.  Another 1,000 buses were bought from Beiqi Foton Motor Co. Ltd., another Chinese state-owned company, in a private deal by businessman Kyaw Ne Win, a grandson of former junta leader Ne Win, reported Reuters. There was no public tender or debate in the regional legislature before the deals were agreed, added the report. YBPC is a public-private joint venture majority-owned by the regional government, one of the many companies which services the government's Yangon Bus System (YBS). The ambassador "guarantees" the quality of products and the price of vehicles are "reasonable," U Myint Thaung told the parliament. The two chosen firms were Anhui Ankai Automobile Co. Ltd. and privately-owned Zhengzhou Yutong Bus Co. According to the Reuters' report, the former is state-run and the latter is led by a member of China's National People's Congress. Dr. Maung Aung, secretary of the Yangon Region Transport Authority (YRTA), the regional government body that oversees the bus system, told The Irrawaddy in January that a government-to-government deal would make the process faster as the city was in short supply of buses. Dr. Maung Aung was not available for further comment at the time of reporting. In an email to The Irrawaddy regarding the chief minister's complaint, a Reuters' spokesperson said, "Reuters stands by the fairness and accuracy" of the story. The regional government requested 70 billion kyats in the 2016-2017 fiscal year's re-budgeting process, saying that the large sum was to be spent on public transportation reform in the commercial capital. The post Yangon Chief Minister Files Complaint Against Reuters appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Khaki Guardians of The NLD Posted: 15 Aug 2017 04:04 AM PDT YANGON — When they received an ultimatum from the Union Election Commission (UEC) in December 1991, both the National League for Democracy (NLD) acting chairman U Aung Shwe and secretary U Lwin faced a dilemma. They were told to expel Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from the party or dismantle the NLD. The reason, according to the then military regime, was her connection with armed insurgent groups and the receipt of aid indirectly from abroad. With Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD chairman U Tin Oo under house arrest at the time, it was a hard choice for U Aung Shwe. He didn't want to see the party shut down under his leadership. So, he followed the UEC order and faced serious criticism from NLD sympathizers at home and abroad. To the junta's delight, party members were divided on the issue, as the chairman also made a series of follow-up expulsions, including U Tin Oo, from a list handed down by military rulers. Mass resignations followed. On the other hand, the party still legally existed, at least. U Aung Shwe said he acted as he did for the party's survival.  After Daw Aung Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo were released from house arrest in 1995, the pro-democracy icon resumed her position as NLD general secretary while U Tin Oo assumed the role of vice chairman. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi once described U Aung Shwe and U Lwin, a former colonel and the father-in-law of current President U Htin Kyaw, as the "guardians" of the NLD's survival while the party was under fierce pressure and threats from authorities. With the death of U Aung Shwe, the 99-year-old ex-brigadier general, on Sunday, the party has lost its second to last guardian. U Kyi Maung and U Lwin died in 2004 and 2011, respectively, and only U Tin Oo, the former general, is still alive. But he was admitted to the hospital in May after suffering a stroke. He is now 90. Ironically, despite its long defiance against military rule in the country, all four of the NLD guardians served in the army. They joined as young men, and some fought against the British and Japanese for the country's independence. They served as general, brigadier and colonel until they were forced to retired by the then dictator Ne Win after he came to power in 1962. Since the NLD formation after the popular uprising in 1988, they joined the party as members of the Patriotic Old Comrades League—one of three founding factions of the main opposition party. In spite of being initially being regarded as turncoats, history has proved that they were caretakers of the party who managed to keep the NLD going, especially in the 1990s and 2000s when the military regime tried its best to quash the party. They are politically humble NLD supporters and followers of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who never took credit for their actions. The Lady knows this. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo were first put under house arrest in 1989, U Kyi Maung, a former colonel, took over the leadership of the party and helped steer it to its landslide victory in the 1990 election while empowering the party's youth. But a few years later, he fell out with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and in 1997, he quit politics altogether.  The NLD faced another life-or-death situation in 2010 while the Lady was under house arrest again: register for the military-organized general election or face extinction, as the regime would no longer deem the party legally valid. U Tin Oo, the vice chairman, decided against taking part in the election, citing the election laws as unjust. When a vote was held on whether or not to join, his faction won. The election turned out to be rigged and the NLD still enjoyed popular support despite its refusal to register for the polls.  Controversial Figures For all of their top positions since the formation of the NLD, the guardians didn't easily win the hearts and minds of the majority of party members. Their military backgrounds didn't impress the party's young membership, as they had joined the NLD out of hate after their bitter experiences during the army's bloody crackdown in the 88 Uprising. "We only thought of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as our leader. For us, they were from the Patriotic Old Comrades League. We didn't see them as among us," recalled Ko Zaw Aung, who was then a member of the NLD Central Youth Working Committee. He remembered that their youth members were rarely patient with the older members at meetings as "they always took everything into consideration." When U Kyi Maung became the chairman in 1989, they welcomed him cautiously. They once frustrated their new leader at a meeting by calling him a turncoat. The ex-colonel was mad enough to slam the table in front of him, the former youth member said. "But later, he built trust among young people by empowering them—which led to the NLD's victory in the 1990 election," he explained. Monywa Aung Shin, the editor of the party's newspaper D-Wave, called U Aung Shwe a good leader despite controversies around him for expelling Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. "He took a flexible, defensive line that kept our party alive amid the junta's oppression. He knew when to move forward and when to retreat," he said. "Both U Aung Shwe and U Lwin calmly managed to move the party forward," he added.  Ko Zaw Aung couldn't agree more with what Monywa Aung Shin said. The 48-year-old social researcher told The Irrawaddy that when he learned about the expulsion, he was upset and thought, "How dare they do that." But later, he realized it was for the party's survival. And there was good reason to believe so. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo were released in 1995, many thought U Aung Shwe would be punished for the expulsions. But on their first meeting, the ex-brigadier general told the Lady: "Suu Suu, I hand the party back to you." To many people's surprise, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi replied, "It's OK, Uncle. Let's work together as we did before." The junta's plan to divide the NLD proved to be fruitless. Setting Good Examples Despite the initial controversies that they brought, nobody can deny the fact that the guardians were men of vision who understood what they needed to do to move the party forward while standing at the forefront of Myanmar's struggle to democracy. "The current military leaders should learn how their seniors led toward the country's democracy movement," Ko Zaw Aung said. He added, apart from learning, they should collaborate more with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for democratic transition. "If they do, the army will go down in history for their graceful participation in the country's reform." The post The Khaki Guardians of The NLD appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar Govt to Send Special Envoy to UN Posted: 15 Aug 2017 02:47 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar government will dispatch a special envoy to be stationed in New York where the UN is headquartered to explain the Rakhine issue to the international community, said U Kyaw Zeya, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He mentioned the plan in response to The Irrawaddy's question during the Asean 50th anniversary celebration in Naypyitaw on Monday. "We met concerned directors-general and explored ideas. We've made proper preparations to assign a separate body," said U Kyaw Zeya. The Rakhine issue calls for cooperation and coordination among all ministries to find an answer, he said. "We can't shift the responsibility to each other. We have difficulties handling this issue but we'll try to achieve success by working together. Not only our foreign ministry, but other agencies are also working to find a solution," said U Kyaw Zeya. On July 24, Daw Thandar, a well-known human rights activist and National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker, submitted an emergency proposal to the Lower House to condemn UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee's end-of-mission statement after concluding her recent visit to the country on July 21. Lee said she was "disappointed to see the tactics applied by the previous government still being used," and that she would "strongly urge the government" to allow an international independent body to investigate allegations of rights abuses particularly in Rakhine State, and in conflict regions in Myanmar at large. Daw Thandar's proposal was unanimously approved by the parliament. Daw Pyone Kaythi Naing, an NLD lawmaker from Shan State's Kalaw, additionally proposed sending a special envoy to the UN to counter international allegations and provide briefings outlining Myanmar's legislative perspective on the situation in Rakhine State. She told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar's government was only able to respond after international agencies make allegations, and that the government should take the initiative to explain the situation to the UN first. Daw Pyone Kaythi Naing, who is also a member of the Lower House International Relations Committee, has consistently promoted the idea of sending a special envoy to the UN whenever there has been parliamentary debate on issues in Rakhine State. "We are in a defensive position, while the other side has disseminated widespread propaganda in the international community," she told The Irrawaddy. "The government should send a special envoy—a respected figure with diplomatic expertise—to the UN to counter it," she added. The State Counselor's Office announced on August 11 that it was considering imposing a curfew in certain areas in Rakhine State; and that it would cooperate with the Myanmar Army to counter militancy. Since militants attacked border police posts in Maungdaw last October, 59 people have been killed and 33 went missing as of August 9, according to the State Counselor's Office. According to sources from Rakhine State, Myanmar Army troops in cooperation with local security forces are conducting clearance operations in the Mayu Mountain Range, where they claim that militants are hiding. "Clearance operations" carried out in the area after the October border guard post attack resulted in widespread accusations of human rights abuses committed by the military. The Myanmar government should find a long-term solution, spur economic development, and create education and job opportunities in Rakhine State rather than isolating communities, said political analyst U Tin Maung Than. The post Myanmar Govt to Send Special Envoy to UN appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Army Defends Kachin State Clearance Operations Posted: 15 Aug 2017 02:26 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — Military representatives assigned to Parliament argued on Monday that Myanmar Army plans to conduct operations in the contested area of Kachin State's Tanai Township are in line with the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. Lt-Col Khin Maung Swe told the Lower House that the army was increasing clearance operations in the Kachin Independence Army (KIA)-controlled area in order to support the government. "According to the mandate given by the Constitution, we are carrying out area clearance operations on our own initiative with a sense of responsibility and also in line with the law to stop the unlawful acts of KIA insurgents without impacting the lives and property of the people," he said. Two other military representatives also seconded his view. Tanai lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo sparked the discussion with a proposal urging the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation and the Kachin State government to properly handle illegal gold and amber mining in the Kachin townships of Tanai and Hpakant. The three military representatives said the army would take actions in accordance with the Constitution against those who they deem saboteurs of the country and the people, and who cause damage to the environment. Lt-Col Soe Myint Aung also told the Parliament that according to the Constitution, the army did not need to seek approval in order to protect the resources and environment of the country. He claimed the KIA operated unlicensed gold and amber mines in the two townships and earned about 2.8 billion kyats in tax per year, which he said the group used on the procurement of arms and ammunitions rather than the development of the state. Leaders of the KIA's political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), and their families were lining their pockets, he added. "They are indulging in that money and the power of arms, and therefore have no desire for peace and have not signed the NCA [Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement]," said Lt-Col Khin Maung Swe. "There is illegal mining in those areas because there is no rule of law," he added. He also accused the KIA of planning to use locals and migrant workers as human shields to deter Myanmar Army operations. Lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo does "not want clashes" in the region, he told The Irrawaddy. "I only want to negotiate between the two sides to avoid clashes. But the army said it would conduct clearance operations, and as it is in the KIA-controlled area, it seems that clashes are unavoidable," he said. The KIA conducted mining in the area under the Than Shwe regime, when a truce was in effect, but after 2011, clashes broke out with the KIA expanding its operations to amber mines, according to U Lin Lin Oo of the National League for Democracy (NLD). Myanmar Army helicopters dropped leaflets in the second week of June, asking people in the mining areas to leave by June 15 or else be recognized as insurgents supporting the KIA. The drop was followed by military operations. Earlier this month, military representatives submitted a proposal to Kachin State Parliament to designate Hukawng Valley, which includes Tanai Township, as a restricted area. The proposal was put to vote, and failed. A lawmaker and member of the Lower House Public Affairs Committee who asked for anonymity said the military did not cooperate with the government in undertaking military operations, saying it was in the name of regional security. "It is difficult for the government to intervene as they gave the reason of security concerns," the lawmaker told The Irrawaddy. On May 19, the Myanmar Army Northern Command commander tried to persuade the Kachin State chief minister to impose a curfew in Tanai, but the commander was denied. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Army Defends Kachin State Clearance Operations appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Police Shoot, Arrest Elephant Poacher in Irrawaddy Region Posted: 14 Aug 2017 11:44 PM PDT PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — Police arrested an elephant poacher after an exchange of fire in Irrawaddy Region's Thabaung Township on Sunday. A combined force of local police, forestry police, and officials from the forestry department spotted three poachers during a patrol in the forest of Khayin Chaungpya, around 30 miles from Thabaung. One poacher was arrested and two others got away, according to the Irrawaddy Region Police Force. "The combined force found a skinned elephant and poachers during their patrol," police Lt-Col Khin Maung Latt of Irrawaddy Region Police Force told The Irrawaddy. "One of the poachers shot at police with an improvised firearm, and the combined force returned fire. We arrested him after he was injured in the right thigh." The arrested poacher, Cho Lwin, is from a village in Shwethaungyan in Pathein Township and was initially admitted to Thabaung Township Hospital before being transferred to Pathein Hospital on Monday for surgery. Police also seized four elephant tusks, two improvised firearms, two containers of gunpowder, 11 metal balls, two 15-inch knives, a three-inch arrow, dried elephant hide, grilled elephant meat, a tail and a cell phone. The skinned and decapitated elephant was 40 years old. "We found four tusks, so we assume they killed two elephants, though we have yet to investigate," said the police lieutenant colonel. Police were chasing the two unarmed poachers that escaped, he said.  Police have charged all three suspects under the Protection of Wildlife and Conservation of Natural Areas Law and for carrying unlicensed firearms. From January to mid-August, 11 elephants were killed by hunters in Pathein, Ngapudaw and Thabaung townships in the Irrawaddy Region—most of them killed by poisoned arrows, according to the Irrawaddy Region Police Force. On the occasion of World Elephant Day last week, national and international conservation organizations—including the Wildlife Conservation Society and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF)—warned of Myanmar's declining wild elephant population following a surge in demand for their skin. "At least 30 wild elephants have been poached so far in 2017 with six elephants killed in the last six weeks. This is far above the previous yearly poaching average for Myanmar," said Aung Myo Chit, country coordinator of the Smithsonian Conservation Biology Institute, according to a joint press release. The number of wild elephants in Myanmar has plummeted to between 1,400 and 2,000 compared to tens of thousands just decades ago. Conservation groups are working with the Myanmar government to train rangers, according to the statement. In July alone, 45 rangers were trained. "Training rangers is the first step on our journey to win this battle against poachers," said Christy Williams, country director of WWF Myanmar. "Rangers are on the conservation frontlines, protecting the world's natural and cultural treasures. With their commitment and the help of our supporters, there is hope for Asian elephants." On Friday in parliament, Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation U Ohn Win said his ministry would coordinate with the defense ministry to equip forestry department personnel with arms. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Police Shoot, Arrest Elephant Poacher in Irrawaddy Region appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week (Aug. 15 – Aug. 21) Posted: 14 Aug 2017 07:01 PM PDT
Children's Hospital Visit | Aug. 20 A local volunteer group Wisdom for Life is visiting Yankin Children's Hospital to present storybooks and to read to young patients. Volunteers are encouraged to join. August 20, Yankin Children's Hospital. Contact Tel: 09-799816779; 09-43176169; 09-972933229; 09-263675616
Film 'Story of Khiam' & Lecture on Traditional Music | Aug. 18 This event will feature a documentary film on making of the Naga tribe's 10-meter long traditional drum made from a hollowed log. The movie screening will be followed by a talk by Myanmar musician Diramore on Myanmar traditional music. August 18, 6:00 pm. Japan Culture House, Room 322B, 2nd Floor, Building-C, Pearl Condo, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road
Myanmar Wine Lovers Club: Wine & Food Pairing | Aug. 16 A variety of wine will be available for tasting. Reservations can be made by email at mwlc.pr@gmail.com August 16, 6:30 to 8:30 pm. CAFE DEL SeOUL, No. 24/1 Pyay Road, 7 Mile, Mayangone Tsp. Tickets 10,000 kyats (including wine & canapé).
Nutrition Promotion Event | Aug. 19 This event is organized by 3MDG Myanmar Fund and the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust (LIFT) Fund to promote public awareness about the importance of nutrition in the first 1,000 days of a child's life. There will be quizzes, a puppet show and nutrition talks by well-known speakers. August 19, 10:00 am to 4:00 pm. Yangon Gallery, People's Park.
Australia Canterbury Education Group Seminar | Aug. 17 Education opportunities at Australian universities will be outlined at the event. Registration here. August 17, 5:30 to 7:00 pm. Edulink Office, Junction Square 3rd Floor, Tel: 09-425765090.  MasterBaytar: Retro Session | Aug. 19 This night will bring about reminiscences of 1990s with songs from the decade played the whole night. August 19, 8:00 pm to 2:00 am. The Penthouse, No. 271-273 Ba Ga Yar Street.
BOSSY BEATS at Basement Bar | Aug. 19 Bossy Beats is a music movement, concert series and social program that celebrates diversity and femininity. August 19, 8:00 pm to 1:00 am. The Basement, No. 785 Mahabandoola Road, Lanmadaw Tsp. Entry: 8,000 kyats
Doemal Food Land | Aug. 18 – 19 There will be a variety of samples for foodies, and a lucky draw with food challenges between 1:00 and 2:00 pm, and 5:30 and 6:30 pm on both days. August 18-19, 9:00 am to 9:00 pm, Junction Square.
Group Art Exhibition | Aug. 16 – 20 A group art exhibition of 16 artists will feature over 40 paintings on different subjects. August 16-20. Myanmar Art and Artisan Organization, Bogyoke Market.
To the Sea | Aug. 1 – 28 Artist San Myint's exhibition will showcase 25 acrylic paintings depicting the lives of people in Rakhine State. August 1-28. Eternal Art Gallery, Yuzana Housing. The post Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week (Aug. 15 – Aug. 21) appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Debating with Data: A Response to ‘The Myth Myanmar can Afford to Ditch’ Posted: 14 Aug 2017 06:38 PM PDT A recent post on Tea Circle, "The Myth Myanmar Can Afford to Ditch," argues that Burmese women are free, independent, and empowered. Alas, available data does not support such an argument. A 2014 Study by the Asia Foundation found that 71 percent of respondents believed that men make better political leaders than women. An identical 71 precent believe that men make better business executives than women. The study found no differences between male and female respondents in holding these opinions. Broader Burmese society reflects these views. According to the 2014 census, 270,000 women identified themselves as 'employers' – i.e., business owners, whereas 777,000 men identified themselves as business owners. Of the 100 largest Burmese conglomerates, only three are run by female CEOs. The census also revealed that for 7.2 million women, their primary job is 'household work', although this is true for only 270,000 men. On average, a working man earns 138,000 kyats per month; a working woman earns 110,000. Women are excluded from top government jobs too. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains the only female minister. Only 14.5 percent of the Union Parliament (excluding the seats set aside for the military) are women – an improvement from the previous parliaments but still a long way to go before the country achieves a parity. Likewise, there is a scarcity of women in other government departments and branches. At the President's Office, women make up 53 precent of total employees, but only 10 percent of management level positions (management level is defined as Deputy Director or equivalent position and above). In the Union Election Commission, which singularly failed to discipline gender discriminatory language during the 2015 election, women make up 52 percent of total employees, but 9 percent of management. Figures are almost identical for the Constitutional Tribunal.
The Foreign Office, whose workforce is 49 percent women, drops to 23 percent women at senior levels. From 1967 to 2015, the country had no female ambassador. That year, Daw Yin Yin Myint was appointed ambassador to Germany, becoming the country's second female ambassador ever, following Daw Khin Kyi, the widow of General Aung San, who served as Burmese ambassador to India from 1960-67. In the Ministry of Mines, 42 percent of the workforce is female, but 10 percent of its senior level positions are females. Female mining engineers are rare and in local culture, it is believed that if a woman were to enter a quarry or a mine, said quarry would stop producing minerals or collapse altogether. At the Ministry of Education, 79 percent of its workforce is female and 76 percent of its leadership roles are filled by women – a parity to which other departments should aspire. However, at school-level – where an ordinary citizen first encounters social hierarchies as a child – the picture is less rosy. In elementary schools, 85 percent of the teachers are female, but only 63 percent of principals/heads of school are female. In middle schools, 90 percent of teachers are female, yet women make up only 71 percent of principals. In high schools, 82 percent of teachers are female, and only 59 percent of principals are female. In addition to the lack of women in leadership roles, women's position domestically is precarious too, where they play Nancy to the patriarchy's Bill Sikes. In the 2015-16 Demographic and Health Survey, it was found that 51 percent of women agree that wife beating is justified under certain circumstances, a slightly higher percentage than the 49 percent of men who agreed. Men, however, are no paragons of virtue: 21 percent of men believed that wife beating was justified if their wives were "involved in too much social activity". In Yangon, nearly two in five men held such a view.
Fifteen percent of women ages 15-49 have experienced physical violence, and three percent of women ages 15-49 have experienced sexual violence. However, only a small proportion of these violent attacks ever get reported. In 2016, there were 1,100 reported rape cases in Myanmar (and 700 cases in the previous year). Many rapes go unreported due to a culture of silence; a well-known Burmese saying, "Don't make one shame into two," exhorts against a rape survivor going public. Among women who have experienced physical or sexual violence and sought help, the majority sought help from family or neighbors. Only 0.9 percent of women noted they went to the police; a further 2.5 percent and 2.9 percent sought help from lawyers and social work organizations, respectively. All these statistics are just the tip of an iceberg in a country where information is not readily available – information such as the availability of safe abortions. Even in rape cases, and in cases where the mother's life is in danger, abortion is prohibited in Myanmar. Many suffer and perish in back-alley clinics. As such, we cannot afford to ditch the 'myth' of female repression. We need to fight harder for gender equality, and as the original author noted, there is a lot to be hopeful about in Burmese society. The same Asia Foundation report cited above noted that 82 percent of respondents feel a woman should make her own choice when voting. The Demographic and Health Survey found high asset ownership rates, control over earnings, and participation in decision making for women. Labor participation among 20 to 24-year-old women is high at 72 percent. From an economic standpoint, it makes sense to keep talking about and promoting women's welfare and empowerment. Our internal assessments at First Rangoon show that if Myanmar increases female labor participation from the current 54 percent to 75 percent, the country's GDP will increase by $7 billion (13.8 percent growth). It should be a goal of the current government and parliament to maintain the high labor participation rate among the 20 to 24-year-old women, and amend the laws and institutions that disenfranchise and disempower them. Changing societal views and attitudes, not to mention religious and cultural teachings, will take time and generations. The institutional and legal reforms, however, can – and should – start immediately. Born in Yangon, Shine Zaw-Aung studied International Relations at Stanford University, where he was an honors fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation. He co-founded First Rangoon, a consultancy, and contributed to the Myanmar Ministry of Foreign Affairs at MISIS. Shine is currently working toward his MBA at the University of Chicago. This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar. The post Debating with Data: A Response to 'The Myth Myanmar can Afford to Ditch' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States | |
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.