The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Myanmar Retains Tough Clause in Communications Law Despite Calls for Repeal
- Can Myanmar’s Soccer Teams Win at SEA Games?
- This Week in Parliament (August 14-18)
- Breaking the Devil’s Silence: Sexual Violence in Myanmar
- Analysis: Did Advisory Commission Remedy Rakhine State’s Conflict?
| Myanmar Retains Tough Clause in Communications Law Despite Calls for Repeal Posted: 18 Aug 2017 11:13 PM PDT YANGON — Myanmar's Parliament on Friday made minor changes to a controversial telecommunications law, amendments rights monitors say will do little to address concern the law is used to curb criticism of the authorities and reporting of corruption. The recent arrest of several journalists has raised fears that free speech is under pressure in Myanmar, even under a government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who led efforts to end decades of military rule and won a landmark election in 2015. Under the amendments approved on Friday, judges can release on bail those charged under the law. Also, only people directly affected by an alleged offence, or those with the permission of an affected person, can press charges under the law, first introduced in 2013. The maximum prison sentence was also cut to two years from three. But the law's most contentious clause, which broadly prohibits the use of the telecommunications network to "extort, defame, disturb or intimidate" remains in place. "Freedom of expression is still being threatened as long as clause 66(d) exists," said activist Maung Saung Kha, who was jailed for six months for defamation under he law, referring to the contentious clause. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy holds majorities in both houses of parliament meaning the amended law is likely to be enacted soon. Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, had called for the clause to be repealed. In a joint statement in June, they said the law had "increasingly been used to stifle criticism of the authorities." "Many of today's members of parliament and local leaders from the NLD spent many months or years in prison for speaking out for human rights and democracy during the military regimes, so why is the party falling so far short of fixing the problem?" said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. But some members of party have defended the law as useful for curbing hate speech and false news as social media use has dramatically grown since the onset of reforms in 2011. A senior party member, Han Tha Myint, said a majority of parliamentarians liked the protection against online criticism the law provided. "I don't mean they’ll sue everybody who criticizes them, but they like this," said Han Tha Myint referring to clause 66 (d). According to the advocacy group Research Team for Telecommunications Law, 17 journalists have been charged or arrested under the law since Suu Kyi's government took power last year. The post Myanmar Retains Tough Clause in Communications Law Despite Calls for Repeal appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Can Myanmar’s Soccer Teams Win at SEA Games? Posted: 18 Aug 2017 09:13 PM PDT Kyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss Myanmar's national male and female soccer teams competing in the 29th SEA [Southeast Asian] Games in Malaysia. I'm Irrawaddy reporter Kyaw Kha, and former soccer players of the national teams Ko Myo Hlaing Win and Ma Aye Aye Maw join me to discuss this. Myanmar's men's team played against Singapore on Monday and Laos on Wednesday. Myanmar is not in the "group of death." Ko Myo Hlaing Win, what is your assessment of the prospects for the Myanmar men's team?
Myo Hlaing Win: We reached the final in the last SEA Games. We were trounced by the reigning champion Thailand, and lost by five goals to nil. But this year, our team is composed of those who took part in previous [SEA] games and young players like Aung Thu and Than Paing of Myanmar's [Under 19] team, which qualified for the FIFA Under 20 World Cup two years ago. So it can be said we have the best squad this year. Luckily, our Myanmar team was drawn into the group of host Malaysia, along with Singapore, Laos and Brunei. Arguably, Myanmar is in the easiest group. Myanmar overpowered Singapore and did not concede a goal in its first match on Monday, which was important for Myanmar to advance to the next stage. So, there is potential for Myanmar to advance to the next stage as the group leader though Myanmar will meet the host Malaysia in the final match of the group. On Monday, Malaysia beat Brunei 2-1. It conceded a goal. So commentators have tipped Myanmar for the final. KK: Commentators call another group the "group of death" and say Myanmar is in the "group of ease." The Myanmar women's soccer team played against Thailand on Monday. There are only five participating teams in women's soccer and they will play against each other in a round robin [tournament]. In the group are major rivals like Thailand and Vietnam and host Malaysia. So, is it a tightly contested tournament? Do you think Myanmar is a strong enough squad to challenge for the title? Aye Aye Maw: Luckily, age is not limited for the women's soccer team unlike the men's team [which is an Under 22 team]. MHW: It is an open tournament. AAM: It is open, meaning the team is a combination of experienced and young players and hopefully the experienced ones will lead the younger ones. People have long talked about the Myanmar women's team clinching the gold. We also want the gold and have therefore made preparations for a long time. Luckily, the women's team had the chance to play many friendlies before the SEA Games. But then… KK: Myanmar has to play against Thailand, Vietnam and the host Malaysia. Do you think Myanmar will be able to overcome them? MMA: Myanmar would inevitably meet them in all contests. It can be said that they are old friends or old rivals. Malaysia has also made good preparations in recent years, but I don't think they will be able to catch up with the rest this year. During our time, the Philippines managed to draw almost level with us. We just won by a goal in 1995. So, we can't underestimate the Philippines either. MHW: They have developed skills. AAM: Yes, they have. Again, they are very strong. MHW: They are physically stronger. AAM: Yes, they are. Though their soccer skills are not good as ours. But we also have a strong squad, and only Thailand and Vietnam are our major rivals, I'd say. KK: What would be the major challenge for the Myanmar women's team in the round robin? AAM: All the teams will wait for the other side to make a mistake in order to take advantage. You could say that our first match with Thailand is the final. But then, we can't underestimate Vietnam. Vietnam regained independence only after us, but they have good game strategies. KK: Ko Myo Hlaing Win, you were an exciting striker who played in the starting line-up of the Myanmar national soccer team for more than a decade. What are the differences in the challenges of being a player now and then? MHW: Mainly it is about facilities. We didn't have good facilities then. In our time, the SEA Games was the only major sports competition. We had had to wait for two years to play in each [biennial] SEA Games. We trained and played one or two friendly matches between the SEA games. Then, we had very limited facilities in terms of sports equipment, accommodation, and meals. The budget was very limited compared to now. In our time from 1993-95, not every household had a television [to watch the matches]. Now, people have got their eyes open. And I think players are making greater progress. Yes, they are because they are supported from all perspectives. Today, players have full facilities for training. There are balls for each player. In our time, there were only three to five balls for around 30 players. Now, if there are 30 players, there are 30 balls, and they also get adequate training suits—I mean the national teams. As Ma Aye Aye Maw has said, preparations are made for more than one year before the SEA Games. A foreign coach is hired, and the team plays friendlies and hold joint training [sessions] abroad. They are accommodated at hotels and provided with wholesome meals. There are huge differences now and then in that regard though the strong morale is not different. Soccer was professionalized then and it all depended on actions of the player for his success. In our time, we were also professional because we had had to dip into our pocket to eat and to go training. We had had to take the public bus—cling onto the crowded [Toyota] Hilux—to go to training. We had had to buy boots and wholesome food with our own money. Today, players have air-conditioned rooms and washing machines in their hostel, and there is a ferry bus to take them to the training ground. Plus there is buffet for them. They have very good facilities compared to our times. KK: Ma Aye Aye Maw, do you think the Myanmar women's soccer team will be able to clinch the gold? AAM: It depends on their morale. If Myanmar beats Thailand, there will be a big chance to win the title. KK: Ko Myo Hlaing Win has shared his experiences. Ma Aye Aye Maw, what are the differences for Myanmar women players now and then? There has been a slogan in our country—"Myanmar Sports—the World to Conquer." Some have made fun of it. According to your experiences, what will be the requirements for Myanmar soccer to overcome the challenges and see the golden future? AAM: As Ko Myo Hlaing Win has said, there are complete facilities for players now. The most important thing is the morale. They must have a fighting spirit in playing each game, with their eyes firmly fixed on the gold medal. Then they will be able to clinch victory. KK: Ko Myo Hlaing Win, you were the striker for the Myanmar national team for over ten years. But after the emergence of professional soccer leagues, players only play for the national team for a period of time and then disappear. Why do you think this is? What are the differences between now and then? Some strikers and midfielders were tipped as potential driving forces of the national team. But some disappeared within two or three years. Why? MHW: There was not much recreation and entertainment in our time compared to now. We could only sit at tea shops and listen to music played on cassette players. Today, there are a lot of amusements and players who cannot control themselves will deviate from their path. This is what I think. In my time and later, there were players as good as me. But they deviated from their path. In our time, because of the lack of facilities, my friends from outside Yangon whose skills were even better than mine went back to their native townships in consideration of their livelihoods. I could focus on soccer because I live in Yangon. Today, we have good players too. But as Aye Aye Maw said, it depends on their fighting spirit. They have to instill themselves with that spirit. Like what is taught at the classrooms, they have to try to make themselves good. Only then will they be able to support others. Now, we have talented players like Aung Thu and he can pair with Kyaw Ko Ko in the national team. We can now rely on him even when Kyaw Ko Ko retires. He has also made his name as a good striker in the SEA Games. But then, we can't rely solely on him. Other teammates must have the necessary skills to assist him. KK: Thank you for your contributions! In the latest results from August 18, Myanmar (Under-22) beat Brunei (Under-22) 6-0. The post Can Myanmar's Soccer Teams Win at SEA Games? appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| This Week in Parliament (August 14-18) Posted: 18 Aug 2017 08:58 PM PDT Monday (August 14) In the Lower House, in response to a question by Dr. U Saw Naing of South Okkalapa Township, Deputy Minister for Education U Win Maw Tun replied that his ministry, in accordance with the national education strategy (2016-2021), will provide greater access to free compulsory primary education for children across the country depending on the funds available in the years to come. The Lower House also approved the proposal of Tanai Township lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo, urging the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation and the Kachin State government to confront illegal gold and amber mining in the Kachin townships of Tanai and Hpakant. During the discussion, military parliamentary representatives defended the army's planned operations targeted at gold and amber mines operated by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). In the Upper House, in response to a question by U Khin Maung Latt of Arakan State (3) about two missing villagers in Rathedaung Township, Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Maj-Gen Aung Soe, replied that the Tatmadaw, border police and local police force have stepped up clearance operations in the Mayu mountain range. The Upper House approved a proposal by U Aung Thein of Bago (12) urging the Union government to take legal action against gambling centers operating disguised as amusement centers in major towns across Myanmar. Tuesday (August 15) There was no parliamentary session on Tuesday. Wednesday (August 16) In response to a question from Salingyi Township lawmaker U Win Thein Zaw, Deputy Defense Minister Maj-Gen Myint Nwe replied that his ministry had no plans to relocate the controversial sulfuric acid factory in the township. The factory supplies acid for the China-backed Letpadaung copper mines. The Lower House approved a consideration of the proposal of Paung Township lawmaker Daw Mi Kon Chan to abolish community-based rural electrification committees, formed under previous governments to help villages generate electricity on a self-reliant basis, after she claimed that there have been many cases of committee members misappropriating funds raised for supplying electricity. In the Upper House, lawmakers discussed the proposal of Arakan National Party MP U Khin Maung Latt which urged the Union government to identify and take action against militants active in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships under the 2014 Counter-Terrorism Law. State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been holding talks with military leaders about whether to label the militants in northern Rakhine State as "terrorists," according to government spokesperson U Zaw Htay. The Upper House approved amendments to 1993 Narcotic and Psychotropic Substance Law. The amendments include replacement of jail sentence with 240 to 360 hours of community service. Thursday (August 17) There was no parliamentary session on Thursday. Friday (August 18) In the Lower House, Loikaw Township lawmaker Daw Khin Sithu asked if the government would find alternative sources of livelihoods for poppy growers as a national duty concerning drug elimination in the country. Deputy Home Affairs Minister Maj-Gen Aung Soe said that a pilot project to provide alternative sources of livelihoods for poppy growers is being implemented until 2020 in the Pa'O Self-Administered Zone. He added that social and economic development projects will be carried out in states as part of a national development plan to help poppy growers find other sources of income. The Lower House approved consideration of a proposal from Daw Khin Saw Wai of Rathedaung Township which urged the Union government to implement better administrative and security measures in northern Rakhine State in response to killings in the area. In the Upper House, lawmakers continued their debate on U Khin Maung Latt's proposal which urged the Union government to identify and take action against militants active in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships under the 2014 Counter-Terrorism Law. The Upper House also approved the bill amending the Telecommunications Law, which allows for bail to be granted for the defendant. The post This Week in Parliament (August 14-18) appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Breaking the Devil’s Silence: Sexual Violence in Myanmar Posted: 18 Aug 2017 08:49 PM PDT Reported rape cases have sky-rocketed in recent years in Myanmar, with the majority of rape survivors being under-aged girls. According to the national police records, there were approximately 1,100 reported rape cases in 2016, 670 of which involved victims who were underage girls. These statistics make clear that we need to address sexual violence against girls in Myanmar society from multiple levels—legislation and policy work is critical, but so is changing norms around sex, sexuality, and women's rights. There is no direct definition of the word "rape" in Myanmar language but it can be translated as "ma dain." In Myanmar society, the word "ma dain" is a very nasty word and is commonly used as an excuse to restrict the public life of girls and women. The World Health Organization defines rape as "forced or coerced sex; the use of force, coercion or psychological intimidation by one person that requires another person to engage in a sex act against her or his will, whether or not the act is completed." There are a wide range of topics to be taken into account if we want to address the current sexual violence against girls. The following sections underscore that we need to consider Myanmar culture and context concerning women's rights and sexuality, evaluate current efforts, and find the gaps. Victim Blaming Attitude Myanmar is a deeply patriarchal and conservative country where families of rape survivors hesitate to seek help and justice because there is a risk to one's reputation that comes with sexual abuse. Many people still believe that part of the reason why rape occurs is due to the actions of the victim—that rape is the victim's fault. Even though many people acknowledge that the perpetrators are solely responsible for their actions, the label of "rape survivor" brings with it social stigma. The rape victim carries the scar for the rest of their life. Given the depth of this shame, many people believe that the recent spate of rape cases is only the tip of the ice-berg, given that many rape cases go unreported due to stigma around sexual violence. Introducing Sex Education Talking about sex in public is a social taboo in Myanmar society, and introducing sex education in school is a controversial issue. Myanmar parents feel it is unsuitable for children to know about sex from a very young age. Yet, many progressive thinkers believe that the conservative culture ignores the evil knocking at girls' doors. A rape case in Ayeyarwaddy division where a 36-year-old teacher raped two of his students—14- and 15-year old girls—has signaled the need for sex education in the school. He has been given a 40-year sentence by the court. Although many people agree with this sentence, the case still begs the question of how often such justice is actually pursued. Two years ago, a well-known Myanmar actor was charged with a life sentence for killing a female employee. But the news, months later, that his life-sentence was reduced to a 10-year sentence underscores the impunity with which men harm women, and the way they perceive the laws in place to penalize such actions. Attempts to Hold Perpetrators Accountable It is the perpetrators who must be held accountable for their actions, and the perpetrators who must pay the price for their actions. Not our girls. In 2013, and 2015, U Thein Nyunt, a Member of Parliament introduced the death penalty for those convicted of raping children under 16. His attempts twice ended in failure. In November 2016, 500 people assembled in Yangon demonstrating for "death penalty for the perpetrators," with the general public joining the campaign and expressing their anger towards the recent increase in rape cases. Distrust Towards Current Judicial Practice The years under the military regime corrupted Myanmar's pillar of justice: the judiciary. The lack of an independent judiciary under military rule has bred a culture of impunity for many years. Rape survivors and their families express distrust towards judges and the wider system because they face long proceedings in court cases, and corruption in the judicial system. Therefore, the system itself is discouraging victims and their families from seeking justice, as opposed to protecting them. A situational analysis on gender equality and women's rights in Myanmar highlighted this distrust towards the legal system, describing it as the root cause of unwillingness to report rape. Child Law Reforms The 1993 Child Law did not mention child rape. However, rapists of children and adults can incur a seven-to-10-year jail term under section 376 of the Penal Code. In November 2016, the Myanmar government revised the law to increase the punishment from 10 years to a life-sentence, along with a monetary fine for rape of a minor. However, this revised law has not yet materialized on the ground. In the law, the punishment for rape ranges from 10 years imprisonment to a life sentence, but sentences are always shorter than the 10 year minimum, say lawyers and activists. Nevertheless, the current 1993 law deals broadly with the care, education and protection of children. There needs to be a specific child law against sexual violence. Extensive Research In 2015-16, a demographic and health survey took place across the states and regions, and it included questions on sexual violence. The study interviewed 632 girls aged 15-19 and found that 1 percent of that age group had experienced sexual violence in their lifetime, with 0.7 percent responding that they had experienced sexual violence in the past 12 months. In 2014, a qualitative study by Gender Equality Network that included interviews with 40 women from Yangon, Mandalay and Mawlamyine showed the seriousness of the problem, as half of the sample said they were raped or sexually assaulted in the past. While valuable, these two reports deal broadly with other research questions and therefore, a specific research study on sexual violence for the general population is critical at this stage to understand why this is suddenly on the rise. More Work on Psychological Consequences Consequences of sexual violence, such as unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases are substantial, yet, as important as it is to care for the physical consequences and unwanted pregnancies, the psychological well-being of survivors of sexual abuse is paramount. There has not been much work that focuses on long term psycho-social effects of such violence on survivors. A study by Gender Equality Network said that the extent to which victims deal with the consequences also has an impact on their sexual reputation. Yet, just as more research is needed on sexual violence, more work needs to carry out to find out what coping strategies victims depend on, and what services might be made available for them. Improving laws and court proceedings is not enough to address the issue. We must also teach the younger generation to have respect for both sexes, and to reject unjust actions. This is a step towards creating a better society. Simply raising awareness is not enough. Society as a whole is responsible for changing the victim-blaming attitude and the double standards for women that are prevalent in Myanmar. Aye Thiri Kyaw researches gender, women's rights, health, and violence against women. She is a co-author of "Behind the silence: violence against women and their resilience in Myanmar," and recently co-authored a journal article in Gender and Society. She studied Health Social Science at Mahidol University, Thailand. This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar. The post Breaking the Devil's Silence: Sexual Violence in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Analysis: Did Advisory Commission Remedy Rakhine State’s Conflict? Posted: 18 Aug 2017 06:50 PM PDT YANGON – The mandate of the nine-member Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, led by former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, will expire at the end of August, after being established by the National League for Democracy (NLD) government one year ago. Kofi Annan will come to Myanmar next week and is scheduled to conduct several meetings in Naypyitaw, including with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in preparation to publish the commission's final report, according to member Al-Haj U Aye Lwin. The commission has been tasked with uncovering lasting solutions for conflict-torn Rakhine State and addressing deep wounds felt by Buddhist and Muslim communities in the region. It is comprised of three members from the international community, including Mr. Annan, and six from Burma—two Buddhist Arakanese members, two Yangon-based Muslim members and two government representatives. A memorandum of understanding between the State Counselor's Office and the Kofi Annan Foundation was agreed upon regarding the work of the commission, but details of that arrangement were not made public. The Commission's Burdens Since its formation, the commission was subjected to several objections from political parties, mainly the Rakhine State-based Arakan National Party, as well as the Union Solidarity and Development Party. Protests against the commission, largely by members of the Arakanese public, called for its dissolution, claiming that "outsiders" were interfering in Myanmar's internal affairs. In Oct. 2016, just over one month after the establishment of the commission, Muslim militants carried out coordinated attacks on three border outposts in northern Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township, looting firearms and leaving nine policemen dead. The army responded by launching a months-long clearance operation in northern Rakhine State, hunting for suspects in Muslim villages throughout the township. The mission forced nearly 70,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee to neighboring Bangladesh, and the UN estimates that around 1,000 were killed. International rights groups have accused soldiers of abuses ranging from arson to rape to extrajudicial killings and torture. Myanmar authorities have rejected the allegations and blamed crimes on militants. During the clearance operations, they said in June that eight soldiers had been killed, along with 80 suspected militants. An additional 485 people were detained. The October attacks targeted armed policemen but escalated the mistrust between the Muslim and Buddhist communities, especially in Rakhine State. This reporter visited several Muslim villages in northern Maungdaw Township last year, and saw that many had been emptied and abandoned, and others had been completely turned to ash. Occasionally, women and children were present in the villages, but fled when encountering a stranger, even when shown a journalist's identification card. The Buddhist Arakanese, the majority in the state but a minority in its northern region, said they were terrified of future attacks. Village administrative officials deployed lookouts at night, and avoided passing through Muslim villages alone as they traveled toward towns like Maungdaw. This was the context presented to the Rakhine State Advisory Commission. Government Shield The Kofi Annan-led delegates paid visits to several Rakhine State townships in late November 2016, including some villages in Maungdaw, where rights abuses were reported during clearance operations. After conducting meetings with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, army commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and several heads of Union ministries, Mr. Annan received questions from the press in Yangon's Shangri-la Hotel on Dec. 6, 2016. Reporters asked whether he witnessed evidence of ethnic cleansing and genocide against the self-identifying Rohingya minority, as members of the international and Rohingya communities have accused Myanmar of perpetrating. "Genocide is a very serious charge that requires legal review and judicial determination. It is not a charge that should be thrown around loosely," Mr. Annan said. His response proved helpful to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in particular, who is confronted with the issue of Rohingya persecution whenever she travels abroad. In a rare interview with the BBC during an official visit to the UK in April 2017, journalist Fergal Keane raised questions concerning security forces' crackdown in Maungdaw. She replied, "I don't think there is ethnic cleansing going on. I think ethnic cleansing is too strong an expression to use for what is happening," adding that she saw "a lot of hostility." "It is Muslims killing Muslims as well, if they think they are co-operating with the authorities," the State Counselor said.  During an interview with The Irrawaddy in July, Myanmar President's Office spokesman U Zaw Htay admitted the advantage of appointing high-profile peace envoy Mr. Annan to the commission. "Whenever there is an accusation from the international community, we say we are taking action in line with the recommendations of the Kofi Annan commission. The commission is serving as a shield for us," U Zaw Htay said. Encouraging Developments After seven months, the commission released its interim report in March 2017, recommending that the government lift restrictions on access for media and relief organizations in northern Rakhine State. Mr. Annan acknowledged that the crisis facing the region had changed since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had founded the advisory commission, but promised to continue the delegation's objective—to find "peace and development" for Rakhine State. Three commission members went to neighboring Bangladesh and visited Cox's Bazar and Teknaf district, where thousands of displaced Rohingya were living in dire conditions. The commission urged the government to form a joint committee with the Bangladeshi authorities to oversee the return of refugees and to prevent human trafficking. The interim report also recommended the closure of all internally displaced people's (IDPs) camps in Rakhine State, and a specific timeframe for the completion of the citizenship verification process for eligible and stateless Muslims. Moreover, the commission specifically urged the authorities to grant freedom of movement and provide access to education for citizens. Yet according to the commission, only 2,000 local Muslims—out of more than one million, regionally—have been granted recognition as citizens. Authorities' Actions, Continued Challenges Selected media houses have since been sent to the conflict areas twice under the supervision of government officials and border police. The Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led government has closed IDP camps in Ramree and Kyaukphyu townships in accordance with the recommendations. However, the government’s implementation process has lacked transparency. Authorities moved nearly 130 ethnic Kaman Muslims from Ramree camp to Yangon by providing air tickets, cash assistance of 500,000 kyats for each family and an additional 100,000 kyat per family member, without arranging housing or employment. In early April 2017, Myanmar's National Security Advisor U Than Tun said that the government planned to invest US$140 million in health and education facilities in northern Rakhine State and would also employ more Muslim staff members in these sectors. He did not elaborate on the timeframe for implementation of the move, but said it would occur in line with the recommendations of the advisory commission. Meanwhile, challenges in Rakhine State continue to multiply. On August 3, seven ethnic Mro farmers—a sub-group of the Buddhist Arakanese—were found dead of gunshot and machete wounds, suspected of being killed by Muslim militants. The army responded by deploying several hundred soldiers to the Mayu mountain range in search of insurgents along the border. International organizations are asking the Myanmar government to collaborate with a fact-finding mission mandated by the United Nations Human Rights Council, formed with three international experts to investigate allegations of rights abuses by security forces during clearance operations in Rakhine State. Thus far, the government has refused to allow the delegation in to the country. The Final Report Al-Haj U Aye Lwin, a Myanmar Muslim representative on the advisory commission, told The Irrawaddy that the government needs to invest in developing a greater harmony between the two communities in order to have peace and stability in Rakhine State. To combat fears, stereotypes or misjudgments about different religious communities, the commission has also urged the government to educate the public on the basic tenets of Myanmar's various religions. U Aye Lwin added that the commission members found some people were unfamiliar with the teachings of their own religions. Moreover, the commission encourages the simultaneous implementation of both peace and development initiatives, and decentralized resource sharing between the Union government and Rakhine State. U Aye Lwin pointed out that one of the main challenges for the Arakanese community are the high numbers of young people leaving the state in search of job opportunities elsewhere, including countries abroad; implementing peace and development projects in the area could also serve to address internal migration issues.  Arakanese commission member Daw Saw Khin Tint said that during its tenure, the delegation has documented every incident they were able to in Rakhine State to create an overall picture of the context. She acknowledged that a "lack of collaboration from the Rakhine [Arakanese] side is one of the weaknesses in our report." The commission's final recommendations, U Aye Lwin said, promise to be "fair." The post Analysis: Did Advisory Commission Remedy Rakhine State's Conflict? appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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