The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- State Counselor Condemns Attacks in Rakhine
- Court Accepts CCTV Footage in U Ko Ni Murder Trial
- Govt to Implement Rakhine Commission’s Recommendations
- Death Toll Rises in Rakhine
- Judge Mulls Evidence in Trial of Three Journalists
- Thailand’s Ousted PM Yingluck has Fled Abroad: Sources
- Kofi Annan Denounces Attacks in Rakhine
- Yangon Govt Invites Bids for Cashless Payment on Buses
- Muslim Militants Stage Major Attack in Rakhine
- Lower House Votes Down ANP Proposal to Tighten Security in Rakhine
- The Man Behind the Burma Independence Army
| State Counselor Condemns Attacks in Rakhine Posted: 25 Aug 2017 09:01 AM PDT YANGON — Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi condemned Friday's attacks in northern Rakhine State that saw 12 members of security forces and one immigration officer killed after Muslim militants raided 30 police and military targets. "I strongly condemn today's brutal attacks by terrorists on security forces in Rakhine State," said she in a statement released on Friday evening. Following a series of violent attacks in Rakhine State on Friday morning, the State Counselor held an urgent meeting with Union ministers of defense, home affairs and border affairs, as well as her national security adviser and deputy minister from the President's Office in Naypyitaw on Friday afternoon. According to a statement from the State Counselor's Office, members of the security forces evacuated 600 Buddhist Arakanese residents from several villages in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships, citing concerns for their safety. Attacks on around 30 police outposts in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships on Friday caused the deaths of 10 policemen, one soldier, one immigration officer and 59 suspected militants. In an additional statement from the State Counselor's Office on Friday evening, Myanmar's Counter-Terrorism Bureau—with the backing of the Union government—announced that any individuals involved in the attacks would be classified as members of a "terrorist organization." Specifically mentioned was the ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army), believed to be responsible for the attacks. In her original statement, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi commended the members of the police and military who she described as acting with courage in the face of many challenges. She suggested that the actions of militants were purportedly carried out to further undermine government action recommended by the Kofi Annan-led Rakhine State Advisory Commission on Thursday. "It is clear that today's attacks are a calculated attempt to undermine the efforts of those seeking to build peace and harmony in Rakhine State. We must not allow our work to be derailed by the violent actions of extremists," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is quoted as saying in the press release. The statement also said that the government had been aware of a risk of attacks coinciding with the release of the commission's final report, and that the current administration remains committed to "finding meaningful and lasting solutions for conflict-torn Rakhine." The post State Counselor Condemns Attacks in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Court Accepts CCTV Footage in U Ko Ni Murder Trial Posted: 25 Aug 2017 08:16 AM PDT YANGON — Yangon's Northern District Court on Friday accepted CCTV footage as "electronic evidence" in the trial for the murder of the National League for Democracy legal adviser U Ko Ni. The prominent Muslim lawyer U Ko Ni was shot by gunman Kyi Lin outside Yangon International Airport on the afternoon of Jan. 29. Police have detained four suspects: gunman Kyi Lin, and alleged co-conspirators Zeya Phyo, Aung Win Zaw and Aung Win Tun. An additional man, Aung Win Khaing, is suspected of being the primary conspirator in the murder but remains at large. According to a police statement, he is the brother of the two detained suspects Aung Win Zaw and Aung Win Tun, and was last seen in Naypyitaw. The CCTV footage captured the assault and the movements of alleged co-conspirator Aung Win Zaw and gunman Kyi Lin at the airport. A total of 73 photos, along with the footage captured by 196 security cameras, was presented by the airport CCTV control room supervisor U Zaw Zaw Lwin. The three judges checked the footage during the court hearing in front of the lawyers, trial attendees, and observers on Friday. A total of five witnesses, including police officers, testified. "The CCTV footage showed how conspirators collaborated with each other at the airport on that day," lawyer U Nay La, who represents U Ko Ni's family, told the media after the court hearing adjourned on Friday at Insein Township's Northern District Court. The case is becoming clearer, he added. The CCTV control room supervisor U Zaw Zaw Lwin will testify at the next court hearing on September 1. Shooter Kyi Lin and the three alleged co-perpetrators are being charged under Article 302 of Myanmar's Penal Code for murder. Zeya Phyo, a former military intelligence officer, is also charged under Article 67 of the Telecommunications Law for the possession of restricted telecommunications equipment and Article 468 of the Penal Code for the forgery of national identity cards. Two of the suspects—Kyi Lin and Aung Win Zaw—are also being charged under Article 19(d) and (f) of the country's 1878 Arms Act for possession and transportation of illegal arms, in addition to the murder charge. The post Court Accepts CCTV Footage in U Ko Ni Murder Trial appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Govt to Implement Rakhine Commission’s Recommendations Posted: 25 Aug 2017 05:50 AM PDT YANGON — The Myanmar government said it would implement the recommendations from the Rakhine State Advisory Commission's final report "within the shortest timeframe possible." The commission, led by former UN chief Kofi Annan, released its final report on Thursday at the end of it year-long mandate to advise the Myanmar government on long-term solutions for the ethnically and religious divided region. Within hours of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's meeting with the commission, the State Counselor's Office released a statement that read: "As an immediate step, the government will form a new Ministerial-led committee responsible for the implementation of the commission's recommendations." Representatives from respective government ministries will be included in the new committee, which will oversee the delivery and regular reporting on the progress of the implementation. The committee will be assisted by an Advisory Board on Rakhine, it stated, adding that the board will include regional and international experts. "We hope to set out a full roadmap for implementation in the coming weeks," it added. The government stated that "meaningful and long-term solutions are welcome" for Rakhine State, adding that the difficulties cannot be resolved overnight. Meanwhile, Myanmar Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing claimed that the commission's report included some factual inaccuracies and questioned its impartiality, during the meeting with the commission on Thursday. The commission criticized several aspects of Myanmar's 1982 Citizenship Law as failing to meet international standards, pointing out that it contradicts the principles of non-discrimination under international law and treaties signed by Myanmar, as well as recently-approved domestic laws, including the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. It urged the acceleration of the national verification process in line with the 1982 Citizenship Law in Rakhine State and the creation of a transparent strategy and timeline for granting citizenship to those eligible. The State Counselor's Office statement said a number of recommendations made in the advisory commission's interim report in March had already been implemented including improved healthcare access through new mobile clinics, electrification expansion, new roads and bridges, a strategy and timeline to move forward with the National Verification Process, as well as a strategy to close internally displaced persons (IDP) camps in Rakhine State. Three IDP camps have been closed and new houses are being built near the IDP camps, the statement stated. Training and capacity building for police and security forces in the areas of human rights, child protection and gender-based violence are being provided in cooperation with the EU and UN bodies. After the commission's final report was publicly released, Muslim militants launched a series of attacks on 30 police stations and outposts in northern Rakhine state beginning on Thursday night. As of Friday afternoon, 10 police officers, one soldier and one immigration officer had been killed, and security forces killed 59 and arrested one during the attacks, according to the State Counselor's Office Information Team. It is the largest attack following an assault on border guard posts in October 2016. The post Govt to Implement Rakhine Commission's Recommendations appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 25 Aug 2017 05:36 AM PDT YANGON —Muslim militant attacks on 31 police and military targets in Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung townships in northern Rakhine on Thursday night and Friday left at least 71 dead, including 10 policemen, one soldier, and one immigration officer as well as 59 suspected militants, according to a State Counselor’s Office statement released Friday afternoon. An earlier statement on the official Facebook page of the State Counselor's Office Information Committee said, "The extremist Bengali insurgents attacked a police station in Maungdaw region in northern Rakhine state with a handmade bomb explosive and held coordinated attacks on several police posts at 1 a.m." The Rohingya Muslim community in Rakhine is referred to by many, including the government, as "Bengali" to suggest they are interlopers from Bangladesh. Some 150 men allegedly attacked Infantry Base 552 and an explosive device was used in an attack in Maungdaw, according to the State Counselor's Office. Another 150 men allegedly attacked a police station at Taung Bazaar at 3 a.m. and the bodies of six suspected attackers were found, according to a statement on the Facebook page of the Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. A number of ethnic Rakhine Buddhists fled their villages in Taung Bazaar and were taking refuge in a monastery, according to a local journalist. Residents fled fires in Chein Khar Li and Zay Di Pyin villages in Rathedaung Township on Friday, according to the statement released by the Commander-in-Chief’s Office. The attacks took place one day after an advisory commission led by the former UN chief Kofi Annan finished its year-long mandate to advise State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government on long-term solutions for the ethnically and religiously divided Rakhine State. In its final report, the commission recommended holding the Myanmar Army to account on accusations of human rights abuses, as well accelerating citizenship programs. Kofi Annan denounced the attacks in a statement released on Friday, calling them a "worrying escalation of violence," and urged security forces to exercise restraint in dealing with the situation. The Resident Coordinator of the United Nations in Myanmar Renata Lok-Dessallien also released a statement on Friday condemning the attacks and called on all parties to refrain from violence and resolve issues through dialogue. Both the British and the US embassies also released statements denouncing the attacks, with the US Embassy adding: "We also urge all communities to ensure their rhetoric and their actions contribute to restoration of peace and stability." A government statement listed the 31 locations that had come under attack—including Koe Tan Kauk in Rathedaung, which was also attacked by militants in October 2016. Maungdaw regional lawmaker from the Arakan National Party (ANP) U Maung Ohn said, "I have no words to express how I feel about this incident," but added that he had heard that at least 10 had been killed. He condemned the Lower House for voting down an ANP proposal to intensify administrative and security measures in northern Rakhine State on Thursday. "This is issue is not just of concern to Rakhine: every member of Parliament should consider the case as a national affair," U Maung Ohn told The Irrawaddy, noting that many lawmakers from the ruling National League for Democracy party have never visited the conflict-torn region. A Twitter account claimed by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a group that says it is fighting against Rohingya persecution, posted a statement on Friday morning saying that they had undertaken "defensive actions" against security forces in more than 25 locations, but did not provide details on any confrontations. The move, ARSA said, followed a two-week blockade by the authorities on food for Muslims in Rathedaung Township, and increased violence by the military in Rathedaung and Maungdaw against Rohingya communities. In Friday's statement, the group vowed that they would "continue [their] struggle." In previous statements dating back to May, statements from the ARSA Twitter account maintain that the group was committed to avoiding civilian targets. In October 2016, Harakah al-Yaqin—meaning "Faith Movement," and the name by which the ARSA was formerly known—claimed responsibility for attacks on three border police outposts, killing nine policemen. In response to the attacks, the police and military initiated clearance operations in northern Rakhine State, displacing more than 70,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh, and facing allegations by international rights groups of atrocities including extrajudicial killings, torture and rape. The post Death Toll Rises in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Judge Mulls Evidence in Trial of Three Journalists Posted: 25 Aug 2017 05:33 AM PDT HSIPAW, Shan State—The judge from Hsipaw Township Court will decide next week whether to accept evidence submitted by a military plaintiff in the trial of three detained journalists from The Irrawaddy and Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) under the Unlawful Association Act. During their fifth trial on Friday, judge U Kyaw Thu Moe said the court needed to check a compact disk submitted last week by Maj. Myat Maw Aung of the 506 Light Infantry Unit in Hsipaw. The major testified last week that the CD had photos related to the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) copied from the confiscated cameras and phones of the three journalists after their detention. Lawi Weng of The Irrawaddy, and U Aye Naing and U Pyae Phone Aung from the DVB, have been in custody in northern Shan State's Hsipaw Prison since they were arrested along with three other men by the Myanmar Army on June 26 as they returned from covering a drug-burning ceremony hosted by the TNLA. The military accused them of unlawful association with the ethnic armed group, who they classified as an outlawed organization. The three journalists have been on trial at Hsipaw Township Court for more than a month. According to Maj. Myat Maw Aung's testimonial at the court last week, he said the army copied every picture related to the TNLA onto a CD. "After that, apart from their personal pictures, we deleted [the TNLA pictures] right in front of [the journalists]. We did it according to an instruction from upstairs," he said. But the defendants' lawyers rejected his submission, arguing the CD was merely secondary evidence because the plaintiff could not provide any original pictures. The judge said on Friday he would not be able to reach a verdict until the contents of the CD were analysed to see whether it relates to the case. "So we will review the contents at next week's trial to see whether it is acceptable as evidence," said U Kyaw Thu Moe. The defendants' lawyers also submitted bail appeals on the same day despite two previous failed attempts. The judge will rule on the third appeal for bail and give the verdict on the acceptance of the CD as evidence on Sep. 1. The post Judge Mulls Evidence in Trial of Three Journalists appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Thailand’s Ousted PM Yingluck has Fled Abroad: Sources Posted: 25 Aug 2017 03:11 AM PDT BANGKOK — Ousted Thai prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra has fled the country ahead of a verdict against her in a negligence trial brought by the junta that overthrew her, sources close to the Shinawatra family said on Friday. Yingluck, 50, whose family has dominated Thai politics for more than 15 years, failed to show up at court for judgment in a case centred on the multi-billion dollar losses incurred by a rice subsidy scheme for farmers. Overthrown in 2014, Yingluck had faced up to 10 years in prison if found guilty. "She has definitely left Thailand," said one source, who is also a member of the Shinawatra's Puea Thai Party. The sources did not say where she was now. The Supreme Court issued an arrest warrant after saying it did not believe her excuse that she could not attend the court hearing because of an ear problem, but there was no sign of police showing up at her house. "It is possible that she has fled already," Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan told reporters. Yingluck's lawyer, Norrawit Lalaeng, said her team had told him on Friday morning she had an "ear fluid imbalance" and could not attend court. He said he was unaware whether she was still in the country. Her spokeswoman declined to comment. Yingluck's brother Thaksin Shinawatra, who heads the political clan, was overthrown in a 2006 coup and fled into exile to escape corruption charges that he said were aimed at demolishing the populist movement he founded. The struggle between that movement and a Bangkok-centered royalist and pro-military elite has been at the heart of years of turmoil in Thailand. The verdict against Yingluck was widely seen as having the potential to reignite tensions, though the junta has largely snuffed out open opposition. The Supreme Court said the verdict would now be delivered on Sept. 27. Yingluck last commented on social media on Thursday, saying on her Facebook page that she would not be able to meet supporters at court because of the security measures. She had been banned from travelling abroad at the start of the trial in 2015 and has attended previous hearings. Supporters Gather Hundreds of Yingluck supporters had gathered outside the court on Friday where around 4,000 police had been deployed. Some held roses while others wore white gloves with the word "love" on them. If Yingluck fled it would disappoint her supporters and make her opponents feel vindicated, said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Chulalongkorn University. "It does not help with Thailand's division and polarization," he said. Under the rice subsidy program, Yingluck's administration paid rice farmers up to 50 percent more than market prices. It left Thailand with huge rice stockpiles and caused US$8 billion in losses. Yingluck has said she was only in charge of coming up with the policy but not the day-to-day management of the scheme. In a related case on Friday, the Supreme Court sentenced Yingluck's former commerce minister Boonsong Teriyapirom to 42 years in jail after finding him guilty of falsifying government-to-government rice deals between Thailand and China in 2013. Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, who led the coup against Yingluck's government in the name of ending political turmoil, has promised that an election will be held next year. Yingluck had been banned from politics for five years in 2015 by the junta's legislature for alleged graft in the rice-purchasing program. The post Thailand's Ousted PM Yingluck has Fled Abroad: Sources appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Kofi Annan Denounces Attacks in Rakhine Posted: 25 Aug 2017 02:37 AM PDT YANGON — Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan denounced the attacks in northern Rakhine State that began late Thursday night, in a statement released on Friday. "As Chair of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State I am gravely concerned by, and strongly condemn, the recent attacks in Rakhine State. I am saddened to hear of the loss of life of members of the security forces." At least 10 police and one Myanmar Army soldier were killed in attacks on 24 border guard posts, police stations and army bases by Muslim militants in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships on Thursday night and Friday morning, according to a statement on the Facebook page of the Office of the Commander-in-Chief on Friday. The attacks occurred just one day after an advisory commission led by the former UN chief finished its year-long mandate to advise the Myanmar government on long-term solutions for the ethnically and religiously divided Rakhine State. In its final report, the commission recommended holding the Myanmar Army to account on accusations of human rights abuses. "The alleged scale and gravity of these attacks mark a worrying escalation of violence. No cause can justify such brutality and senseless killing. Perpetrators should be held to account. I urge the security forces to exercise restraint in dealing with the situation and above all ensure that innocent civilians are not harmed," the statement read. It continued, "I strongly urge all communities and groups to reject violence. After years of insecurity and instability, it should be clear that violence is not the solution to the challenges facing Rakhine State." The Resident Coordinator of the United Nations in Myanmar Renata Lok-Dessallien also released a statement on Friday condemning the attacks. "We call on all parties to refrain from violence, protect civilians, restore law and order and resolve issues through dialogue and peaceful means. The grave events confirm the significance of government's commitment to implement the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State for the betterment of all communities," the statement read. The post Kofi Annan Denounces Attacks in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Yangon Govt Invites Bids for Cashless Payment on Buses Posted: 25 Aug 2017 01:44 AM PDT YANGON — Yangon Region's government invited consortium bids on Friday for a cashless payment system to service the city's public transport system, with the aim of launching a pilot scheme next February, its tender scrutinizing board told The Irrawaddy. As part of its effort to reform the former capital's mass transit service, the regional government launched the Yangon Bus Service (YBS), replacing 300 bus lines under the Yangon Motor Vehicles Supervisory Committee—known as Ma Hta Tha—on Jan. 16. The new system—operating under the management of the Yangon Region Transport Authority (YRTA)—downsized the bus lines to about 80 to stop overlapping routes and replaced bus conductors with fare boxes. A 10-person scrutinizing board has been formed for the shift to a card payment platform – the Yangon Payment Service (YPS). It is chaired by the regional government's planning and finance minister U Myint Thaung and co-chaired by its electricity, industry and transportation minister Daw Nilar Kyaw and Karen ethnic affairs minister Naw Pan Thinzar Myo. The board will review tender proposals from different consortiums before choosing finalists for the regional government cabinet to consider. The cabinet will then pick two tender winners in December for the automated fare collection, U Chit Tun Pe, a board member and the principal of Tun Group Asia advisory firm, told The Irrawaddy. "The purpose of choosing two consortiums is to create competition between the service providers," U Chit Tun Pe said. "We are worried about service quality if there is only one group operating under the platform with no competition." The two winning consortiums will sign five-year contracts in the last week of December. They will issue YPS cards, and install machines and the technology for the operation, which will initially be tested on 4,000 buses. Once the system is established, said U Chit Tun Pe, it may be implemented on the city's new water buses depending on an agreement between the government and the ferry operator. YBS will gradually progress to a cashless payment system, although it will accept cash in the initial months of the new system, according to U Chit Tun Pe. The bidding consortiums can choose banks to issue cards and receive payments, but Ayeyarwady (AYA) Bank, owned by tycoon U Zaw Zaw, will operate as a settlement bank to manage payment transactions between the card issuers and bus operators, according to the tender scrutinizing board. U Chit Tun Pe told The Irrawaddy that YRTA has authorized AYA Bank to collect and deposit bus fares into the accounts of the bus operators since YBS was launched earlier this year. It will continue to use the bank as a medium when the system shifts from manual to electronic payments. U Chit Tun Pe declined to comment on the selection of AYA Bank without a tender process, saying that he could not answer on behalf of YRTA. The Irrawaddy was unable to reach YRTA for comment at the time of this report. The post Yangon Govt Invites Bids for Cashless Payment on Buses appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Muslim Militants Stage Major Attack in Rakhine Posted: 24 Aug 2017 11:51 PM PDT YANGON — At least 10 police and one Myanmar Army soldier were killed in attacks on 24 border guard posts, police stations, and army bases by Muslim militants in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships in northern Rakhine State on Thursday night and Friday morning, according to a statement from Myanmar Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing on Friday. Five firearms were looted by the attackers and the bodies of 15 suspected militants were found, it said, adding that fighting was ongoing. It is the largest attack by Rohingya Muslim militants since assaults on border guard posts in October 2016. An earlier statement on the official Facebook page of the State Counselor's Office Information Committee said "the extremist Bengali insurgents attacked a police station in Maungdaw region in northern Rakhine state with a handmade bomb explosive and held coordinated attacks on several police posts at 1 a.m." The Rohingya Muslim community in Rakhine is referred to by many, including the government, as "Bengali" to suggest they are interlopers from Bangladesh. Some 150 men allegedly attacked Infantry Base 552 and an explosive device was used in an attack in Maungdaw, according to the State Counselor's Office statement. Another 150 men allegedly attacked a police station at Taung Bazaar at 3 a.m. and the bodies of six suspected attackers were found, according to the commander-in-chief's statement. A number of ethnic Rakhine Buddhists fled their villages in Taung Bazaar and were taking refuge in a monastery, according to a local journalist. The attacks took place one day after an advisory commission led by the former UN chief Kofi Annan finished its year-long mandate to advise State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government on long-term solutions for the ethnically and religiously divided Rakhine State. In its final report, the commission recommended holding the Myanmar Army to account on accusations of human rights abuses, as well accelerating citizenship programs. Varying Reports of Casualties The government statement listed the 24 locations that had come under attack—including Koe Tan Kauk in Rathedaung, which was also attacked by militants in October 2016. It said attacks were ongoing at the time of the statement's release early Friday morning. Police Maj. Aung Win of Maungdaw Border Police Headquarters No. 1 in Kyee Kan Pyin confirmed the attack to The Irrawaddy, but would not comment on the number of deaths.  Arakan National Party (ANP) Chairman U Khin Maung Than, based in Maungdaw, said the attacks broke out at 12:00 a.m. on Friday and that one attack reportedly occurred in the No. 5 Quarter of downtown Maungdaw. According to him, at least six had been killed and clashes were continuing in southern Maungdaw, he added. Maungdaw regional lawmaker from the ANP U Maung Ohn said, "I have no words to express how I feel about this incident," but added that he had heard that at least ten had been killed. He condemned the Lower House for voting down an ANP proposal to intensify administrative and security methods in northern Rakhine State on Thursday. "This is issue is not just of concern to Rakhine: every member of Parliament should consider the case as a national affair," U Maung Ohn told The Irrawaddy, noting that many lawmakers from the ruling National League for Democracy party have never visited the conflict-torn region. Responsibility Claimed A Twitter account claimed by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a group that says it is fighting against Rohingya persecution, posted a statement on Friday morning saying that they had undertaken "defensive actions" against security forces in more than 25 locations, but did not provide details on any confrontations. The move, ARSA said, followed a two-week blockade by the authorities on food for Muslims in Rathedaung Township, and increased violence by the military in Rathedaung and Maungdaw against Rohingya communities. In Friday's statement, the group vowed that they would "continue [their] struggle." In previous statements dating back to May, statements from the ARSA Twitter account maintain that the group was committed to avoiding civilian targets.  In October 2016, Harakah al-Yaqin—meaning "Faith Movement," and the name by which the ARSA was formerly known—claimed responsibility for attacks on three border police outposts, killing nine policemen. In response to the attacks, the police and military initiated clearance operations in northern Rakhine State, displacing more than 70,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh, and facing allegations by international rights groups of atrocities including extrajudicial killings, torture and rape. The post Muslim Militants Stage Major Attack in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Lower House Votes Down ANP Proposal to Tighten Security in Rakhine Posted: 24 Aug 2017 11:00 PM PDT NAYPYITAW — The Lower House voted down a proposal to intensify administrative and security methods in northern Rakhine State on Thursday. The proposal was tabled by Arakan National Party (ANP) lawmaker Daw Khin Saw Wai of Rathedaung Township last Friday. Twenty-eight lawmakers and military representatives debated her proposal before it was put to a vote. The outcome of the vote was 150 in favor, 232 against and 6 abstentions. The ANP, opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the military debated in favor of the proposal. U Oo Hla Saw of the ANP argued that the Rakhine issue has gone beyond the problem of rule of law but developed into a national security and sovereignty issue. "The warfare is complicated with political, religious and military issues, along with territorial expansion and false history," he said, referring to a nationalist argument that the Rohingya have never been a recognized ethnic group in Myanmar. Former Lt-Gen Thaung Aye of the USDP called for summoning a National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) meeting to discuss the issue. The NDSC is an 11-member council that holds the highest authority for national security issues in the country. "Such an issue, which could potentially harm sovereignty, calls for a meeting of the NDSC that includes government, parliamentary speakers and military leaders to find a solution," he said. Lower House Speaker U Win Myint responded that it was the mandate of the president to summon a NDSC meeting and asked U Thaung Aye to withdraw his statement, saying that his call for such a meeting had nothing to do with the proposal in question. U Thaung Aye then refused to withdraw his statement. But U Win Myint declared that he withdrew it with his authority as the parliamentary speaker. The NLD-led government has not summoned a NDSC meeting since it took power, he told reporters after the session. According to U Thaung Aye, more than 200 NDSC meetings were summoned under the previous government, sometimes three meetings within a week. "I would like to suggest that rather than putting human rights to the fore in response to pressures from the international community, [authorities] should focus on the sovereignty of the country, and the safety of local Arakanese people in handling the Rakhine issue," argued military representative Maj Aung Kyaw Hnin. He said the government should consult, cooperate with and seek advice from those who have experience in security sector regarding the Rakhine issue. "According to reports that have yet to be confirmed, militants are plotting to rally villagers to attack security forces in case they come into the villages where they are based," said military representative Lt-Col Zaw Tun Oo. Military representative Col Tun Myat Shwe also questioned the discovery of supplies with the UN logo in hideouts on the Mayu Mountain Range. "If Parliament only records the proposal through voting, it has to take responsibility for the consequences. Local ethnic people [of Rakhine] and all citizens will not be satisfied with the action of Parliament," military representative Lt-Col Zaw Tun Oo told Parliament on Thursday. Lower House Speaker U Win Myint asked him to withdraw his statement, saying that it overstepped the authority of lawmakers. And the military representative backtracked his argument. Lawmakers from the NLD, however, defended that the government was trying its best to properly handle the issue. Lawmaker Daw Ni Ni May Myint of the NLD pointed out that State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi chairs the Central Committee on the Implementation of Peace, Stability and Development of Rakhine State, while former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's commission was assigned to provide input and Vice-President U Myint Swe's commission to investigate on the ground. "Looking at this, it is clear that the country's leadership views the Rakhine issue as a problem of the entire country," she said. Lawmaker U Maung Myint of the USDP called for swiftly finishing the fencing of a remaining 40 miles on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, and increasing security forces along the border. "If the government allows us, we'll finish the fencing within one year with our own funds," he told Parliament. He also called for the implementation of a citizenship verification process according to the 1982 Citizenship Law, and applying a population control law—one of the race and religion protection laws—in Rakhine State. Daw Pyone Kathy Naing of the NLD said the government was undertaking short- and long-term plans to resolve the Rakhine issue, and that it was carrying out short-term plans to alleviate the problem and long-term plans to solve the root causes. "Short-term plans include increasing security measures such as clearance operations, and the long-term plan focuses on stabilizing civil administration through political and social undertakings," she said. Despite the military representatives' discussion, Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe, who came and answered the proposal, asked Parliament to record the proposal. "As the Union government and Rakhine State government have formed necessary committees, and Tatmadaw, police, departments, community elders, civil society organizations, and locals are working in cooperation to ensure security, peace and stability, rule of law, and regional development, I'd say the proposal should be recorded," he said. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Lower House Votes Down ANP Proposal to Tighten Security in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Man Behind the Burma Independence Army Posted: 24 Aug 2017 07:08 PM PDT He came to Yangon as a correspondent for the Yomiuri Shimbun, but his real mission was to lay the groundwork for the Imperial Japanese forces' invasion of Myanmar. Keiji Suzuki, a Japanese intelligence officer at the rank of colonel, was known as a dynamic officer passionate about his covert operation. He was part of the Minami Kikan, a secret intelligence organization set up in Feb. 1941 to carry out special operations—a household name among former soldiers who once fought in Myanmar's independence struggle. In 1940, Col Suzuki took the name Minami Masuyo and arrived in Yangon, where his colleagues set up a secret office at 40 Judah Ezekiel Street and established contacts with young nationalists in Myanmar. Suzuki was described as "genuinely concerned" for countries in Asia colonized by Europeans. The Japanese colonel, who was dubbed "Asia's Lawrence of Arabia," attended Japan's prestigious General Staff College, spoke fluent English, and was known to identify with independence struggles throughout the continent. Recruitment of Young Nationalists The Japanese Imperial Army, however, had no interest in saving Myanmar from the British: the Japanese wanted to cut off the Burma Road, through which the British were sending military assistance, supplies and weapons to China. Before coming to Yangon, Keiji Suzuki developed connections with prominent members of Myanmar's thakin movement —nationalist activists and students pushing for Myanmar's independence—as well as those living in Japan.  The irony is that the thakins—meaning "masters," to indicate that they were masters of their own nation—found that they had more in common with the Chinese nationalists than Japanese militarists. In fact, many progressive, educated and left-leaning thakins, including young Thakin Aung San, father of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, did not agree with what Japanese forces had done in their invasion of China. However, they were pragmatic, and that played a major role in their quest for independence. To achieve this, Myanmar nationalists were ready to accept assistance from any quarter. Meanwhile, the Japanese propaganda machine was in full swing in British-occupied Myanmar; Japan's slogan of "Asia for Asians" intersected with growing anti-British sentiment in the country. In Yangon, Col Suzuki met Myanmar nationalists who were willing to take up arms. They were naïve, but idealistic and committed. A decade later, those young nationalists became prominent politicians and independence heroes. Aung San—already a leading figure in the underground movement—was contemplating armed struggle to regain independence, but would require outside assistance. A fugitive from the British authorities, Aung San left Myanmar secretly to seek help abroad. According to the book "Burma and Japan Since 1940," by Donald M. Seekins, the then head of the Japan-Burma Friendship Society Dr. Thein Maung said that a Japanese diplomat planned Aung San's escape to Amoy, now known as Xiamen, in southern China. In her biography of her father, "Aung San of Burma," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi wrote that his original intentions were to procure support from communists in China, and not from Japan. In any case, Aung San and a colleague, Than Myaing, were stranded for months in Amoy. Suzuki sent out Japanese agents to rescue the duo and fly them to Tokyo. In Tokyo, Aung San made the decision to work with the Japanese. Dr. Maung Maung, a subordinate and biographer of Gen Ne Win, interviewed 62-year-old Keiji Suzuki at his home in Hamamatsu, Japan in the 1950s. He wrote of Suzuki's account of Aung San and Than Myaing's arrival in Tokyo in November: they were dressed only in summer clothes and had no passports. He told Dr. Maung Maung that among Myanmar nationalists there were two schools of thought on seeking foreign aid: one was to form an alliance with China or Russia, and another favored Japan. The first group was in the majority, he believed. Suzuki's observation of Aung San was that he was honest and brave, but that the then 25-year-old lacked maturity. He asked Aung San to draft a blueprint for a free Burma. Some scholars later questioned whether the blueprint that was forwarded to the Japanese headquarters was originally written by Aung San, or whether it had been modified by Suzuki in an effort to please his superiors. The young Aung San learned to wear Japanese traditional clothing, speak the language, and even took a Japanese name. In historian Thant Myint-U's "The River of Lost Footsteps," he describes him as "apparently getting swept away in all the fascist euphoria surrounding him," but notes that his commitment remained to independence for Myanmar.  Suzuki's relations with his own military headquarters were also in question. Some historical accounts suggest that there was no higher-level interest in Aung San and his colleague Hla Myaing: Suzuki reported the arrival of the two Myanmar activists in Japan to General Staff but was initially told no support would be provided. Suzuki began to receive serious attention from the imperial headquarters when the British reopened the Burma Road to send supplies to China. Only then did a plan to liberate Myanmar begin in Tokyo. Aung San and other young nationalists—mostly Burmans—were secretly brought to Hainan Island to receive intensive military training in mid-1941, months before the Pacific War began with the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor on Dec. 8 of that year. Those with Aung San included Bo Let Ya, Bo Set Kya, and Bo Ne Win, all in their 20s. They were among those later known as the "Thirty Comrades." According to one of the Thirty Comrades, Kyaw Zaw—then 21, and later a leading army officer in 1950s—the training was harsh. At times, they thought of rebelling or joining Chinese communist insurgents hiding out on the island. In his memoirs, he mentioned that at one point, a Japanese officer brought out a Chinese prisoner of war on whom to practice bayonet training. The practice was later documented in Myanmar when Burmese independence fighters captured suspected criminals and collaborators with allied forces. Commander Thunderbolt The Burma Independence Army (BIA) was formed in December 1941 in Bangkok, before the Thirty Comrades' return to Myanmar. Suzuki was the group's commander in chief, with the rank of General, and Aung San served below him as Chief of Staff.  The Japanese promised that as soon as the forces crossed Myanmar's eastern border and reached Moulmein (now Mawlamyine), independence would be announced. It was not. Before entering Myanmar, the Thirty Comrades and Suzuki chose noms de guerre: Aung San became Bo Teza. Suzuki also chose a Burmese name: Bo Mogyo, or "Thunderbolt." There was a reason behind it: a popular ta baung, or Burmese prophecy, widely shared among Myanmar people suggested that a thunderbolt would eventually strike down the umbrella, a symbol of British colonial rule. Suzuki not only identified himself as this savior, but also spoke of being a descendent of Prince Myingun, who was exiled from the Burmese royal family. Before they marched on Myanmar, the Thirty Comrades held a thwe thauk ceremony in a house in Bangkok, a tradition among soldiers in which a small amount of their blood was mixed with liquor and then consumed by the group. The initial BIA forces included Myanmar exiles and hundreds of Thai of Burmese origins. When the imperial headquarters asked Suzuki how he wanted assistance and arms for the BIA, Suzuki replied that he would need arms and equipment for 10,000 men but did not require any Japanese troops. According to Suzuki, when they entered Myanmar they had 2,300 men and 300 tons of equipment. Along with Japan's 15th Army, they entered southern Myanmar and swiftly moved toward Moulmein. Suzuki and Aung San wanted to reach Yangon first—by March, the capital fell to Japanese forces. Speaking later to Dr. Maung Maung, Suzuki said that Aung San's "patriotism and honesty won over all of us in Japan, as well as on our march."  Before troops arrived in Yangon, Japanese planes bombed the city, forcing people to flee to the countryside. British and Indian populations—including soldiers, officers and civil servants—retreated west, to India. Shocking tales of a new "master" traveled fast to Yangon, including stories of Japanese solders' abuses, including rape, torture, gruesome interrogations, lootings and extrajudicial killings. British and Indian troops destroyed strategic roads, bridges, and hospitals leaving little which could be of use to the enemy. When the young Burmese nationalists' aspirations of independence failed to materialize, they confronted Suzuki. He famously told then politician U Nu—who later became the Prime Minister—that one could not beg for independence, but rather, had to proclaim it. Suzuki allegedly suggested that the Burmese forces form their own government and revolt against Japan. Aung San reportedly replied to him that as long as Suzuki was in the country, he would not undertake such a move. In his own account to Maung Maung, Suzuki said he called in his own officers and asked they would follow him if he turned and fought the Japanese. It is unclear why Suzuki would have encouraged such action—whether he wanted the BIA to remain as his own army, away from the command of the Imperial Japanese forces, or whether he deeply romanticized the Myanmar nationalist struggle. Either way, it did not go down well with Japan. In 1942, Suzuki was called back to Tokyo and Aung San became war minister. The BIA—originally formed in Japan—was re-organized into the Burma Defense Army (BDA), of which Aung San was the head. Japan declared independence for Myanmar from the British, but the Burmese continued to struggle for freedom from foreign domination, this time by the Japanese. Massacre Under Japanese Occupation Before departing Myanmar, Suzuki witnessed and was reportedly involved in volatile ethnic and racial conflict that remains a scar on the country today. When BIA troops marched across the Thai border, Burmans frequently welcomed them, but ethnic minorities remained apprehensive. Many groups had large numbers of recruits by the British, including the Karen, Karenni, Chin and Kachin. As the British retreated, promising to return, Karen soldiers went back to their homes. BIA troops then came to disarm them, and confrontation was inevitable. According to one account in Donald M. Seekins' book, Suzuki ordered the BIA to destroy two large Karen villages, killing all the men, women and children with swords. It was an act of retribution, after one of his officers was killed in an attack by forces resistant to the Japanese. The same account was also described in Brig-Gen Kyaw Zaw's memoirs, as he served under Col Suzuki when BIA and Minami Kikan officers ordered attacks on ethnic Karen villages in the Irrawaddy Delta. The incident, Seekins wrote, "ignited race war," with massacres continuing "on both sides," until the Japanese army could "rein in the hooligan element in the BIA," In Myaungmya, South of Pathein in the Irrawaddy Delta, 400 Karen villages were destroyed and the death toll reached 1,800, according to Martin Smith, author of "Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity." Members of the Thirty Comrades like Kyaw Zaw, as well as other independence era politicians, describe in their memoirs the crimes of this period, now remembered as the Myaungmya Massacres. In some cases, BIA troops wanted to restore law and order as they saw fit. When they arrested suspected British collaborators, they simply put them on court martial and executed them in public, frequently with bayonets, as the Japanese had done. Just before Myanmar gained its independence, Aung San himself was accused by a political rival of carrying out the summary execution of a village headman in Mon State who was accused of aiding the British as BIA troops moved into Myanmar. In any case, the conflict was not confined to Karen State. In April 1942, Japanese troops advanced into Rakhine State and reached Maungdaw Township, near the border with what was then British India, and is now Bangladesh. As the British retreated to India, Rakhine became a front line. Local Arakanese Buddhists collaborated with the BIA and Japanese forces but the British recruited area Muslims to counter the Japanese. "Both armies, British and Japanese, exploited the frictions and animosity in the local population to further their own military aims," wrote scholar Moshe Yegar, in his book "Between Integration and Secession: The Muslim Communities of the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand, and Western Burma/Myanmar." Communal strife and retaliation ensued between the two communities as thousands were killed or died of starvation under Japanese occupation—Moshe Yegar estimates that as many as 20,000 people were lost regionally in the conflict. If this happened today, it would undoubtedly demand international intervention. When countering Japanese and BIA forces, the Muslims of Arakan, wrote Moshe Yegar, played a valuable military role in reconnaissance missions, intelligence gathering, the rescue of downed aviators and raids on Japanese collaborators. This support arguably enabled the British to recapture Maungdaw and later, all of Rakhine. Soon after independence, the Arakanese began a struggle for an independent state of their own, and Muslims began the Mujahid movement to join East Pakistan (Bangladesh). Today, conflict and division in the region continue. When Aung San turned against Japan in 1945, the Karen, Kachin and Karenni and other minorities received arms and assistance from the British to fight against retreating Japanese forces. "Karen and Karenni guerrillas were later estimated to have killed more than 12,500 Japanese troops retreating through the eastern hills," according to Martin Smith. The majority of offensives were carried out by allied forces and Gen William Slim, who led the 14th Army and the campaign that eventually defeated the Japanese. Lasting Friendship Suzuki's protégé and former war minister Gen Aung San was assassinated in July 1947 at age 32. Seven years after they met in Tokyo, the young student activist had developed and demonstrated the qualities of a statesman as he matured and gained a stronger understanding of the complexities facing his country.  Bo Let Ya, one of Aung San's more favored colleagues and a leading member of the Thirty Comrades, became the deputy minister of War Affairs and also served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense under Prime Minister U Nu's administration. He was jailed by Ne Win shortly after the coup in 1962. After serving his prison term, he fled to the Thai-Myanmar border to join resistance forces and fight against Gen Ne Win's regime. Karen rebels in the jungle killed him in 1978. Bo Ne Win's assignment in the BIA was to lead an advanced team into Myanmar to create disturbance and work behind enemy lines. In Hainan, he received training in sabotage and intelligence gathering; in 1962 he staged a coup and became head of the Revolutionary Council. Under his leadership, he built a much feared spy network throughout Myanmar. Gen Ne Win has been condemned as one of the most repressive dictators in Asia. He ran—and arguably ruined—the troubled country until 1988 when his government faced a massive uprising. Disgraced, he resigned and died quietly in 2002 while his grandsons served lengthy jail terms under the military regime he had handed power to in the political turmoil of 1988. Ne Win maintained close relations with Suzuki and Minami Kikan members until Suzuki passed away in 1967. Ne Win had invited him to Burma in 1966, one year earlier. In 1981, Ne Win bestowed the remaining six veterans of the Minami Kikan with honorary awards—the Aung San Tagun, or the "Order of Aung San"— at the presidential palace in Yangon. Col Suzuki's widow came to the ceremony. After his coup, Ne Win still needed Japan's assistance. Myanmar received more than US$200 million from 1955 to 1965. In addition, Tokyo's Official Development Assistance (ODA) served as a vital lifeline to the Ne Win regime and its successors. The country depended on Japan's war reparations and ODA. Even after the 1988 massacre and bloody coup, Tokyo recognized the regime then known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council. Even after he resigned as Burma Socialist Programme Party chairman in 1988, Ne Win held gatherings of old Minami Kikan members into the mid-1990s. It is believed that the Minami Kikan remained in contact with Myanmar governments until 1995. In a 2014 trip to Japan, the Myanmar Army's Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing visited the tomb of Col Suzuki to pay his respects. In the minds of many Myanmar Army officers, Suzuki remained a key figure: the man behind the clandestine beginnings of the BIA and the nucleus of the legendary Thirty Comrades. A controversial figure to both his own mission and his country's top brass, Suzuki continues to be remembered as influential in Myanmar's history—his and Japan's direct involvement in Myanmar's independence movement has had far reaching consequences. Members of the thakin movement were originally unarmed, but these young politicians and activists soon found a resourceful foreign ally who was ready to assist them in liberating Myanmar. This no doubt changed the political dynamics in a country where some ethnic groups had once enjoyed relative autonomy and peace under British rule. Today, all of the legendary Thirty Comrades have died, and many of Myanmar's problems and complexities remained unresolved. The irony was that liberation brought more chaos, rebellion, and division, and a state run by the army, not the nation's people. Suzuki's legacy lives on among the Burmese and the military generals, as does the notorious war machine and lingering conflict. Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy. The post The Man Behind the Burma Independence Army appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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