The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- The Reality in Rakhine and Myanmar’s Complex Political Conundrum
- Rakhine Violence: On the Ground in Maungdaw
- Reporter’s Notebook: Understanding Maungdaw’s Reality
| The Reality in Rakhine and Myanmar’s Complex Political Conundrum Posted: 09 Sep 2017 02:31 AM PDT What we can say definitively about the motivation behind the recent attacks in Rakhine State is that they were a violent rejection of meaningful recommendations made by the Kofi Annan-led Rakhine State Advisory Commission and a total obstruction against implementation as promised by the Myanmar government. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), led by Attaullah Abu Ammar Jununi – who was born in Pakistan and raised in Saudi Arabia – launched its synchronized attacks against 30 police outposts in Maungdaw on Aug. 25, hours after former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan presented comprehensive long-term solutions to solving the issues in Rakhine and integrating the local Muslim community (who self-identify as Rohingya). The Myanmar government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi welcomed the commission's final report recommendations and officially said that it would implement them "within the shortest timeframe possible." Within a few hours of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's meeting with Kofi Annan and his commission members on Aug. 24, the State Counselor's Office released a statement saying: "As an immediate step, the government will form a new Ministerial-led committee responsible for the implementation of the commission's recommendations." The statement also said, "We hope to set out a full roadmap for implementation in the coming weeks." That's not exactly what the ARSA – designated a "terrorist" group by the government after its attacks – had in mind when it launched simultaneous attacks. Two weeks since the attacks, the government still cannot set out to implement the recommendations as it has been too busy trying to control the situation on the ground, which is in turmoil due to the ARSA's attacks, militant supporters' attacks on ethnic Rakhine and other groups as well, and military "clearance operations," – all of which have forced hundreds of thousands of Muslim refugees to the Bangladesh border and thousands of Rakhine refugees to other cities in the state. But the ARSA's violent methods have been a victory for them, at least so far. Their attacks – which killed more than a dozen security or government officials – may be seen by some outsiders as a 'legitimate' retaliation to alleged military oppression and human rights abuses against Muslims in Rakhine State. Beyond that, they have led to heavy criticism of the Myanmar government and its de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is under attack by rights groups, campaign groups and the international media for not publicly defending the rights of the Muslim refugees. But their criticism comes from a lack of knowledge regarding the country's complex political situation. Emphasis of the international community and its media on the exodus of refugees and destruction alone is not helping this complex and volatile situation. Instead, it will prove to be counterproductive. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her government are sandwiched politically by the powerful military, nationalist parties and an undemocratic Constitution. There is no civilian oversight of the military, and it is guaranteed 25 percent of the seats in Parliament and three key ministerial positions – defense, border and home affairs. Some observers have said that the country is driven by two "parallel governments." Nobody can clearly guess how much room the government has to use its executive power in dealing with the military in handling the latest situation in Rakhine. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said that the government cannot tell the military not to launch offensives. On Aug. 24, when Kofi Annan met Myanmar Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief said that the commission's report included some factual inaccuracies and questioned its impartiality. In fact, some political groups rejected the commission from the start. In Parliament, three main groups – members of the Arakan National Party, the previous ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party formed by the ex-generals, and all military-appointed lawmakers sought to abolish the commission in early September 2016. But they didn't succeed. Critics of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, including western media, denounced her for not criticizing military leaderships over the institution's alleged human rights violations – showing that these groups don't clearly understand the political situation. The most important thing the country needs is genuine collaboration from the military leadership to continue this transition to democracy. The military could still return to power if military leaders believed it was necessary for the country. Critics of the military share a common view that since the current administration assumed office, military associates and USDP party members have a wait-and-see policy as the government confronts a difficult situation that may prove to be opportune for the opposition. A handful of people can understand the complexity of Myanmar. Derek Mitchell, who was US ambassador to Myanmar under former President Barack Obama's administration, told the Associated Press that the militant attacks have "in some ways empowered the military to assert themselves 'as saviors of the country,' which is how they like to see themselves." The former ambassador added, "That's not very helpful to the transition." Unlike him, most critics have shortsighted views without seeing the bigger picture, which is that the government and the military need to have good relations for the long-term benefit of the country. Violence begets violence and it cannot be accepted, in response to human rights abuses or terrorist attacks. Security forces must restrain themselves from using "excessive force" against militants and from hurting Muslim civilians during field operations. The government should be assertively talking to military leadership to follow the principles of democratic reform. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi cannot afford to publicly criticize the military, which still has both seen and unseen power as the most established institution, with the experiences of coups in 1962 and 1988 and 50 years in power. Only smooth relations between the two sides can solve the many problems facing the country, including the current Rakhine conflict and more importantly, the peace process involving ethnic armed groups. Her speaking out against the military would only backfire. If the international community truly wants to see Myanmar as a stable country that can prosper under democratic rule, it needs to help the government halt the violence in Rakhine immediately and implement Kofi Annan's recommendations as soon as possible. The post The Reality in Rakhine and Myanmar's Complex Political Conundrum appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Rakhine Violence: On the Ground in Maungdaw Posted: 08 Sep 2017 08:31 PM PDT Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! It has been 10 days since Muslim terrorists launched attacks in Rakhine State's Maungdaw District. According to government figures as well as information we've collected, about 500 people were killed in 10 days. Our reporter Ko Moe Myint recently went to Maungdaw to interview the people there and also witnessed attacks and damage. We'll discuss who he interviewed, what he saw and the situation on the ground. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.
KZM: According to a government release, around 400 ARSA [Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army] members were killed. The worst thing is reports that more than 80 Hindus—[Moe Myint] also interviewed some Hindu community members—were allegedly killed. You went to Maungdaw where attacks were taking place and houses were burned down. Would you recount what you saw? Moe Myint: As soon as we got into Buthidaung, we could feel the severity of the conflict in Maungdaw. We saw clouds of smoke billowing into the sky. As soon as we arrived at Buthidaung Jetty, we heard the bad news that four Arakanese people were killed near Zula village in Maungdaw's three-mile camp. There is a village called Myo Thugyi which is just a five-minute walk out of Maungdaw. It is a big Muslim village. There are around 1,200 houses there. All the houses were torched and none of them remained intact. I went to Maungdaw after attacks in Oct. 9, 2016. At that time, the situation was different. Myo Thugyi village was lively with bazaars and students. But now, all of the houses have been reduced to ash. The whole village is gone. This was the first sign of the immensity of the conflict on the ground. I went to [relief] camps and interviewed Hindus. After the conflict broke out on Aug. 25, Muslim crowds threatened them [they said]. Hindus live together with Muslims in No. 4 and No. 5 wards [of Maungdaw]. All those wards have been torched. Witnesses said arson attacks were carried out by religious extremists. I also witnessed [their feelings]. KZM: You mean Hindu witnesses? MM: Yes. KZM: You have also reported about this. Were [Hindus] killed by Muslim militants? MM: Muslims made threats. Some shot with a gun and one [Hindu] was killed. I also interviewed the mother of a victim. KZM: According to witnesses, how many Hindus were killed? MM: I met the survivors of a family whose members included children [and said] about four or five [members of the family] were killed. She was a Hindu woman called 'Kamala' who was receiving treatment at Buthidaung Township Hospital. Her 12-member family came back from southern Maungdaw on Aug. 26 and 27 after conflict broke out. And they took a rest at three-mile camp where police were providing security. They followed a police convoy to go to Ward No. 4 [in Maungdaw]. But by that time, that ward had already been reduced to ashes. The security convoy encountered hundreds of Muslim militants in Myo Thugyi village on their way to Maungdaw. It was followed by an exchange of fire, and the Hindu family fled in fright to the district court, which was under construction. The security convoy didn't care about the people who were travelling behind them. Perhaps they wanted to avoid conflict with large crowds or perhaps they hadn't noticed the people travelling behind them. They left. The [Hindu] family was too frightened and so they fled into a nearby building. Some of the people in the crowd had guns and they shot [at them]. Kamala was hit. She was shot in the chest and lost consciousness. The rest were killed with swords. Witnesses told us that [attackers] said words related to religion like 'Allah is taking you. So you must go.' [Attackers] left her because they thought she was dead. We can say her account is very credible. KZM: Did you interview any Muslims living in Maungdaw or Sittwe? What did they say? MM: I met about six Muslims. Most of them were educated and businesspeople. Anyway, it is fair to say they were educated. They said they condemned such violence. Violence disrupts regional stability and order. They are in hardship now. There were attacks on 30 locations in Maungdaw District, and that also impacts urban areas. Grassroots poor Muslim families who have to rely on rivers and creeks for their daily livelihoods and who know nothing about politics also suffered from the impact of that conflict. They could not go to the market. There is no food and they have to share food with each other. There are two separate things here: ARSA claimed that it fights for its political goal, but its actions have shifted to terrorism. Their acts cannot move the situation for everyday people in a positive direction. At least, they should have displayed tolerance. Kofi Annan's [Rakhine State Advisory] Commission formed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has also provided recommendations. But [ARSA] didn't wait for the implementation of those recommendations, and instead it launched attacks. MM: We discussed this in last week's Dateline. Attacks were launched on Aug. 25, the same day Kofi Annan submitted his recommendations to the government, the president and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The government said it would implement those recommendations. Then, immediately, attacks followed. It is fair to say attacks were launched even before that. [ARSA's] response is that they didn't accept Kofi Annan's recommendations and their implementation by the government. They responded in a violent way. MM: I think they are undermining the positive move made by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government to solve the problem. Viewing ARSA's recent official video clips on YouTube, its ultimate political goal is to build an Islamic State [for the Rohingya]. To put it bluntly, it is no longer about human rights. It is about self-interest, which is contrary to human rights. Reconciliation, I think, would be difficult in Maungdaw if they work to that end. KZM: You mean it will be hard to reconcile between the two communities? MM: Not just two sides, it is three parties now. One more party has been involved—the Hindu community. I've asked Hindus, and all of them unanimously said they dare not live together with [Muslims]. They will not go back to stay within Muslim quarters anymore and also refuse to accept government suggestions that they live together with Muslims. They asked the government for segregation. KZM: What about other sub-ethnic groups such as the Mro [an Arakanese sub-group]? Did you interview them and what did they say? MM: Mro people also dare not live [alongside Muslims]. They know nothing about politics. They don't know who the Rohingya are. To put it bluntly, they don't even know who the president of Myanmar is. Such people who lead a simple life on farms and who know nothing about urban life were killed, and fell victim to the conflict. They are frightened to death. They have lived and worked on hillside farms for generations and never experienced this before. Now, they have all moved. KZM: Before you went to Maungdaw, the government declared ARSA a terrorist organization. Did you witness its activities on the ground in Maungdaw? To what extent is it involved in the Maungdaw [attacks]? MM: What I found out is—I didn't witness it—from the car I was in, I saw the location of a mine explosion on the way. It is obvious that ARSA has influence over local Muslim people. When I interviewed Muslim sources about ARSA, they were reluctant to answer. We must understand this. I also understand this, so I don't disclose the identity of Muslim sources. Because if they criticize the government—they are businessmen and educated—it could impact their long-term relations [with the government]. But on the other hand, if they criticize ARSA and if we disclose their identity—there are previous examples of Muslim men beheaded after they gave interviews to the government. The situation is dangerous for them in the conflict zone. KZM: Do you think this conflict will go on? MM: It is very likely that it will continue. An Islamic State, which is the ultimate goal of ARSA according to their online video clips, will continue the conflict. This is quite sure. And regarding the geographical location of Maungdaw, it is surrounded by three large Muslim villages. There are at least 30,000 people. Of them, only Myo Thugyi is gone and two others remain intact. No houses were burned and there was no conflict there. So, it is fair to say there is still some hope for remedy. But if the goal of an Islamic State is real and people from those villages join them, the problem will get worse. KZM: Thank you for your contribution! Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Rakhine Violence: On the Ground in Maungdaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Reporter’s Notebook: Understanding Maungdaw’s Reality Posted: 08 Sep 2017 07:50 PM PDT SITTWE, Rakhine State – I was among the 22 journalists from local and international news publications who arrived Buthidaung Township in the afternoon on August 30. We were met by news that four young Arakanese had been killed by Muslim militants in Zula village in neighboring Maungdaw Township, and that clashes were ongoing with government security forces. The police escorted us 24 kilometers down a road linking Buthidaung and Maungdaw, crossing through the green Mayu mountain range. We saw very few cars or bikes. After nearly one hour, we reached Tha Si village, three miles from the border checkpoint where several thousand internally displaced Arakanese people (IDPs) shelter. A couple minutes' drive from Tha Si village, we reached Myo Thu Gyi village, a Muslim community of 8,600 residents located on the highway, only 1.6 kilometers from the entrance of Maungdaw town, where there is a police checkpoint. The village has been reduced to a heap of ash. It was the worst scene I have witnessed in recent years. Myo Thu Gyi had been spared following clearance operations after last year's October 9 attacks, in which tens of thousands of Muslims fled across the Bangladeshi border to Teknaf District.   Rising Death Toll According to the latest information from the government, since the August 25 attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on police outposts, its members killed 14 Arakanese Buddhists, seven Hindus and seven Muslims, as well as 15 members of government security forces, and three civil servants. Security forces have killed 371 suspected militants and apprehended 38 suspects since late August. There has been criticism from the international community regarding the discrepancy between the death toll and the weapons seized by the authorities—a few assault rifles and homemade guns, as well as swords, darts and knives. During the two-day trip to Maungdaw, displaced Arakanese and Hindu residents and government officials told reporters that at least 100 people were involved in attacks on them, mostly carried out with swords, machetes, slingshots and daggers—few of them had guns, they said.  Some security forces who have been receiving medical treatment in Sittwe hospital said attackers opened fire on police and then marched forward, and the police decided to shoot into the crowd. Otherwise, they said, they would have been killed on the spot. A police major told The Irrawaddy that if a Muslim targeted for recruitment by ARSA refused to be involved, they were often killed. He also alleged local religious leaders had played a role in recruitment—a claim which The Irrawaddy could not verify. Maungdaw Township administrative official U Ye Htut revealed an intelligence report that the ARSA had already recruited at least 100 members throughout Maungdaw. He also told reporters that the rest of the people—namely, women and children—involved in the attacks against security forces or civilians would be recognized as "terrorists" and dealt with as such. With a death toll of nearly 400 suspected militants is highly possible that many of them would not have used firearms and applied as human shield to fight against government troops in the battle.  Reuters has discovered that ARSA leader Ata Ullah delivered a voice message to his supporters ordering the launch of an offensive against government border outposts last month. It occurred hours after the release of the Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission on Rakhine State's final report on August 24. The message stated, "if 200 or 300 people come out, 50 will die. God willing, the remaining 150 can kill them with knives." Complexity According to an update from the Government Information Committee this week, 6,845 houses in 60 villages have been burned down. The government said the fires were set by the ARSA, while militants cite the army as being responsible. The Irrawaddy was told by many sources from the Hindu, Buddhist Arakanese and Muslim communities that arson has been carried out by both sides. This Irrawaddy reporter asked to stay one more night in the conflict-area to collect further information, but the request was refused by the authorities. Human Rights Watch (HRW) has released satellite images showing the destruction of 17 villages populated by self-identifying Rohingya. International rights groups have again accused the Myanmar Army of committing arson during military operations. More than 26,700 Arakanese Buddhists and Hindus have been displaced and evacuated to 33 locations in Maungdaw, according to government figures.  The UN has stated that 146,000 Muslims have fled to Bangladesh and are living in makeshift shelters. Some of those fleeing are confronted with landmines along roads, and a lack of access to aid in temporary relief camps. Burdens and Barriers During a three-day trip to Rakhine, I documented several witnesses' accounts, including those from internally displaced persons who were Hindu, Arakanese and belonging to the Arakanese sub-ethnicities. But the government's guided tour did not allow us to meet with Muslim IDPs and those who had lost their homes elsewhere in Maungdaw. We were only allowed to meet with Muslim village administrative officials and a few elderly community members.  Most of the Muslim sources what we met during the trip were businessmen, who were careful to avoid criticizing either government troops or the ARSA. One such man condemned the militant attacks as having caused the collapse of commerce, education and life in the town. Journalists have to understand the potential risks that sources take by speaking with us, especially those who live in a conflict-torn region. There have been more than 60 homicides documented by the government since the first attacks on police outposts in Oct. 2016. Muslim sources have been found beheaded, after being suspected of speaking with the authorities or media. These numbers suggest that Muslim sources are hesitating to speak out against or criticize either side in the conflict, as they likely find themselves standing on a tightrope.  Information and Misinformation This reporter went to three temporary camps housing Hindu and Arakanese IDPs under the protection of government security forces. The security at these camps was questionable—no one appeared to be guarding them. Landmines and ambushes plagued the area. Several hundred people bought boat tickets to the state capital of Sittwe—others could not afford to leave. During this time, unconfirmed news went viral on social media, including rumors that border outposts in Maungdaw had been deserted, and conflicting stories about which villages had been burned and by whom, and the numbers of people killed. This unfiltered information reached the IDPs through word of mouth, as many do not own mobile phones. There have been multiple incidents of viral photos online being wrongly attributed to Rakhine State, or being misdated. On Aug. 29, Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Mehmet Simsek tweeted four pictures, encouraging the international community to stop a genocide against the Rohingya in Rakhine State. The post was retweeted more than 1,600 times and "liked" by at least 1,200 readers. However, none of the photos posted by Simsek were from the fresh clashes in northern Rakhine; they should have been checked for accuracy before posting. During a phone conversation between State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Turkey's President Erdogan earlier this week, she pointed out that these photos contribute to "a huge iceberg of misinformation." She went as far as stating that such actions "create a lot of problems between different communities" and "promot[e] the interest of the terrorists." Few are familiar with the situation in Maungdaw. This period of conflict requires caution, as information and misinformation spreads around the world online and encourages fear to grow among the displaced people of Maungdaw, who have already been mentally and physically harmed. The post Reporter's Notebook: Understanding Maungdaw's Reality appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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