Saturday, December 29, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

After Difficult Year For Myanmar, Some Cause For Hope in 2019

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 09:44 PM PST

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! We are now bidding farewell to 2018 and welcoming 2019. We will discuss the lessons we can learn from 2018 and our expectations for 2019. U Win Myo Thu, director of EcoDev Myanmar, and Ma Thida (Sanchaung), who is on the board of directors of Pen Myanmar, join me to discuss this. I'm Kyaw Zwa Moe, The Irrawaddy's English editor.

Thank you both for joining me. Now is the time we review 2018. In 2017 our country was hit by a political tsunami — the Rakhine issue. We experienced a lot of aftershocks, repercussions in 2018. The country underwent political instability and was seriously criticized by the international community. It suffered a serious economic downturn, and there was no international investment. There were mountains of problems. U Win Myo Thu, what big lessons can we learn from 2018? What are the good things and the bad things?

Win Myo Thu: The Rakhine issue has impacted the country politically, economically and socially. So how to respond to the international community is important. And there is a need for the entire country to clearly understand and acknowledge human rights. We must avoid defining human rights loosely. If we want to get on well with the international community, we should make a careful review of the issue and make our position public. Only then will we be able to avoid becoming a pariah nation and get on well with the international community. This is the most important thing. Another is about the weakness of the current government. In my opinion the main weakness of the current government is that it fails to strengthen democratic governance, which is the key task of a democratically elected government. Though there are restrictions imposed by the 2008 Constitution, if the government had formed grass-roots organizations such as media, civil society groups, farmers and so on to promote democratic governance, it would have been able to handle the Rakhine issue better. Due to the lack of those organizations, the democratic government could not establish democracy and the country's politics have reached a standstill. The 2018 by-election is a good indicator of this and came as an alarm bell for the current government.

KZM: Ma Thida, what is your personal assessment of the year 2018?

Thida: The good thing is that a presidential pardon was granted on Myanmar New Year this year to annul all the suspended penalties against political prisoners. That is very good. And we think the president's responses to two cases are very encouraging. We view them as a very strong message (from the president). He intervened in the Aung Yell Htwe case because (law officers) took bribes. In the case of the journalists sued by the Yangon Region chief minister, he intervened by instructing him how to settle it. We view that as a sign that he is objective in his judgment of issues and that he only cares for justice and fairness. Regarding the Rakhine issue in 2018, I think what Facebook could dig up is quite important in cooling the Rakhine issue. In the past, we could only make wild guesses about who was deliberately spreading propaganda in a systematic way. We could only make guesses based on our decades of experience. But now Facebook has proven it (the military’s use of Facebook to spread hate speech). Now it is clear because they could be identified. This has contributed to cooling the Rakhine issue. I am very sad that (the government) failed to make big strides in bringing about social harmony in the country. It is a cause for concern.

KZM: Taking a look at the driving forces of the country, the Tatmadaw (military) is an essential part of the society. And the 2008 Constitution, which was drafted by the Tatmadaw, is an even bigger force. We have Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government elected by the people. There are ethnic parties, armed organizations and civil society organizations. But the most important part is the people. There are clashes due to those driving forces. Some call our government a hybrid government of the Tatmadaw and the elected government. I sometimes call it a forced marriage, a couple forcibly married by 2008 Constitution. What is your assessment of the entire mechanism? It is quite confusing, so how can we clear it up?

WMT: Of course we don't want to go back to 2008 because we are already in 2018. But if you ask me if it is good now, my answer is no. But then we don't want to go back to the days of 2008. So we need to think about how to clear up the existing mess. The country's leader is working for peace mainly through the channel of the (21st Century) Panglong conference. There are ups and downs in the peace process. That is its nature, and it is important to negotiate an outcome despite this. The statements issued last week are somewhat encouraging.

KZM: The unilateral ceasefire declared by the Tatmadaw.

WMT: Yes. Some are suspicious that it is a trick. And the transfer of the General Administration Department from the Home Affairs Ministry to the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government is also an important step for democratic governance.

KZM: These are two good pieces of news at the end of the year 2018.

WMT: Yes they are, as 2018 ends. So hopes are being revived. It is like watching a film — it makes you laugh and cry from time to time. Though the summit held on Oct. 15 failed to reach any agreement, I like some statements. The army chief said he accepted a democratic army in principle. I like that statement very much. So we need to see what the Tatmadaw's understanding of a democratic army is. If we find an answer to how to build a democratic army, there will be political changes. I myself am a participant in the peace talks, focusing on the topic of land and the environment. But those issues are connected with politics and economics. We have problems defining words such as "Naing-ngan-daw" (which can be loosely translated as nation), "Naing-ngan-thar (citizen) and Tine-yin-thar (ethnic minorities). Finding answers to those issues depends on the peace talks. (Leaders) spoke out as the drama escalated. There will be answers if we can follow up on their words. But it is risky for the National League for Democracy government to focus solely on the peace talks, and I think it should think about alternatives or a Plan B. The Panglong may or may not bring about peace. So it should adopt a parallel track to achieve the political gains it wants.

KZM: Ma Thida, as I have said, the country's politics is quite complicated. People are quite confused. Many are criticizing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government even though they elected it. Perhaps it is because they had high expectations of it. What is its exit strategy? The 2008 (Constitution) was the exit strategy for the military government. What can be done to break the existing deadlock between the democratic forces, the Tatmadaw and the previous establishments? Some have called for thinking out of the box as opposed to thinking inside the box, which is conventional thinking. And now there is a new concept of thinking boxless. Ma Thida, what approaches will break the deadlock?

Thida: In fact, identity politics is the legacy of the colonial period. We were lost for many years, not just a generation. We still have the mindset and practices of the monarchial period. So the general assumption is that if the prime leader or the monarch is good, all will be good. That mindset remains. Again, there is the problem of identity politics, the bad legacy of the colonial period. This leads to excessive focus on preserving our own identity and repulsing the others. So there is a broad-based deprivation of human rights. The problem with (Myanmar people) is that they tend to add so many adjectives to human beings. I want there to be a national-level policy to recognize all humans as equal, removing all those adjectives. I want (the government) to focus on social harmony. The ongoing peace process is quite confusing. Looking (at the peace process) from the perspective of conflict resolution, you can see that there is no moderator. Negotiators, who have their own interests, are playing the roles of both moderator and negotiator. So it is like a single person is acting at once as both referee and actor in the peace process. I have always viewed this as a weak point. So I would suggest that the peace process be reviewed and that those without self-interests play the role of moderator. If (stakeholders) assume the peace process can be completed within a few years, why are there doubts about the (military’s) four-month ceasefire declaration? This is the reason.

KZM: They will continue fighting after that.

Thida: Many stakeholders have suffered from conflict and trauma for over 50 years. So it is impossible that a stakeholder group can resolve all those conflicts in a couple of years. So I want there to be a law. I want to see a law with two parts, one for peace and another for national reconciliation. One part is to ensure transitional justice. It is quite unrealistic to think that (the two sides should) shake hands while one side has not yet healed the wounds it has inflicted on the other. Another part is to detail various issues after that. Identity politics may still persist, but it won't have much impact then. All the discussions should be based on state building, how we want to see Myanmar society in the future. The NPC (National Peace Center) was founded under the previous government, and the NRPC (National Reconciliation and Peace Center) was founded under the current government. So I want the process to be implemented according to the law because I don't want to see another center formed under the new government after 2020. And certain people at different levels should be allowed to make decisions depending on the magnitude of the issues. But at present all the concerned authorities are involved in the decision-making no matter how minor the issue is, which causes confusion. So it is very difficult to negotiate.

KZM: Ko Win Myo Thu, you said some are suspicious of the four-month unilateral ceasefire declaration issued by the Tatmadaw on Dec. 21. Earlier, the commander-in-chief of the defense services said the peace process would be completed by 2020 and that peace would be handed over to the people. Why did he say that at the end of 2018? There is a year's time in 2019 and then there will be the general election in 2020. How can we interpret the resolution of the commander-in chief of defense services and the Tatmadaw?

WMT: They want to achieve something by 2020. Only they know what attitude they have. We can only guess from the outside. First of all, we need to consider whether they have political objectives. If so, they may try to achieve peace — it may or may not be the kind desired by all — in one way or another to pave the way for the political situation they require (to achieve their political objectives).

KZM: Could it be a desirable outcome?

WMT: Maybe, maybe not. It could be both good and bad. But in my opinion the main issue is there are two ideological groups in the peace negotiation. The first group says the current Constitution can facilitate federalism while the other group says it cannot. In my opinion, however, it is clearly stated in the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement} that federalism will be implemented. It is certain and indisputable. However, when federalism is defined, there is a group that says the current Constitution cannot facilitate federalism and is unlikely to create genuine federalism. In my opinion, the current Constitution facilitates a unitary state. It is not compatible with federalism. If the Tatmadaw is pushing other stakeholders to implement federalism in accordance with it, the outcome will be so-called federalism and the outcome in 2020 will not be the one desired by all. They will compromise on what they can do and It will be a pseudo federalism acceptable to them. The question is whether the group demanding genuine federalism can accept it. Even if it is not acceptable, that group might have to accept it because its members are in crisis and are deadlocks and have no other options. The political conundrum will persist in other forms.

KZM: The government has been given a mandate by the people. We can see that the government is doing what it can along the way despite obstacles. How can it break the deadlock?

WMT: I am not sure what you mean by the government? Who you are referring to?

KZM: I am referring to the government elected by the people.

WMT: However, the people taking part in the peace negotiations are not them but departmental personnel. Therefore, they work according to the law within the scope of the 2008 Constitution and never go beyond it. The desired solution cannot be found, as you said, by thinking out of the box. However, we cannot see what attitude the NLD government has on federalism. It recently said what will be amended in the Constitution. I am not sure it is true because the information was posted on Facebook. We need to find out. When I scanned it, I could not see much about the federalism demanded by us, the ethnic [minority] groups. They may be seeking just a workable peace during their term in office. If the current government can't find a solution during its term, it will damage the political reputation of the government. It can be seen that the government sometimes gives priority to saving its reputation. What is worrisome is that this will lead not to the federalism we have been calling for but to a politically workable one. This is to be questioned.

KZM: Before the 2015 elections the [NLD] pledged that it would amend the 2008 Constitution, and it is now working under the slogan "Together With the People." Is it now working against that slogan and its campaign promise?

WMT: No, it isn't. It will amend some provisions that can be compromised on. However, such constitutional amendments might not be the ones we desired. They might not be compatible with democratic federalism. It might say it is being pragmatic. However, most of the public expects much more than that. So if the federalism is not genuine, peace cannot be achieved because there is still so much injustice across the country. This injustice is deeply intertwined with environmental conservation and natural resources. There is environmental injustice. If such injustice is not solved, it would be a bad prescription. As long as there is struggle, including public protest and armed conflict in one way or another, genuine peace cannot be restored.

Thida: I would like to urge the government to start thinking of the formation of the Ministry of Justice in the same way as the General Administration Department, which was recently placed under a new ministry. Law enforcement agencies such as the police should be under the chain of command of the Ministry of Justice. Currently the judiciary has a separate chain of command and the police are under the Ministry of Home Affairs. So the flow of command between them is not convenient. One way to think out of the box is to place law enforcement under the judiciary. The problem can be solved in this way. Alternatively, considering our discussion, it is time for the Tatmadaw to review its role immediately. This is because the international pressure from the likes of the ICC (International Criminal Court), a cause for concern for the Tatmadaw and the entire nation, is specific to the Tatmadaw. It has something to do with the position taken by the Tatmadaw itself. If the Tatmadaw were willing to be part of the elected government, no one would blame it separately. No one would accuse it of anything else. No one would point a finger at it. Because the Tatmadaw itself has chosen a position in which it is not a part of the (elected) government, it has locked itself in a box. If it wants to get out of that box, it just needs to get rid of it. It needs to accept that it is a part of every elected government. Furthermore, members of the Tatmadaw should abandon their right to vote like members of religious orders. If the Tatmadaw is able to choose a position that proves it is neutral and concentrates only on national defense, it will be able to overcome the crises it is encountering. I think the path the Tatmadaw has taken has locked us in crises too. I urge the Tatmadaw to choose the correct path.

KZM: Frankly and pragmatically speaking, I think that is very unlikely. They do not just enjoy suffrage but also take 25 percent of parliamentary seats, according to the Constitution.

Thida: If they want to think out of the box, just get rid of it.

KZM: It is a good idea, if they want to think out of the box.

WMT: In my opinion, there are many things they can be compromised on, but they haven't put the options on the table. The point is that there is a problem and a solution, but they do not identify it, diagnose it. No solution can be found by way of the current discussion. Now there are people who know the problem and what prescriptions should be given. There are many options — option one, two and three. If options are put on the table, peace can be achieved soon. This is gradually gaining momentum. For example, we discussed the eight-states principle. This is the fundamental to the formation of federal territories. Based on this, power sharing and solutions have been taken into consideration. There are some factors that worry the Tatmadaw. There are factors that worry ethnic (minority) groups. Ways to solve them have been taken into considerations. The problem is that all these (options) have not been put on the table like a buffet.

KZM: As Ko Win Myo Thu just said, the political decisions will be had by the top leaders, maybe only one or two or three. There will be a lot more to discuss about that. Finally, with two pieces of good news in December, how should we approach 2019?

WMT: With the optimism of a human being, I would like to say that it might be better than 2018. If it is not so, we can discuss it next December. First of all, we will have to talk about the daily economic life of the people. In terms of economics, 2018 was a bad year because the U.S. dollar has appreciated and GDP has dropped slightly. However, government infrastructure projects are about to be implemented and this will create employment opportunities. There will be jobs. Japan will import laborers from Myanmar. Whether we like it or not, there are opportunities for Myanmar workers to work in Japan based on the relationship between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Japanese government. These are benefits in terms of economics in 2019.

KZM: Another thing is that the government is inviting investors from East Asia.

WMT: Only China will enter the market, based on its strategic interests. For others, we still have many defects. So I don't expect too much. However, China is sure to start implementing the Silk Road. We will see advantages as well as disadvantages related to these projects. When these projects are implemented and China pushes Myanmar politically to protect its interests, ethnic armed organizations will have to participate in peace negotiations whether or not they are willing to do so. I don't know if it will be positive. But China cannot push Myanmar too much. Leverage is limited. When it reaches its limit, there will be repercussions. I hope the economy will be slightly better in the coming year. On the other hand, as it is approaching to 2020, opportunists will find it an opportune time to create chaos.

KZM: It is a good time for saboteurs to make the situation worse.

WMT: These two factors coincide in 2019. In addition, climate change and natural disasters might hamper the process. It is an exogenous factor.

KZM: They can't be predicted and controlled. Ma Thida, we have been focusing on the internal situation. In the international arena, however, this is a time when we can hardly see any positive signs. If we look at the U.K., there is Brexit. It is getting worse and worse. When we look at the U.S., there are problems between the Trump administration and the media. The trade war between China and the U.S. is very intense. With this backdrop, how can we see Myanmar? Is the situation in Myanmar not as bad as in those places amid such confusion?

Thida: It depends a lot on the decisions of the groups in Myanmar that think they can make decisions by themselves and how they want to be seen, whether as a nation or as a government or as the Tatmadaw or as ethnic groups. I think their choice is important. For social harmony, all of us are present in Myanmar. Only when all our actions, words and thinking are fine will all of Myanmar be fine. I usually say that if one wants to look for the most important and responsible person in Myanmar, one has to look into a mirror. I want everyone to accept this concept. The day we all decide how we would like our country to be seen is the day no one can insult us.

KZM: Ko Win Myo Thu and Ma Thida, thanks a lot. Let us welcome 2019 with this limited good news.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post After Difficult Year For Myanmar, Some Cause For Hope in 2019 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, December 28, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Powerful and Expansive—Infographic Explainer of the General Administration Department
SSPP: ‘We are Not Bloodthirsty Militants’
Northern Alliance Demands Ceasefire Covers Rakhine State
USDP Says Taking Key Govt Department Away From Military ‘Risky’
Military Using Villagers as Human Shields in N. Rakhine Battles
Collapse in India’s Onion Prices Could Leave Modi Smarting in Election
China Cracks Down on Marxist Group after Mao Birthday Detention
Watch That Tweet! China Cracks Whip on Government Social Media Image

Powerful and Expansive—Infographic Explainer of the General Administration Department

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 04:39 AM PST

YANGON—For 30 years, the military-controlled General Administration Department has been the backbone of Myanmar's public administration. From Union to village level, the GAD is authorized to support government security efforts—such as imposing bans on activities that pose a threat to rule of law and stability or to sue a person who commits arms-related crimes—while reporting relevant information back to Naypyitaw. These include population movements, security incidents, and basic demographic data. Moreover, the GAD still has power to enforce some civil laws.

The GAD's scrutiny and interferences have long been criticized by human rights and political activists who claim the department is basically a tool to oppress their movements while providing on-the-ground information from across the country to the home affairs ministry which is controlled by the military.

The General Administration Department's duties to the Ministry of Home Affairs duties. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

Recently, the government revealed its plan to transfer the department to the civilian-controlled Ministry of the Office of the Union Government, but it hasn't yet announced a timeframe for the transfer.

As of now, the GAD remains part of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MOHA). The ministry itself, according to the 2008 Constitution, is one of the three ministries led by a major-general appointed by the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The majority of GAD senior officers have military backgrounds.

The general role of the General Administration Department. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

How the GAD Functions

The 2008 Constitution allows the GAD to act as a primary link between the Union government and subnational-levels of governance as well as the control of the country's administrative institutions: the districts and townships.

At Union level, the GAD has its headquarters in Naypyitaw. The department's branches across the country have to submit their on-the-ground reports at the Naypyitaw headquarters.

According to the 2008 Constitution, the GAD has the mandate to provide administrative and coordination functions for the region and state governments, the region and state parliaments as well as Union ministries and state and region departments.

A graph showing the GAD’s functions and structures at state and region levels. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

The head of the GAD (deputy director general level) for each state and region is the executive secretary of the state/region government. They also supervise the state and region government offices and state and region parliament offices as well.

Furthermore, the 2010 State and Region Government Law allows the GAD to manage all communication, administration, budget and general functioning of both the executive and legislative branches of a state and region governments.

Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe, Myanmar's home affairs minister, in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State in 2017. / The Irrawaddy

In the government offices, the GAD has two sub-departments to support the chief minister and their cabinet which is focused on economic and social policy support and administration of the chief minister's schedule. In the parliament offices, the department has two sub-departments—engaging legal support including drafting legislation as well as managing Hluttaw sessions.

According to Asia Foundation's report "Administering the State in Myanmar," GAD also plays a strong role in the fiscal architecture and financial management at state/region level. The subnational GAD offices are currently accounted for under state/region government budgets rather than under the GAD Union budget—including the discretionary funds traditionally budgeted to GAD for rural development.

A chart showing the GDA's roles across the whole country. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

The report also said GAD provides fiscal management for several other local development funds such as assessing needs for the rural development budget of the Ministry of Border Affairs, management support for the implementation of the Union government's Poverty Reduction Fund, and needs assessment and implementation of the Constituency Development Fund that allows the constituency's four candidates to select local development projects in their constituency of a value up to five million kyats ($3,200) per constituency. The fund has no dedicated management office and it relies on the GAD and assorted township infrastructure for implementation.

The GDA office in Kamayut Township, Yangon. / The Irrawaddy

GAD offices are also leading bodies in self-administered divisions and zones like the Pa-O, Kokang and Wa regions. In Naypyitaw, according to the 2008 Constitution, the GAD plays a central role in administering the capital's two districts and eight townships from the office of the Naypyitaw Council.

At township and village level, GAD offices are the backbone of engagement between citizens and the state/region. The township offices are under the township administrator— taking the key functions of the government's role such as population registration, land registration, demographics data collection, supervising village administration, assorted land management, local dispute resolution, and tax collection including excise tax, land tax, irrigation tax and mineral tax.

GAD's structure from region and state level to village level. / The Irrawaddy Infographics

References: 2008 Constitution, 2010 State and Region Government Law, Ministry of Home Affairs website, GAD website and Asia Foundation report "Administering the State in Myanmar."

The post Powerful and Expansive—Infographic Explainer of the General Administration Department appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

SSPP: ‘We are Not Bloodthirsty Militants’

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 04:23 AM PST

Fighting has escalated recently between two rival Shan ethnic armed groups in northern Shan State. At the same time, the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, has announced a halt to its military operations across much of the country, including Shan State. The Irrawaddy interviewed the vice chairman of the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N), Major General Khun Hseng, about these developments.

People are quite concerned about the clashes between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and the combined forces of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Shan State Progress Party. Why are the clashes happening?

When the government launched an offensive against us in 2011, the RCSS offered its help to our chairman. We didn't ask for help from anybody. It is notable that we have not established a stronghold on either the Thai border or the Chinese border. We are only active in Shan State, inside the country, with the support of Shan people.

So the RCSS/Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) offered to help us fight back. We didn't tell them to help us or not to help us. We said if they were really willing to help us, don't let Tatmadaw troops cross the northern Shan State border at Panglong and Lai-Hka if they can. That's all we said.

So the RCSS/SSA-S didn't really fight the enemy. At that time the enemy was launching an offensive against our Wan Hai headquarters [in Kehsi Township]. From the very beginning, our troops were stationed across northern Shan State, since the Shan revolution in 1958, when the Shan State Army emerged. Our troops were stationed in Hsipaw, Lashio, Muse, Namkham, Kyaukme, Nawnghkio, and Mongmit townships, but not in Namhsan in northern Shan State, since April 24, 1964. People need to understand this fact, otherwise they will lose track of the history.

So when [the military launched its offensive] in 2011, we withdrew the troops stationed across Shan State to Wan Hai, and we carried out both defensive and offensive military operations to prevent losing Wan Hai. There were intense clashes in 2011. Even after we signed a Union-level ceasefire in 2012, the Tatmadaw launched an offensive against us in July the same year, and we lost control of some important bases. More than 1,000 troops took part in major clashes. Again in 2014, the Tatmadaw launched a massive offensive against us in important places near our Wan Hai headquarters.

We withdrew our troops at the request of [former] President U Thein Sein. But the Tatmadaw didn't withdraw its troops. They are still stationed there. Again in 2015, the Tatmadaw launched a large-scale offensive with artillery fire and air support near Hai Pa in southern Shan State. Then we withdrew our troops from there. At that time we had only guerilla and administrative forces in northern Shan State.

Under these circumstances, the RCSS/SSA came to northern Shan State citing various reasons. It gave the excuse that it came to help us fight the military. But in fact there was no fighting at that time in northern Shan State.

While we were gathering our troops in Wan Hai, RCSS members in plain clothes infiltrated our bases in places such as Kyaukme, Muse and Namkhan in northern Shan State. Our local people had to bear the burden. They had to give them food and arrange accommodation for them.

We told them repeatedly to go back to the places where they were active before 2010. We also offered to hold talks with them to solve the political problem around the table. We went to their headquarters more than 10 times to hold negotiations. They only came to us three times.

After signing the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement) in 2015, the RCSS clashed with the Palaung [TNLA]. The RCSS criticized us for not supporting it in the attack. It said we didn’t love the Shan race. We said we ethnic minorities should not fight each other because we are the oppressed.

In its latest statement, it asked us to surrender and join it or be attacked. (RCSS Chairman) U Yawd Serk said the RCSS would not be able to make progress with the SSPP/SSA. U Yawd Serk said the RCSS would fight the SSPP/SSA anywhere it encountered it. We have called for solving the political problems at the negotiating table in a peaceful way. This is our stance. We are just defending ourselves against the attacks of the RCSS. We have never declared war on the RCSS or made a formal decision to attack it.

The Tatmadaw has declared a ceasefire in five conflict zones for four months. Some say this will contribute a lot to the peace process next year. What is you assessment?

The civil war has been going on for some 70 years. Everyone knows that it was born with independence. So just think whether those problems can be solved in four months. In any case, we welcome the ceasefire declaration whether it is four months or four days or four hours.

We have issued a statement that four months is not enough to restore the trust that has been undermined for 70 years. We are not bloodthirsty militants. We are only making demands in accord with the Panglong Agreement. Without the Panglong Agreement, there would not be today's Union.

What is the cause of the civil war that has lasted for 70 years? It is because the Panglong Agreement was not implemented. What we want is a federal democratic union that can guarantee equality for us based on the pledges of the Panglong Agreement and on reality. As for the four-month ceasefire, half a loaf is better than no bread.

The Myanmar Army called for signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement at the same time that it declared the ceasefire. Is the SSPP prepared to sign the NCA?

It depends on the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC, an alliance of armed groups of which the SSPP is a member). We still have to negotiate on the NCA and the political framework. The NCA is still incomplete and the political framework has yet to be changed. Section 33 of the NCA calls for the inclusion of all [major armed groups in the peace process]. Because it has not been implemented, we are in trouble today.

Why is the SSPP not ready to sign the NCA? Is it because the United Wa State Army is reluctant to sign it, as some have suggested?

As I've said, there is no problem if the all-inclusion policy is implemented. The principle of the FPNCC is to sign the NCA all together. We will sign it only if no group is left out. We should take an objective position rather than make unrealistic demands. Otherwise we will not be able to build trust. We have to consider our younger generations.

It appears that China is going to play a bigger role in Myanmar's peace process. Do you believe China sincerely hopes that Myanmar will achieve peace?

It is in the mutual interest. No matter which country it is, if it acts for the sake of peace in our country, it is a good thing.

The Wa, Palaung and Pa-O are demanding self-administered states in Shan State. What is the SSPP's take on this?

There are United Nations resolutions and conventions regarding the rights of ethnic minorities. We accept those rights and principles. But we, the SSPP/SSA, alone can't make decisions. It calls for peaceful negotiations at the table between all political parties, ethnic groups and revolutionary armed groups in Shan State with magnanimity and a policy of equality.

We need not reject it [self-administered states] if it complies with international laws. But it doesn't comply…. We are in a democratic era and we need to get the approval of the majority.

What is the SSPP’s take on the Myanmar Army's demand for non-secession from the Union and a single army?

No country in the world argues about a single army. If we are to build a federal union, the army should be the federal army under the principle of equality. The military is meant to resist invasion from foreign countries, not to fight a civil war. I am okay with a single army if it is established based on equality and justice.

General Aung San pledged in the Panglong Agreement that ethnic minority states could secede after 10 years [of the signing of the agreement]. But nobody is demanding secession today. We won't secede because we said we will build a federal union. But nobody can coerce us not to secede. There are two sides to self-determination. We don't want a union that oppresses us for various reasons. It is important that equality is guaranteed.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post SSPP: ‘We are Not Bloodthirsty Militants’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Northern Alliance Demands Ceasefire Covers Rakhine State

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 03:50 AM PST

If the Myanmar Army (or Tamadaw) do not stop fighting in Rakhine State, the Northern Alliance also will refuse to adhere to the ceasefire conditions in northern and northeastern Myanmar's conflict zones, according to a statement released by the group on Thursday.

The Northern Alliance, a collective of four ethnic armed organizations—the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA)—released the statement following a meeting to discuss the ceasefire this week.

The statement comes amid ongoing conflict in northern Rakhine State between the Myanmar Army and the AA, and almost a week after the Army's announcement of a four-month ceasefire in Myanmar' Kachin and northern Shan states.

"They (Myanmar Army) are attacking only the AA now. If they cannot stop attacking them, it is not practical for us to hold peace negotiations with Myanmar Army," Northern Alliance spokesperson, TNLA's Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw, told The Irrawaddy on Friday,

"If the Myanmar Army cannot stop their fighting, our side (the Northern Alliance) have to fight too. It will be difficult for us to stop fighting," he said.

The Northern Alliance members initially welcomed the Myanmar Army's ceasefire announcement as a step in furthering peace negotiations. However, the Northern Alliance said that considering the short period and limited area the ceasefire applies to, it will be difficult to work on peace negotiations and thus the group has asked the Myanmar Army to declare a nationwide ceasefire.

The Northern Alliance will continue to follow their former stance and meet as an alliance, not as individual groups, and this is the best way to make progress in peace negotiations, according to Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw.

His comments come one week after the Myanmar Army's Dec. 21 announcement which stated their intentions to engage in peace negotiations during the ceasefire with individual armed groups in their respective areas, and not with the alliance.

The Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) will act as a political wing of the group, but the Northern Alliance is the armed wing which remains to be in conflict with the Myanmar Army. The Army needs to first deal with the Northern Alliance before approaching the FPNCC for discussions, according to Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw.

Accusation flew just three days into the ceasefire period when the TNLA said the Myanmar Army launched an attack on their forces in Kutkai, northern Shan State on Dec. 24—a claim which the Myanmar Army has strongly denied.

With troops remaining in place on the ground in ethnic areas, fighting could break out anytime should the Myanmar Army come to attack ethnic armed groups, said Tar Phone Kyaw.

The post Northern Alliance Demands Ceasefire Covers Rakhine State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

USDP Says Taking Key Govt Department Away From Military ‘Risky’

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 01:00 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — A spokesman for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) said the civilian government’s plans to place the General Administration Department (GAD) under its control could leave key government operations worse off.

"I would say the move is risky if it is done with the intention to free [the GAD] from the control of the commander-in-chief of defense services," U Nanda Hla Myint told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.

"Some complain that the current government is doing it in preparation to win the 2020 [general election]," he added.

President's Office spokesman U Zaw Htay said last week that the GAD would soon be transferred to the Ministry of the Office of the Union Government.

U Nanda Hla Myint said the GAD, central to much of the government’s day-to-day operations, will function less effectively if moved out of the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The department has been a charge of the Home Affairs Ministry — one of three run by the military as per the constitution the then-ruling junta adopted in 2008 — for the past 30 years.

Former President U Thein Sein had considered transferring the GAD to the Ministry of the President’s Office during the previous, USDP-led administration but ultimately decided the idea was unrealistic, said U Nanda Hla Myint.

"The current government also needs to consider the possibility of conflict of procedure and conflict of law. But if the move is aimed at [benefitting] the interests of the country, improving governance and cleaning up the administrative system, we have nothing to say," he added.

"So for the time being it is difficult to say if the decision is right or wrong. But it is not good for the country if it is done with the wrong intention, as I have said. We will know if it is a good or bad move depending on the outcome."

In an interview with Mizzima on Thursday, Mandalay Region Chief Minister U Zaw Myint Maung argued that the Home Affairs Ministry would keep other important departments such as the special branch, police, corrections and special investigations and that the President’s Office had to run the GAD at the very least to do its job properly.

"The GAD is involved in all aspects of administration. The township administrator is the chairman of all the [government] committees in a township. Only when that administration is under the control of the president can it be overseen by the chief minister. Only then can a carrot and stick policy be implemented," he said.

Myanmar's jurisdictions can generally be divided in descending order of size into regions and states, districts, townships, wards, village tracts and villages.

The Ministry of the Office of the Union Government is one of the new ministries created by the current administration. A retired colonel and former pilot for the Burma Air Force, U Min Thu, was appointed its new minister in November.

U Zaw Htay said U Min Thu was appointed knowing that the GAD would soon be put under his supervision.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post USDP Says Taking Key Govt Department Away From Military ‘Risky’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Military Using Villagers as Human Shields in N. Rakhine Battles

Posted: 28 Dec 2018 12:15 AM PST

YANGON—In a joint operation between Myanmar military troops and border police, approximately 100 members carried out thorough household checks across Yae Gaung Chaung Village in northern Rakhine State’s strife-torn Rathedaung Township, forcing the entire population of the village to move to a Buddhist monastery on Thursday following days of clashes between the Arakan Army (AA) and Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) troops.

Yae Gaung Chaung villager Ko Tun Win Naing who managed to escape from the village told The Irrawaddy over the phone that fighting broke out in the mountain range near his village on Wednesday, leading the military to suspect that residents of his village were colluding with the AA. On the same day, a military column from Say Taung Village in Buthidaung marched to Yae Gaung Chaung in order to surround the AA rebels in the densely forested area. On Thursday morning, they entered the village without forewarning the residents and ordered every villager to leave their home and go to the monastery.

According to Ko Tun Win Naing, while at the monastery, at least one health officer and a woman who had made a trip to Kachin State (where the headquarters of the AA are located), were handcuffed by soldiers. Approximately 30 men and a number of women were questioned at the monastery. As of Thursday evening, the villagers expected the army would remain stationed in Yae Gaung Chaung overnight.

“No one remains in the village—they (the army) contained everyone at the monastery. They even searched the toilets {in the village),” said Ko Tun Win Naing.

Ma Khin Aye Nu was one of a few women who managed to flee to a neighboring village. Over the phone with The Irrawaddy, she explained that she was harvesting paddy in the field when the soldiers came into Yae Gaung Chaung and so she managed to escape. She is concerned about her family, however, as they have been unreachable by phone since the army entered the village on Thursday morning.

Before entering Yae Gaung Chaung, the team of military and border police detained 11 villagers from Say Taung, a neighboring village situated in Buthidaung Township. Ko Kyaw Thein Hlaing, one of the detainees from Say Taung, told The Irrawaddy that he and another 10 villagers were forced to lead the soldiers along the route from his village to Yae Gaung Chaung because army troops had previously been ambushed by the AA in that area. According to him, about five high-ranking army officers wearing border police uniforms ordered two villagers to stay close to each officer as they walked. In some places, the villagers were forced to walk first and then army column followed the villagers.

“It seems [they were] using us as human shields in the battlefield,” said Ko Kyaw Thein Hlaing.

Yae Gaung Chaung village administrator U Maung Thein Nyunt confirmed the dentations at his village on Thursday morning. According to him, army troops experienced three landmine attacks by the AA on Tuesday and some unconfirmed information circulating among villagers claimed that dozens of army soldiers were killed in that attack. Although the villagers could not provide hard evidence, some people speculate that soldiers who entered the forest did not return to the village as of Thursday. Some villagers from Yae Gaung Chaung and nearby Ka Yu Chaung villages saw an army truck come to the area right after the three mine explosions and return quickly to the military command in Yae Gaung Chaung.

When The Irrawaddy phoned Rakhine State’s security and border affairs minister Col. Phone Tint on Thursday afternoon, he declined to comment, saying he was in a cabinet meeting at the time.

AA spokesperson U Khine Thukha said that the AA clashed with military troops in four locations—two in Rathedaung Township and two in Chin State’s Paletwa Township. He confirmed a number of causalities on the military's side but refused to reveal the death toll from clashes on Tuesday and Wednesday. He said the military randomly fired heavy howitzer artilleries into the forest in Rathedaug Township continuously for five hours.

U Khine Thukha said, “As the army has reinforced the frontline with more troops, fighting will surely intensify and the locations of the skirmishes will broaden.”

The Arakan National Party (ANP) released a statement on Thursday afternoon demanding that the military not block humanitarian workers and the relief efforts of those trying to help the displaced persons on the ground. They also urged them not to threaten or forcefully use villagers on the battlefield. The ANP statement says the Myanmar military's recent ceasefire announcement on halting military operations in five commands while continuing battles in Rakhine State is contradictory to the all-inclusiveness of Myanmar's peace process.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) announced on Thursday afternoon that they were assisting over 1,000 displaced villagers who were affected by the fighting in the area.

On Friday, Rakhine State security and border affairs minister Col. Phone Tint told The Irrawaddy "there was no such thing."

"The villagers have already arrived back home. We just inquired as we met them in the forest, then we released them. They have already arrived back home. We have asked the [concerned] village administrators [about it]."

When asked by The Irrawaddy if the regional government would ask the military not to force the local villagers to help the army in its military activities in the future, the minister said the military has to respond according to the situation in the conflict zone.

"They (the army) didn't use the locals. They just questioned them. Today, nobody forced civilians to serve as porters as others accuse. There is no reason to do so and no one will accept it. Once we heard about it we asked the lower levels but nobody does such things in this era," he said.

Editor’s Note: This story was updated on Friday with comments from Rakhine State's minister for security and border affairs.

The post Military Using Villagers as Human Shields in N. Rakhine Battles appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Collapse in India’s Onion Prices Could Leave Modi Smarting in Election

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 11:16 PM PST

HIVARGAON/MUJAHIDPUR, India—A spike in the price of onions has led to the ouster of governments in Indian elections in the past. Now, prices of the staple have collapsed, and many impoverished farmers are saying they will make Prime Minister Narendra Modi pay in next year’s general election.

Steep drops in recent weeks in the prices of onions and potatoes, both staple foods for India’s 1.3 billion people, have badly hit the rural economy in large states.

In interviews with dozens of farmers last week, Reuters reporters found resentment welling against Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for not helping support incomes in the countryside, where a majority of the population lives.

“Whatever they do in the coming months, I will vote against the BJP. I won’t repeat the 2014 mistake,” said Madhukar Nagare, an onion grower from Nashik in Maharashtra state, referring to his backing the BJP at the last general election.

In the 1998 state elections, a sharp spike in onion prices led to the fall of the BJP government in the capital New Delhi.

In the 1980 general election, sky-high onion prices helped former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi dislodge a coalition government that had included politicians who later formed the BJP.

In recent weeks, loss-stricken farmers have staged protests, blocked highways and dumped onions on the road after prices plunged to as low as one rupee ($0.01) per kilogram for a crop that costs about 8 rupees per kilogram to produce.

But because of large cuts taken by middlemen, consumers have not benefited from the low prices.

In Maharashtra, the top onion producing state, farm prices have fallen 83 percent, dragged down by surplus supplies from the previous season’s crop and lower export orders from the Middle East and Southeast Asia.

And in India’s most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, which was crucial in Modi’s election win in 2014, there is a similar problem with low potato prices.

Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh are both dominated by rural voters and together send 128 lawmakers to the 545-member lower house of parliament. It means that big losses in these two states could either see Modi lose the next election which is due by May or his party be forced to form a coalition government.

Farmers say shortcomings in a government crop support program, and weak overseas demand have combined to produce the current glut of onions. And as prices have plunged, fertilizer and crop nutrient costs have risen, thanks in part to a weak rupee.

Perhaps most important of all, the BJP came into office in 2014 determined to shift away from subsidies. That may have been fine when crop prices were relatively high but as they crashed it has exposed the party in farm areas.

The prime minister’s office did not respond to a request for comment on this story.

Not "good days"

Many farmers blame Modi for not fixing a price protection program which barely covers 7 percent of India’s 263 million farmers, leaving most growers at the mercy of middlemen.

They also criticize him for not setting up more food processing and cold storage facilities, which would allow them to store their crops without having to sell immediately after the harvest.

“Expecting good days, as promised by Modi, we voted for the BJP, but now we are going through the worst phase,” onion farmer Madhav Pawase said, pointing to his rotting crop stocked in a temporary shed in Hivargaon Village, about 230 kilometers (140 miles) northeast of Mumbai, India’s financial hub.

“I’ve spent more than 80,000 rupees to produce 15 tons of onions from my two acres of land, but I won’t recover more than 3,000 rupees at the current market price,” he said.

Some farmers have decided to let onions rot in the field, saying that harvesting and transporting the produce to wholesale markets would only add to their losses.

The BJP was defeated by the opposition Congress party in three major states in local elections this month because of rural anger, and Modi’s government is under pressure to come up with measures to placate farmers.

Congress wrote off farmers’ loans in the three states which it won and has demanded the federal government do the same across the country.

Although the BJP has so far not commented on the issue of farm loan waivers, Rajiv Kumar, the head of government think-tank NITI Aayog, has said that writing off debt is not the solution for the problems of the farm sector.

Syed Zafar Islam, a spokesman for the BJP, said the government had initiated a number of steps to help farmers get remunerative prices, including a project to electronically provide farmers with real-time market prices and help them directly sell to buyers, eliminating middlemen.

“It’s an ongoing process and the results will not just start reflecting in four years,” he said.

Potato prices

In Mujahidpur village of Uttar Pradesh, India’s biggest potato growing state, farmers lamented that prices have dropped by 86 percent to 2,500 rupees a ton.

“I lost my entire investment of 100,000 rupees to grow potatoes on one hectare,” said Gopi Chand, 55, sitting next to bright yellow mustard fields.

He said he and some other farmers in the area had dumped potatoes in favor of growing mustard.

Farmers in the two states also complained of rising operating costs.

Prices of crop nutrient diammonium phosphate, popularly called DAP, have gone up by 400 rupees to 1,450 rupees for a bag of 50 kilograms, said Babloo Singh in Mujahidpur village. DAP rates have gone up because of higher overseas prices and India’s weaker currency.

“Higher input costs and record low potato prices have left us in deep debt,” said Singh. “The situation would have been different had there been more cold storage facilities and food processing plants in our state.”

The crash in vegetable prices hasn’t helped consumers either thanks to the chain of middlemen.

In Lasalgaon, the country’s largest onion trading hub, most farmers are selling their produce at 2 rupees a kilogram. But consumers in Mumbai are still shelling out 20 rupees. Between Lasalgaon and Mumbai, a distance of 220 kilometers (135 miles), traders say onions pass through at least four layers of middlemen, adding a hefty margin at every stage.

The post Collapse in India’s Onion Prices Could Leave Modi Smarting in Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Cracks Down on Marxist Group after Mao Birthday Detention

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 10:52 PM PST

BEIJING—A top Chinese university has cracked down on a campus student Marxist society, replacing its leadership after its former head was detained and questioned by police on the sensitive 125th birthday of the founder of modern China, Mao Zedong.

China has an awkward relationship with the legacy of Mao, who died in 1976 and is still officially venerated by the ruling Communist Party.

But far leftists in recent years have latched onto Mao’s message of equality, posing awkward questions at a time of unprecedented economic boom that has seen a rapidly widening gap between the rich and the poor.

In particular, students and recent graduates have teamed up with labor activists to support factory workers fighting for the right to set up their own union. Dozens of activists have been detained in a government crackdown that followed.

Qiu Zhanxuan, head of the Peking University Marxist Society, said he was approached on Wednesday morning at a subway station by plainclothes police who said they wanted him to answer questions about an event he was organizing to celebrate Mao’s birthday. Mao was born on Dec. 26, 1893.

When Qiu refused, the men took his phone, forced him into a car and drove him to a police station where he was questioned for 24 hours before being released with a warning, Qiu said, according to accounts provided by fellow students, who declined to be identified.

Late on Thursday, the university’s extracurricular activities guidance office released a notice saying police had penalized Qiu and he “did not have the qualifications” to continue as head of the society.

The teachers in charge of guiding the group had determined its members had deviated from promises made to teachers when the group was registered and so had “restructured” the group, the office said.

The “restructuring” was an attempt to “scatter” the group after weeks of continuous harassment by campus police and attempts to cast its members as being involved in a “conspiracy,” Qiu said, according to the accounts of his comments.

Qiu declined to comment directly to Reuters.

None of the new list of student leaders released by university authorities were previous members of the group, and many of them are members of the official Student Association that had been involved in harassing the group, Qiu said.

“We don’t recognize this,” he added, according to the accounts of his comments.

The university did not answer calls seeking comment. The Ministry of Public Security also did not respond to requests for comment.

Qiu said his non-academic school adviser, a deputy secretary of the Social Sciences party committee, Shi Changyi, was with him while police questioned him and had advised him not to be “extreme” or “impulsive”, according to the accounts of his comments.

Reuters was unable to reach Shi for comment.

Police gave Qiu a subpoena saying he was suspected of “picking quarrels and stirring up trouble,” which is a crime, but they declined to elaborate, he said, according to the accounts of his comments.

“This was, plain and simple, a plan to restrict my personal freedom and to use these inhuman and illegal means to stop me from going to commemorate Chairman Mao.”

The post China Cracks Down on Marxist Group after Mao Birthday Detention appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Watch That Tweet! China Cracks Whip on Government Social Media Image

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 10:49 PM PST

BEIJING/SHANGHAI — China’s cabinet has warned government departments to clean up their social media image amid a drive to bolster the government’s online presence to help reach tech-savvy young people who get their information from smartphones.

The State Council issued the guidelines late on Thursday saying that authorities’ social media presence needed more regulation and vowed to clean up dormant “zombie” accounts and “shocking” comment from official channels.

“This has a negative impact on the image and the public trust in the government,” the cabinet said on its website.

Government bodies have been pushing into social media as a way to reach younger people, who get most information from platforms like Tencent’s messaging app WeChat, microblog platform Weibo or newer services such as news aggregator Toutiao.

The government is also trying to get a tighter grip on the dissemination of information to the public more broadly and has been tightening regulations on financial news and reining in online bloggers and livestream artists.

The State Council said government accounts “cannot express any personal emotions or opinions and normally should only repost information from government websites or from sources recognized by government.”

Authorities were also forbidden from fabricating social media data or paying for fake followers, it said.

In July, a verified Weibo account of the Yueyang municipal government in Hunan Province called a netizen an “environment protection bitch” in a repost responding to concern about a waste incineration plant. It later issued an apology.

Certain official agencies have large followings online, including the Communist Party’s Youth League, which has 7.7 million followers on Weibo.

Over the last couple of years government agencies have been expanding beyond Weibo, with forays onto video sites like Bilibili and Bytedance’s Douyin, also known as TikTok.

The post Watch That Tweet! China Cracks Whip on Government Social Media Image appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thursday, December 27, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

President Urged to Rid School Curriculum of ‘Discriminatory’ Language
Best Places in Yangon to Ring In the New Year
The Overlooked Mother
First Female Military Pilots Take to the Skies
Most Popular Stories of 2018
Nationalism Undermines Myanmar’s Transition to Democracy
In Rare Move, Indian State to Return Unused Land to Farmers
China to Try Canadian Citizen on Drugs Charges: News Report
Alleged Leader of Chinese Consulate Attack in Pakistan Reported Killed

President Urged to Rid School Curriculum of ‘Discriminatory’ Language

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 04:56 AM PST

YANGON — More than 100 civil society groups wrote an open letter to President U Win Myint on Wednesday to complain about racism and religious discrimination in the elementary curriculum of both government and private schools.

The letter, signed by 121 groups and 10 individuals, says the civics education taught in elementary schools includes discriminatory phrases such as: "Mixed blood is a hateful wrongdoing, and the race will be extinct."

The letter was also copied to the State Counselor’s Office, the Ministry of Education and parliamentary speakers.

"Those lessons seem to attempt to indoctrinate the innocent minds of children with discriminatory practices,” it says.

Daw Kathleen Thein, who chairs the Inngyin May Hindu Women's Network, which signed the letter, said she and her friends were informed of the language by some Buddhist parents who were shocked to overheard their children reciting the lessons.

She said they learned that such phrases have been taught in the schools since the early 2010s.

"Civic education should teach children to respect different races and religions and to help each other. But now they are putting wrong thinking to young children," Daw Kathleen Thein said. "It is very concerning that the children may mistake other religions for their enemy."

The groups said in their letter that Myanmar’s past and present communal conflicts were the result of many years of a divide and rule government policy, exacerbated by the discriminatory practices of past regimes. They said they expected a government elected by the people to abolish such divisive policies and practices.

"We would like to request the government and Parliament to review the current school curriculum and practices, and make changes that will teach respect for differences and that will contribute to the promotion of peaceful coexistence," their letter says.

Contacted on Thursday, Deputy Education Minister U Win Maw Tun told The Irrawaddy that he was not aware of the letter. But if the ministry’s official curriculum did contain such language, he said, the National Curriculum Committee would be asked to review it.

The post President Urged to Rid School Curriculum of ‘Discriminatory’ Language appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Best Places in Yangon to Ring In the New Year

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 03:52 AM PST

YANGON—With 2018 almost over, the beginning of a new year is just within reach. Most of us want to leave the bad habits of 2018 behind us and are ready to take on the new year with a fresh body and mind.

For Yangonites, it's time to plan how and where to celebrate the party of the year, the New Year's Eve party and 2019 countdown. The Irrawaddy has compiled this list of the best places to celebrate New Year's Eve and the massive midnight countdown.

Myanmar Premium Countdown 2019—EDM Festival

This event is currently the most popular event among youths because it is an EDM Festival and will feature sets from top international DJs including Vini Vici, Marlo, Kayzo, Dyro and many others. The event will celebrate the New Year with fun and activities as well as music and, yes, it includes an amazing fireworks show. The festival will be held at Thuwunnabhumi Event Park from 4 p.m. until midnight. Ticket prices are 35,000 kyats for general admission and 80,000 kyats for VIP tickets. Prices on the door may change so grab your tickets now and end the year with a bang.

A-Lan Bazaar and Myanmar Countdown 2019

Myanmar Countdown 2019 is an annual event organized by the Forever Group and entry is free for everyone. Many famous singers including Sai Sai Kham Hlaing, Ni Ni Khin Zaw, Eint Chit, Lin Lin and some upcoming stars will perform at the event which takes place from 4 p.m. until midnight. This year there will be a bazaar with food vendors and clothing and accessories vendors. The event will be held at Minder Grounds in Yangon.

New Year's Eve at Hard Rock Café Yangon

The Hard Rock Café Yangon will host a New Year's Eve party to celebrate your 2018 successes and make a toast to all the fantastic new things that 2019 will bring into your life. The party starts at 7:30 p.m. and there will be a live music band and DJ until 2 a.m. Special food and beverage packages can be ordered and the entry fee is 10,000 kyats per person and includes a glass of beer per person. There will be a dress competition too so put on your best rock star outfit and win a prize.

The fireworks display at last year’s Myanmar Premium New Year’s Eve 2018 Countdown EDM festival in Yangon on December 31, 2017. / Myanmar Premium

New Year's Eve Countdown Party 2018 at The Strand Pool

The Strand Hotel Yangon will host a New Year’s Eve countdown party at their beautiful outdoor swimming pool area. The event will include a selection of free-flow cocktails, canapés, local beers, house wines, soft drinks and a glass of champagne for all attendees. DJ Ana Red will play music on the night. The entrance for this event costs $50 net per person and it will take place from 10 p.m. until 1 a.m.
For reservations, call 01 243377-9.

Be-Dazzled! New Year's Eve Grand Party at Sedona Hotel Yangon

Sedona Hotel will celebrate the ringing in of the new year with a lavish New Year's Eve party which this year is titled Be Dazzled. The party will showcase international entertainment with tango, jazz, Broadway and Hollywood performances as well as some of the most famous local performers headlined by Ni Ni Khin Zaw and the music band Oxygen. The special dinner buffet set for the Be-Dazzled party will include French oysters, lobsters, Alaska crab legs, abalone, suckling pig and roasted whole lamb leg. The party will have a lucky draw and other exciting surprises. The hotel's website has more information on tickets and other details.

Countdown Underneath the Stars at Novotel Yangon's Pool Bar

Novotel Yangon Max will welcome a better year with guests at their beautiful outdoor pool bar. It's time to celebrate and party with friends and just forget about every bad thing. The entrance fee is 20,000 kyats per person and includes a free flow of beer with bottle packages also available. The party will take place from 10 p.m. until 1 a.m. For reservation and more information, call 09 251185975.

Heineken Present New Year's Eve Countdown Party at FUSE

This party is for the people who love clubbing. Yangon's most famous club FUSE is hosting a New Year's Eve countdown party presented by Heineken. The headliner will be a world-famous DJ soon to be announced as well as artists like Hane, Kendrick, The Budbears and Kitty as support. Walk-in fees for regular access is 25,000 kyats and 35,000 kyats for VIP access. Bottle packages are available. Call 09440007788 for table reservations. The club opens as usual from 9:30 p.m.

The post Best Places in Yangon to Ring In the New Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Overlooked Mother

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 02:47 AM PST

Daw Khin Kyi, the widow of Myanmar's national hero Gen. Aung San and mother of Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, died on this day three decades ago in Yangon after suffering a severe stroke. She was 76. On the 30^th anniversary of her death, The Irrawaddy revisits a story first published in July 2006 about the woman who was a source of inspiration behind the political ideals and acumen of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

People who are acquainted with the name Aung San know of Aung San Suu Kyi. Equally, people for whom Suu Kyi is a famous name also know of Aung San. Aung San and Suu Kyi, father and daughter, share symbolic resemblances when it comes to Burma's politics.

While the late Aung San is held as a symbol of the country's independence, Nobel Peace laureate Suu Kyi, who celebrated her 61st birthday on June 19, is regarded as a symbol of democracy. But this heritage could hardly have come directly from her father—she was just two years old when Gen Aung San, Burma's founding father, was assassinated by political rivals in 1947.

"My father died when I was too young to remember him," Suu Kyi wrote in a preface to her biography Aung San of Burma, published in 1984. So, who was Suu Kyi's mentor and who inspired her to become a national leader of her father's stature?

The answer can only be her mother, the late Khin Kyi, who was regarded as one of Burma's most influential women of her time, although she never achieved the fame of her husband and daughter.

"Daw Khin Kyi made her children, from their earliest years, aware of their father's heritage," wrote M Than E in an article, A Flowering of the Spirit: Memories of Suu and Her Family, which was published in Suu Kyi's book Freedom From Fear. M Than E, once a famous singer and retired senior staff member of the UN's secretariat, is a close friend of Aung San's family.

Some other close friends believe as well as being a conscientious mother, Khin Kyi was her daughter's political and cultural mentor. "In front of her mother, Daw Suu looked like an innocent child, not knowing anything, including politics and things like that," said the celebrated poet Tin Moe, who had meetings with Khin Kyi and Suu Kyi in the 1980s.

Khin Kyi was very well informed and knew a lot about Burma's politics, although she rarely paraded her knowledge, said the poet.

When she talked about politics, she was very diplomatic—Suu Kyi must have learned a great deal about Burma's politics from her mother, he added.

Tin Moe was often invited in the early 1980s to visit Khin Kyi at her lakeside home in Rangoon. Suu Kyi would be there, visiting from her home in London, and Khin Kyi would chat with them while gardening or sitting in the kitchen.

Although Khin Kyi never shared the fame of her husband and daughter, she was a successful woman in her field. She was a member of parliament from 1947-1952, became chairperson of the Women's Association of Burma in the 1950s and a leading light in other social organizations.

In 1960 she became Burma's first and only woman ambassador, representing her country in India and also taking special responsibility for Nepal. Her teenage daughter wasn't neglected in this busy time—Suu Kyi studied diligently, took riding and piano lessons and dallied with such social skills as flower arrangement.

Khin Kyi's achievements were rewarded with honors from the US, Yugoslavia and Thailand, while at home the Rangoon government awarded her the Maha Thiri Thudhamma prize, given for services to Burmese social and religious life.

Suu Kyi was the child of a happy union. Her father fell deeply in love with the senior staff nurse who treated him during his World War II campaigns and they married in 1942. Khin Kyi was the name of the beautiful young nurse.

Suu Kyi wrote of the romance in her biography of her father: "[Khin Kyi] handled Aung San with firmness, tenderness, and good humor. The formidable commander-in-chief was thoroughly captivated.

"Aung San had married a woman who had not only the courage and warmth he needed in his life's-companion but also the steadfastness and dignity to uphold his ideals after he was gone."

These ideals were clearly instilled in her daughter by Khin Kyi.

The respected 87-year-old author and poet Dagon Tayar noted a significant parallel in the thinking of father and daughter—"Whatever Ko Aung San said, he had one condition: 'if Burma restores independence.' Like her father, Daw Suu always has one condition: if Burma restores democracy." In a phone conversation from his home in Shan State, Dagon Tayar summed up Khin Kyi's character in one word: "integrity."

Suu Kyi decided to enter Burmese politics in 1988 when students initiated a nationwide pro-democracy movement against the authoritarian regime. She was then living in London but visiting Rangoon to look after her ailing mother. She decided instinctively that not only her mother needed her—so did Burma.

Khin Kyi had only months to live—she died in December 1988—but the poet Tin Moe believes Suu Kyi consulted her before taking up politics and obtained her mother's approval. A huge crowd of mourners, estimated to number 200,000, gathered to pay their last respects at Khin Kyi's funeral.

One large gap remains in this family story—a biography of Khin Kyi. Tin Moe says the ever-modest Khin Kyi turned down a biography proposal by one of Burma's most popular writers. Perhaps the time has come for Suu Kyi to attempt the task—she is, after all, the person most qualified to profile a woman who so shaped her life and who has been overlooked by posterity.

A biography of Khin Kyi by her daughter would not only provide a fascinating version of the Aung San family story but also throw much light on the politics of post-colonial Burma.

The post The Overlooked Mother appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

First Female Military Pilots Take to the Skies

Posted: 27 Dec 2018 01:40 AM PST

NAYPYITAW—The first-ever female pilots in the history of Myanmar military are already performing their duties shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts, said Myanmar Army chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing.

Six female pilots are now operating helicopters and transportation planes, and will be assigned to operate fighters and jet aircrafts in the future as they gain experience, said the army chief in his address at the graduation of the fifth intake of female cadets of the Defense Services Officers Training School in Yangon's Hmawbi Township on Wednesday.

The Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) has been turning out graduate female cadets to promote the role of female military officers in the establishment, said the army chief.

The military officer training course for women was established in 2013, and each batch accepted between 75 and 100 cadets. Six female pilots who were interested in serving in the air force were chosen from the graduates of the 2017 batch, military spokesperson Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun told The Irrawaddy.

"They were given training last year. They completed training this year. They are all graduate cadets. For the time being, we have no plan to dispatch them to train abroad. They are now operating aircrafts and helicopters. They will have to undergo advanced training to operate fighters and jet aircrafts," said Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun.

The military officer training course for women has received high numbers of applications every year, and only bachelor degree holders are eligible for the course while master degree holders are preferred.

The female officers who completed the course are assigned to administrative positions and the non-armed corps, according to sources of the military.

The Myanmar Army stopped recruiting women for non-medical roles in 1961.

"Myanmar women have proven that they are capable in both business and politics. They lag behind just because of [disadvantages of] a [political] system. We should welcome [the fact] that even an organization like the Tatmadaw has consideration for women's participation and the empowerment of women," said Lower House lawmaker Daw Mya Mya Myo.

In January 2014, the Myanmar Army for the first time dispatched its female military officers who had been serving in medical roles as military representatives in the national legislature. Consequently, it has also appointed fresh graduates of the officer training course to parliamentary positions over the past years.

The Tatmadaw is continuously turning out female officers so that they can participate in national defense, said the army chief.

The UN and international forums are regularly discussing promoting the roles of women and Myanmar also attaches great importance to women's empowerment as women are taking greater roles in international armed forces and shouldering important duties, he said.

The post First Female Military Pilots Take to the Skies appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

COMMENTARY

Is the President Truly Above the Commander-in-Chief?

Executive power in Myanmar is divided between the civilian government and armed forces. As many political observers put it, there are two lions sharing a cave. But which is king?

Chinese Whispers in Yangon as Myanmar Weighs Rohingya Deal With UN

Beijing urges government not to sign MOU in bid to lure Myanmar away from the West

Is Capital Punishment for Rapists the Answer?

Women’s rights advocates are calling for legislation that better protects vulnerable women from rape — even the death penalty.

Myanmar Seeks Advanced Weapons from Russia, but China Remains the Key Player

While Myanmar seeks to diversify its military suppliers, it will continue to seek diplomatic cover first and foremost from China.

How Prepared Is Myanmar To Counter Terror Attacks?

The question facing our leaders should no longer be if, but when, terrorists will strike

Incoming President Needs More Power to Implement Government's Plans

U Htin Kyaw performed his ceremonial role competently; his successor should be given latitude to address the country's problems

FEATURES

From ‘Beauty Queen’ to Beach Bum? Ngapali Loses its Sparkle

At a meeting in Ngapali last weekend, government officials and business owners debated the beach’s fall from grace. Some blame unchecked development by the rich and powerful.

A Quick Guide to Inle Lake and Nyaung Shwe

Popular tourist spot offers a wealth of things to do … or just a nice place to chill

Dissent in the Naga Hills as India-Myanmar Border Follies Linger

A slow but definite dissent is brewing against both New Delhi and Naypyitaw in the remote Naga hills.

Rock Star Paints to Escape Reality

Local rock star Kyar Pauk showcases his art at his first solo exhibition.

Nyaung Shwe's Relaxed Night life offers the Perfect Coda to a Day on the Lake

Good eats,funky drinks and funky pubs make for a surprisingly fun night out

EDITORIAL

Facebook Slow to React to Violence, Hate Speech in Myanmar

Facebook can no longer turn a blind eye to the misuse of its network. Otherwise, it will be accused of being complicit in Myanmar’s ongoing crisis.

Police Incompetence on Full Display at Anti-War Protest

The Home Affairs Ministry must explain why civilian thugs were allowed to attack a peaceful demonstration in Yangon

A nation cursed by the legacy of colonialism

As we reflect on 70 years of independence, we can see that the origins of many of the nation's most persistent problems – ethnic division, conflict and a lack of democracy – date to the period of British rule

The Govt's New Year's Resolution Should be a Cabinet Reshuffle

The people of Myanmar need not only a clean government but effective ministries with the right people in the right places to move the country forward.

Charges Against Reporters Meant to Muzzle Press

Monday’s court decision to charge two Reuters reporters is a clear sign that press freedom in Myanmar is dangerously on the wane. The free press has been warned.

CULTURE

FELA's Paintings of Myanmar's Way of Life Find an Audience after His Death

Just months after his passing, works by the artist — who struggled financially all his life — fetch high prices at Yangon exhibition

Exhibit Offers Up a Taste of Myanmar’s 'Golden Age' of Film

The new exhibit aims to inspire a new generation of artists by screening a few classics from Myanmar cinema stretching back to the 1950s over the next few weeks.

Yangoods Launches New Design Collaboration with Movie Star

A collaboration between the popular local brand and award-winning actress Phway Phway showcases the unique style of both.

Pao Mon: Mon Kitchen

This social enterprise in Mon State serves up delicious local dishes.

Rising Burmese Talent: Singer-Songwriter Youn Ni Ko

Youn Ni Ko, a young Burmese singer-songwriter who grew up in Cyprus, refuses to be confined to a single genre.

ANALYSIS

What Lies Behind the NLD’s Protest Law Amendments?

The NLD’s bill to amend the country’s protest law is the most controversial legislation the party has tried to pass since coming to power. What does it really want?

'Debt Trap' Alert Rises in Myanmar as More Belt and Road Projects Scrapped

The projects, which encompass a seaport, three-part highway, high-speed railway and New Yangon City, have the potential to give China a stranglehold of debt over Myanmar.

Myanmar Still Living with Legacy of 1988 Military Coup

The events of Sept. 18, 1988, and their bloody aftermath established a military presence in Myanmar's political life that, three decades later, shows no signs of going away.

Who Will Benefit from the Coming Shake-up?

The widely expected cabinet reshuffle has serious implications for the government, the economy and the peace process.

History Suggests Int'l Targeting of Tatmadaw over Rohingya Is Misguided

In the past, outside pressure has only caused the military to dig in deeper; and there is little support for Rohingya within the country.

IN PERSON

UN Award Winner Fights for Myanmar's Women

Cheery Zahau, a winner of the UN's N-Peace Awards for 2017, says gender equality is not only good for women, but for the whole country.

After Bumpy 2017, Tourism Sector Looks for Clear Skies

The Irrawaddy spoke with two sector operators about the troubles the Rakhine crisis has caused the country’s tourism sector, and how to get out of the rough patch.

The Kachin Journalist Breaking Stereotypes

"It was my dream to start up a local publication that reflects local needs, reports on the huge human rights violations and raises people’s concerns," said Seng Mai Maran.

New, Improved Deal on China-Backed Kyaukphyu SEZ Due Soon: Deputy Minister

U Set Aung said Myanmar’s new deal with the SEZ’s Chinese developer would include safeguards against a debt trap and that efforts to reform the overall economy were on track.

Librarian-Scholar Took the Road Less Traveled By

Renowned in Myanmar as a pioneer of library science, and honored abroad for his contributions to scholarship, U Thaw Kaung looks back on a life among books.

ARTS

The Naked Truth: Exhibition of Paintings, Photos Explores the Human Form

Painter Harn Lay, photographer Sai Kyaw Khaing challenge social mores with their nude studies

Young Artist Feels Sorry for Your Shoes

"People wear and use them daily, yet no one really values them. They take you wherever you want to go. I just want to make people aware of their value," said Nyan Ye Naing.

Painting the Practice of Victim-Blaming in a New Light

Artist Chuu Wai Nyein's drive to depict women's challenges and strengths began with an assault on a family member.

Modernist Painter Juxtaposes Sublime With the Scary

Ne Tun is known for combining traditional Myanmar art with modernist aesthetics. For his latest show he has brought together another unlikely pairing — love and horror.

Artist Creates Paintings In a Bottle

Bagan’s last remaining bottle painter would love to pass the delicate craft on to a new generation. But he says tastes are changing.

SPECIALS

Our Fight For Press Freedom

In these beleaguered times for journalism, The Irrawaddy will continue battling for a free press.

Our Coverage of the 3rd Union Peace Conference

The Irrawaddy offers readers a collection of its stories on the five-day conference, which wrapped up in Naypyitaw on Monday.

A Look Back at the Murder Trial of U Ko Ni

The Irrawaddy has compiled several of its past stories, editorials and commentaries on the NLD lawyer's murder trial, a year on from his assassination.

A Rich History Along the India-Myanmar Border

The Irrawaddy sent reporters to the India-Myanmar border. We share these photos of the region's cultural diversity and economic vibrancy.

TIMELINE: Eight Decades of Myanmar-Japan Relations at a Glance

Myanmar's ties with Japan have been close since Gen. Aung San met with a visiting Japanese military officer in 1940. Here are the key events that have shaped bilateral relations since then.

DATELINE

How Can the NLD Salvage Myanmar’s Diplomatic Affairs?

Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe, political analyst Yan Myo Thein and human rights activist Cheery Zahau discuss how Myanmar might improve its foreign relations.

Poor Prospects for Peace in Face of Military Might

The Irrawaddy discusses the latest developments in Myanmar’s peace process and the obstacles impeding progress.

How Will Myanmar's Political Landscape Change With a Newly-elected President

The Irrawaddy discusses prospects for peace and progress in Myanmar with a newly-elected president at the helm.

The Weakening Kyat-Dollar Exchange Rate

This week, Dateline Irrawaddy discusses how the Central Bank of Myanmar should handle the weakening exchange rate and its effect on the country.

UNSC Should Understand the Complexity and Multitude of Issues Facing Myanmar

A UN Security Council delegation visits northern Rakhine for the first time since military clearance operations forced 700,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh.

WOMEN

Latest Rape, Murder in Yangon Heightens Security Fears

Women's rights advocates say the case draws attention to the need to make the city's streets safer for women.

Ministry Rebuked for Blaming Rape on How Women Dress

Public reaction was fast and sharp to a suggestion from the Ministry of Home Affairs that parents urge their daughters to dress modestly to discourage rapists.

Govt Preps Policy to Cope with Falling Population Growth

Minister U Thein Swe said the policy will take into consideration the country's optimum population size based on its natural resources, economy, geography, culture and military needs.

Women's Participation Will Bolster Chances for Peace: Report

Report says increased participation of women in politics could further cement peace agreements and bolster post-conflict rehabilitation.

Women Journalists Say Access to Information More Challenging Under NLD

'Women in News' summit also calls attention to lack of safeguards against harassment of female reporters in the field and in the newsroom

LIFESTYLE

Staycation Culture Booms in Myanmar

Hotels cater to locals who want to get away for a luxury vacation without the added stress of travel, planning and preparation.

Eight Tourist Attractions That You Must See in Yangon

From history to adventure to food, Myanmar's main city offers visitors a unique experience

Wa Restaurant Brings Food From the Mountains to the Big City

Never tried the spicy, herb-infused offerings from northern Shan state? Now's your chance

The Irrawaddy's Guide to Yangon Nightspots

Looking for something to do after dark? Here are a handful of the trendiest and most popular venues around town

Myanmar Roller Skaters to Display Skills at ASEAN Championships

Skate association to send delegation to Vietnam despite lack of official funding, recognition

The post Most Popular Stories of 2018 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nationalism Undermines Myanmar’s Transition to Democracy

Posted: 26 Dec 2018 11:28 PM PST

Political scientist Benedict Anderson observes in his book "Imagined Communities" that nationalism has "roots in fear and hatred of the Other, and affinities with racism." As some political parties and local institutions revitalize nationalism, Myanmar's democratic transition has not progressed far as expected.

Racism and extreme religious beliefs have regenerated nationalism in Myanmar after it was concealed inside a closed society under authoritarian rule for almost six decades. During the so-called democratic transition under former president U Thein Sein's government, nationalism was officially endorsed.

The new NLD government has been carefully trying to control nationalist groups in order to avoid racial discrimination and religious conflict in the country. One year after the NLD took office, the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee ordered the disbanding of Myanmar's largest nationalist association Ma Ba Tha, which is the Burmese acronym for The Association of Safeguarding Race, Faith and Religion.

Without government support, nationalist groups are not as powerful as they were under U Thein Sein's government. Their activities mostly revolve around showing and encouraging strong support for the military through various patriotic and pro-military campaigns that arise around the country.

The key leader of the opposition party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), recently raised the idea that "safeguarding race" is the crucial responsibility of women. It can be seen that the USDP is promoting nationalism in the name of race in the women's community. During a women's conference organized by the party this month, USDP party chairman U Than Htay also made a statement that the USDP government was the one that made interfaith marriage law available for Buddhist women.

Despite claiming that the USDP is working to promote women's rights, the party appears not to be applying gender equality in its own practices. There are only three women members of parliament representing the USDP despite more than 40 percent of party members being women. The party's spokesperson told media that they intend to appoint women in ministerial positions if the party is elected to government in the next elections in 2020.

Women representatives in other political parties are often numbered as low as five or less. Meanwhile, a study conducted by the Asia Foundation and Phan Tee Eain "Women's Political Participation in Myanmar" shows the NLD has 134 women members of parliament.

Misuse of women's rights in nationalism

Renewed nationalism arose around the time in 2012 when the rape of a young Buddhist women in Rakhine State spurred an outbreak of communal violence in Rakhine State.

Since the 2012 conflicts in Rakhine State, about 200 people have been killed, countless numbers have been injured and more than 70,000 have been left homeless.

The rise of nationalism spurred conflicts in 14 different cities. A wave of violence in 2013 left 43 people dead, 86 injured and more than 1,300 buildings—mostly mosques, schools and the homes of Muslims—were destroyed.

In a recent interview with the BBC, USDP chairman U Than Htay said patriotism needs to be revitalized by using examples of nationalist monks and anti-colonial movements that arose during colonial rule.

"Political awakening took place in Myanmar since before the country gained independence and while struggling for independence. There were [groups like] We Burman Association and GCBA (General Council of Burmese Association). How was patriotism revitalized? It was revitalized by Race, Faith and Religion. With that spirit, we escaped from [colonial rule]. It is unforgettable history for a [Myanmar] citizen," U Than Htay told BBC.

Ma Ba Tha was formed during U Thein Sein's government term and promoted "official nationalism" across the country. Benedict Anderson describes official nationalism as taking the form of "compulsory state-controlled primary education, state-organized propaganda, official rewriting of history, militarism and endless affirmations of the identity of dynasty and nation."

To spread islamophobia within Myanmar's Buddhist community, ultranationalist monks from Ma Ba Tha organized 969, an anti-Muslim campaign which urged the Buddhist community to boycott Muslim businesses. U Thein Sein's government failed to take any action against the instigators of these nationalistic campaigns.

The controversial interfaith marriage law was proposed during a Buddhist convention in Yangon, attended by more than 1,500 monks and nuns in 2013. The proposal focused mainly on marriage between Buddhist women and men of other faiths. It demands that any man who wishes to marry a Buddhist woman must first convert to Buddhism.

The nationalist monks organized a signature campaign and collected more than 2 million signatures which were submitted to the parliament. The interfaith marriage law was passed under U Thein Sein's government before the 2015 elections.

The USDP's recent women's conference discussed how "to safeguard race in the women community and to promote women rights according to tradition and culture." In fact, the party has tried to misuse the term "women's rights" to promote nationalism among women, resuming a colonial-era concept that safeguarding race is the crucial responsibility of women.

Nationalism divides nations and undermines democracy and human rights. State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is often portrayed in nationalist campaigns as a leader who is unable to safeguard Myanmar's race, faith and religion because she married a foreigner.

Myanmar politics and women's participation

The interfaith marriage law doesn't meet democratic standards because it is drafted only for Buddhist women and overlooks gender equality. The creating of the law excluded women's voices and it drafted with nationalistic intentions of "safeguarding race" rather than protecting women's rights.

The Women's Political Participation in Myanmar paper states that women are being excluded from male-dominated discussions on policy.

It attributes the low level of women's political participation to "a lack of experience and certain skills; a lack of confidence; restrictions on women's travel; a broad social perception that politics is both dangerous and a man's realm; traditional norms that ascribe authority to men; and resistance to female leadership."

Although the number of women MPs has more than doubled since the 2015 elections, there is only one woman in the government cabinet—Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—and only two of the 14 chief ministers of the states and regions are women.

Myanmar's transition between nationalism and liberal democracy

Myanmar is now accused of committing "ethnic cleansing and genocide" against a particular group of people recognized as "Bengali" in the local community and as "Rohingya" in the international community. The Rohingya refugee crisis is one of the most pressing of contemporary refugee crises. With nearly a million stateless Rohingya people, the Kutupalong refugee camp in neighbouring Bangladesh has become the world's largest.

Religious conflict between Arakanese Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State occurred often in history. The latest attack initiated by the Muslim militant group Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) provoked the military to carry out clearance operations which in turn caused over 700,000 Rohingya to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh. Myanmar has faced enormous international pressure over the refugee exodus since then.

The international community has questioned the moral authority of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi over her silence on the Rohingya crisis and she has been stripped of many awards. At the same time, she has faced criticism from local nationalist groups over the repatriation process for Rohingya refugees returning from Bangladesh.

The State Counselor's political image has rapidly declined in both the local and international community and it is proving very hard for the head of state to maintain a neutral stance between nationalists and international human rights campaigners. The decline of her popularity has a large impact on support for the NLD party. Many people predict that the party won't be able to win another landslide victory in the 2020 elections.

Racial and religious conflict caused by ultranationalism takes Myanmar backwards on the road to democracy. Narrow-minded nationalism undermines democracy, human rights and gender equality. Rivalry between nationalism and liberal democracy in the country creates a hindrance for Myanmar political reform.

Whether Myanmar will continue on the path of a democratic transition or turn back to authoritarian rule, we need to wait and see the results of the upcoming elections in 2020.

Mon Mon Myat is a freelance writer/journalist and a graduate student of the PhD program in peace building at Payap University in Chiang Mai, Thailand.

The post Nationalism Undermines Myanmar's Transition to Democracy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Rare Move, Indian State to Return Unused Land to Farmers

Posted: 26 Dec 2018 09:56 PM PST

MUMBAI—Farmers in the Indian state of Chhattisgarh are getting back land that was taken from them more than a decade ago by the government because it was not used, a rare move in a country riven by conflict over land.

Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel of the Congress Party, which won a state election earlier this month with pledges to honor land rights, said he has asked officials to return about 2,000 hectares (7.7 square miles) in Bastar District.

"The process of returning the land will start soon," Baghel said in a statement earlier this week, without giving details.

Return of land is rare in India, where conflicts have risen as highways and factories are built in one of the fastest growing economies in the world.

About 660 disputes over land have stalled hundreds of projects and forced millions of people from their farms across India, according to research organization Land Conflict Watch.

Chhattisgarh, under the earlier Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government, agreed in 2005 to allocate land for a Tata Steel factory in Bastar. Farmers protested giving up their land.

Tata Steel, among the world’s top producers, pulled out of the project in 2016, citing delays.

Authorities said then the land would go into a land bank for other developments to generate jobs in one of India’s poorest states.

"The farmers who lost their land have suffered for years and struggled to make a living," said Kishore Narayan, a lawyer with advocacy Human Rights Law Network in Chhattisgarh.

"We hope that the state will look into all cases of lands lying idle and return them," he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation on Wednesday.

India has enacted numerous laws to protect the rights of farmers.

A 2013 federal land acquisition law, passed by the Congress government, made consent of farmers mandatory, and introduced adequate compensation and resettlement for those affected.

Any unutilized land is to be returned to owners after five years, or go into the state land bank.

In 2016, the Supreme Court ordered West Bengal state to return land that had been acquired for a Tata Motors factory but was not used, after a decade-long fight by farmers.

Last year, South Korean steelmaker POSCO asked Odisha state to take back land allotted to it for a long-delayed steel project and return it to villagers, although authorities said the land will revert to the state.

Also last year, the Supreme Court heard a petition by an advocacy group, which said about 80 percent of land acquired for large industrial zones was lying idle.

Land rights have come to the fore in recent state elections, and could hurt Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling Hindu nationalist BJP party in an upcoming national election, as farmers make up a big voting bloc, analysts say.

The post In Rare Move, Indian State to Return Unused Land to Farmers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China to Try Canadian Citizen on Drugs Charges: News Report

Posted: 26 Dec 2018 08:47 PM PST

BEIJING — A Chinese court will try a Canadian citizen on drugs charges on Saturday, a government-run news portal said, in a case that could further test already difficult relations between Beijing and Ottawa.

The two countries have sparred over the fate of two Canadian citizens detained in China on suspicion of endangering state security, and over Canada’s arrest of a high-ranking Chinese executive at the request of the United States.

The high court in the northeastern province of Liaoning said on Wednesday a man it identified as Robert Lloyd Schellenberg would be tried on drugs smuggling charges in Dalian on Saturday.

A Dalian government news portal said late on Wednesday Schellenberg was a Canadian citizen and that this was an appeal hearing after he was found by an earlier ruling to have smuggled “an enormous amount of drugs” into China.

There was no immediate response from the Canadian government.

Drugs offences are routinely punished severely in China.

China executed a Briton caught smuggling heroin in 2009, prompting a British outcry over what it said was the lack of any mental health assessment.

Canada has pressed for the release of the two Canadians who China detained earlier this month.

The two were detained after Canadian police arrested Huawei Technologies Co Ltd’s chief financial officer, Meng Wanzhou, on Dec. 1. Neither country has drawn a direct connection between the cases.

China has demanded Canada free Meng, who is fighting extradition to the United States.

Canada arrested Meng at the request of the United States, which is engaged in a trade war with China. Meng faces extradition to the United States to face fraud charges that carry a maximum sentence of 30 years jail for each charge.

The post China to Try Canadian Citizen on Drugs Charges: News Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Alleged Leader of Chinese Consulate Attack in Pakistan Reported Killed

Posted: 26 Dec 2018 08:47 PM PST

QUETTA, Pakistan—One of the alleged masterminds of an attack by a Pakistani separatist group on the Chinese consulate in Karachi last month has been killed along with five associates, the insurgent group said on Wednesday.

The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), which opposes projects linked to China’s Belt and Road infrastructure initiative in resource-rich Baluchistan, issued a statement on Tuesday confirming the death of Aslam Baloch, one of its leaders.

"The important BLA commander Aslam Baloch, along with five associates in the organization were martyred in an enemy attack on Monday," Jiand Baloch, a spokesman for the separatist group said in a statement that gave no further details.

Pakistan’s Samaa Television reported that Aslam was killed along with a number of his commanders in a suicide attack in Aino Maina in Kandahar province, Afghanistan, across the border from Baluchistan.

There was no claim of responsibility for the killings and a spokesman for the Pakistani foreign ministry did not respond to requests for comment.

Last month, three attackers stormed the Chinese consulate in Karachi, killing four people. Security forces killed the three attackers who were carrying explosives.

Pakistan has long accused its old rival India of supporting insurgents in Baluchistan. India denies helping Baluchistan insurgents and accuses Pakistan of nurturing Islamist militants throughout the region.

China has funded development of a deepwater port at Gwadar in south Baluchistan, and is also investing in other projects as part of the giant China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

Baluchistan, on the borders of Afghanistan and Iran, has rich mineral and natural gas reserves but is Pakistan’s poorest province.

Separatists have for decades campaigned against what they see as the unfair exploitation of resources, in particular natural gas and minerals.

The post Alleged Leader of Chinese Consulate Attack in Pakistan Reported Killed appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Saturday, December 29, 2018

Friday, December 28, 2018

Thursday, December 27, 2018

COMMENTARY

FEATURES

EDITORIAL

CULTURE

ANALYSIS

IN PERSON

ARTS

SPECIALS

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LIFESTYLE

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