Tuesday, May 29, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Transforming Urban Wasteland into Gardens, One Alley at a Time

Posted: 29 May 2018 07:48 AM PDT

29 May 2018

YANGON — Doh Eain, a social enterprise organization, is transforming alleyways into gardens and children's playgrounds, demonstrating the potential of under-utilized urban spaces to be repurposed to facilitate recreation and social cohesion.

"In a world of rapid urbanization, we want to make sure cities are beautiful, livable, inclusive and sustainable. Doh Eain specializes in restoring heritage buildings, creating good quality public space, and organizing city events and experiences," said Kyaw Sithu, project and communications officer at Doe Eain.

He added that, "We do this through bespoke combinations of our five core capabilities: community mapping, design, finance, building and space management, and programming."

Its first Alley Garden project in Yangon was completed on 27th Street in July 2016. Since then the team has completed another four such projects downtown: 39th Street (Seikkanthar Street) in June 2017; between 31st and 32nd streets in July 2017; between 31st and Bosunpat streets in April 2018; and between 29th and Shwebonthar streets at the beginning of May 2018.

Discussing the original idea for the project, Kyaw Sithu said, "Yangon has many kilometers of back alleys, but at present these are solely used as rubbish dumps, attracting pests. We aim to demonstrate how Yangon's many alleyways could be used as clean and healthy recreational spaces featuring gardens, street art and children's playgrounds, incorporating recycling and composting techniques."

Their vision is to upgrade Myanmar's cities in terms of beauty, livability, inclusiveness and sustainability, so that they are enjoyed by residents who actively take part in developing the cities' rich and diverse legacies.

Each alley garden has its own theme, such as a photo gallery, street-art theme, or skate park.

Children walk past a mural at the 29th Street Alley Garden.(Photo: Htet Wai/ The Irrawaddy)

The group plans to launch two new Alley Gardens by mid-June, one in the upper block of 35th-Mahabandoola Park Street and the other between 41st and 42nd streets.

So far, Doh Eain has only worked with communities in downtown areas, but it has plans to expand its projects to other areas in Yangon, possibly after this rainy season, Kyaw Sithu said.

Residents and people in nearby neighborhoods, particularly children, enjoy the spaces, which give kids somewhere to play and adults a place to socialize, relax or read.

"For them, it is a massive transformation, as these alleyways in the past were not even enterable, filled with garbage, rats, flies and bad smells," Kyaw Sithu said.

Transforming these areas into Alley Gardens had seen a reduction in the practice of people dumping garbage in the street, but some residents of upstairs apartments continue to do so, throwing trash and pouring dirty water into the Alley Gardens, he said.

"Downtown is a very diverse area in terms of its population; there are residents, tenants, shops, restaurants, businesses, hostels and religious buildings. We want the garbage-throwing problem to be eliminated 100% but it is important to note that it is quite a long process requiring the involvement of key stakeholders such as the YCDC, local government and communities," Kyaw Sithu said.

A man walks through the 29th Street Alley Garden.(Photo: Htet Wai/ The Irrawaddy)

He added that "It is important that communities take more responsibility and ownership in maintaining their environment regularly. We hope the neighborhood communities will help us."

According to Kyaw Sithu, building community involvement is a public policy issue requiring intervention by the city authorities with well-defined and effective goals. Local residents get involved in cleaning up the Alley Gardens at least once and sometimes twice a week he said.

The first Alley Garden, on 27th Street, had temporarily closed, Kyaw Sithu said. "That Alley Garden area was too small; it was behind our old office. Now, we have moved our office and haven't been able to check up on that street. So we have closed it for a while but we will make a new plan after this rainy season."

U Hla Moe, a resident of 31st Street, said, "I really appreciate the idea and this Alley Garden is really useful for kids. In the downtown area, there are no skate parks or other places for skating, but kids can skate in the Alley Garden."

"As you know, people don't all think the same way. Some still throw garbage into the garden; maybe sometimes it's accidental. On the other hand, some take care of their rubbish and maintain the garden," U Hla Moe said.

A mural is seen at Yangon's 29th Street Alley Garden. (Photo: Htet Wai/ The Irrawaddy)

Doh Eain plans to conduct an evaluation in June in cooperation with municipal, parliamentary, local ward and community authorities.

"We intend to upgrade a minimum of 30 properties or spaces per year following four principles: locally led and user-centered; asset-based and creative; environmentally friendly and sustainable; and market driven," Kyaw Sithu said.

"In addition to heritage restoration and Alley Garden projects, we will focus on upgrading streets, playgrounds and public spaces; creating safe and empowering spaces for girls and women; and organizing cultural events and festivals," he said.

With collaboration from local governments, municipalities and communities, Doh Eain believes it can make cities beautiful, livable, inclusive and sustainable, promoting citizen participation, and preserving their rich and diverse legacies.

Doh Eain is a multi-discipline urban design firm based in Yangon. It is registered as a company and as a non-profit. It relies on and applies a diversified set of financing methods, working with clients, loans and grants for revenue generating and non-revenue generating activities.

The post Transforming Urban Wasteland into Gardens, One Alley at a Time appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parliament Probes Hefty Door Polishing Bill

Posted: 29 May 2018 07:36 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Union Parliament has investigated this year’s expense for polishing the parliamentary buildings’ teak doors following a lawmaker’s surprise at the substantial sum but has yet to release its findings.

A total of 470 million kyats ($347,000) was spent on polishing the teak doors as part of the annual maintenance of the parliamentary buildings for the 2017-2018 fiscal year, said lawmaker U Aung Thaik, a member of Parliament’s Joint Administrative Committee.

An investigative body was formed after the chairman of the Joint Administrative Committee and deputy speaker of the Lower House, U Aye Tha Aung, questioned the expense during a meeting of the committee in April, said U Aung Thaik.

Lawmaker Daw Yin Min Hlaing, who represents Magwe Region’s Gangaw Township and led the investigation, declined to comment on the results of the probe, saying the findings had been reported to Parliament and that the speakers would decide on the next step.

The Construction Ministry’s Department of Human Settlement and Housing Development is responsible for certain maintenance work, including the polishing of the teak doors, said U Ko Ko Naing, information officer for the Lower House.

"There is a team that is responsible for the maintenance of the presidential residence and Parliament. It is led by a deputy director-general of the Human Settlement and Housing Development Department. They are responsible for explaining [the costs]. And it is not directly concerned with Parliament," he told The Irrawaddy.

According to parliamentary procedures, construction and maintenance work expected to cost more than 10 million kyats has to be put out to tender to the private sector.

But the Department of Human Settlement and Housing Development circumvented the rules and divided the polishing work into several smaller projects costing 10 million kyats each so that it would not have to put the work out to tender.

Parliament’s Rights Committee, which is responsible for Parliament’s overall management and financial expenditures, says it has to pay above-market prices for maintenance work.

The previous administration, under U Thein Sein, offered high base prices to private service providers, so the Rights Committee has had to assume the added responsibility of bargaining over prices for maintenance work, said a member of the committee who did not want to be named.

"The maintenance costs are very high. We have to check if the stated costs of the equipment are correct. For example, the prices for sound boxes, speakers and microphones used in Parliament are high and we have had to check the details. We need more time for this," he told The Irrawaddy.

As for the next fiscal year, the committee will require the budgets for all maintenance work to be submitted for approval, he added.

For the time being, private businesses are invited for bid for nine services including elevators, bottled water and sanitation. The Rights Committee has been able to reduce elevator maintenance costs from 5 million kyats last year to 1.9 million this year, the committee member said.

When Parliament convened in 2016, after the National League for Democracy won the previous year’s election, it was revealed that the electricity bill for air conditioning was 60 million kyats a day, said U Aung Thaik.

"With that money, a decent basic education high school can be built in central Myanmar. So we have had unnecessary air conditioners switched off," he said.

"You can check the polished doors at the Upper House. You can see that they are badly polished," he added.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Parliament Probes Hefty Door Polishing Bill appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Low-Interest Loan Project for Female Farmers is Raising Hopes

Posted: 29 May 2018 06:56 AM PDT

YANGON — With the chance to store her harvest and wait for higher prices, Ma Zin Mar Khaing is hoping her family will earn more money this year than in years past.

Before, she could not wait for higher market prices and had to sell her crops to traders and brokers right after harvest in order to repay the loans her family owed.

Like many other families in Hlae Chaung Pauk village, in Magwe Region’s Pakokku Township, Ma Zin Mar Khaing’s family had to take out loans from local money lenders with interest rates of up to 100 percent to run its farm, which grows chilies, peanuts, beans and corn.

In late 2017, however, she was one of 124 female farmers from five villages in Pakokku who received a total of 80 million kyats ($59,000) in loans with annual terms courtesy of a pilot project being run by KBZ Bank and ActionAid.

The project provides loans of up to 1 million kyats per person, the exact amount determined by the size of the farm.

Ma Zin Mar Khaing received a 500,000 kyats loan with an annual interest rate of 13 percent in December.

The project aims to improve access to finance for female farmers.

Women tend a field in Magwe Region. / Supplied

Because of constraints including a lack of bargaining power within the family and collateral such as land titles often registered in a man’s name, women have a harder time than men in accessing formal financial services.

Ko Aung Min Naing, who manages ActionAid’s projects in Myanmar’s dry zone, told The Irrawaddy that access to affordable finance was not only key to reducing poverty but could also improve female empowerment in rural areas by unlocking women’s entrepreneurial potential and helping them provide for their families.

Five months after the loans went out, Ma Zin Mar Khaing said women in her village were more active at community meetings and playing a bigger role their families’ finances.

"In the past, women didn't understand that they also had the right to join the meetings and discuss community welfare," she said.

Ma May Zin Oo, however, from East Nangat village, said the 300,000 kyats loan she received from the project did not cover her expenses and that she still had to borrow from local money lenders.

"It would be good if they could provide more next year," she said.

But Ma Zin Mar Khaing said the local lenders have at least brought down their own interest rates a bit since the pilot project began.

U Soe Tin Maung Zaw, senior general manager of KBZ’s loans department, said the project would be expanded based on the results of the first 12 months.

He said a portion of the bank’s returns from the loans will be re-invested into the communities and that the bank will help borrowers access markets for what they produce with the help of its regional and national networks.

For 27-year-old Ma Zin Mar Khaing, who has been overseeing the family’s four-acre farm since she was a teenager, the stress of so many years of high-interest loans has added up.

"I don't want to owe other people any more. If you ask me what I want the most, it is to live with no debt," she said.

The post Low-Interest Loan Project for Female Farmers is Raising Hopes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Storm Kills Man, Injures Wife in Rakhine State

Posted: 29 May 2018 05:57 AM PDT

SITTWE — A man was killed and his wife was injured in a storm in Rakhine State, according to the local Fire Service Department.

U Pyae Tun, 78, was killed and his wife, Daw Saw Mra Oo, was injured when a tree fell on their house in the village of Hmaw Daw Oo in Manaung Township on Tuesday morning.

The wife was still being treated at a local hospital in the township for minor injuries, said the head of the state’s Fire Service Department, U Thaw Dar.

"I heard that the storm has subsided after moving across Manaung," U Thaw Dar told The Irrawaddy.

The Fires Service Department has prepared teams of 35 in each of Rakhine’s 17 townships for emergency rescue work. It was still raining heavily from the storm in Sittwe, the state capital, through Tuesday evening.

Many people in a camp for displaced Hindu families in Maungdaw Township were also without adequate shelter, said camp supervisor U Ni Mal.

"Of the 16 buildings in the camp, six have no roof. We have to bear the weather, rain or shine. We have reported to the authorities, but they did nothing," U Ni Mal told The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy was not able to contact the Rakhine State government to ask about the measures it was taking to cope with the storm.

The Department of Meteorology and Hydrology announced Tuesday morning that the storm in the Bay of Bengal would cross the Rakhine coast within 12 hours and has issued a level red storm warning.

It said the maximum wind speed could reach 50 miles per hour when the storm crosses the Rakhine coast between Sittwe and Kyaukphyu and that tidal waves could reach seven feet in height along the coasts of Manaung, Kyaukphyu and Sittwe and three feet in height along the coast of Irrawaddy Region.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Storm Kills Man, Injures Wife in Rakhine State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Arrest 8 for Elephant Poaching in Separate Raids

Posted: 29 May 2018 05:02 AM PDT

YANGON — At least eight people were detained in separate incidents in Irrawaddy Region, Bago Region and Magwe Region's Mindon Township on suspicion of involvement in poaching wild elephants and illegally trafficking their parts, according to local sources.

U Myo Tun, a police officer from Mindon Township, told The Irrawaddy that two people had been detained there on May 27 on suspicion of killing a wild elephant.

"We are conducting an investigation into the pair, and cannot provide any more details," U Myo Tun said, adding that discussing the case at this point could put the investigation in jeopardy.

"We plan to make more arrests; therefore, we cannot provide detailed information," he said.

Police in Bago Region's Daik-U Township, meanwhile, said they had detained three fugitives in relation to a separate killing of a wild elephant last year.

According to a police report, the poachers planned to sell 40 viss of elephant hide to a client in Rangoon at a price of 30,000 kyats (US$22) per viss. A viss is a traditional Burmese unit of measurement equivalent to 1.6 kg or 3.6 lb.

Elephant are killed on a near monthly basis in Bago and Irrawaddy regions despite stepped up efforts to crack down on poachers. Hunters skin the elephants and abandon the carcasses. In most cases they elude capture.

U Kyaw Myint Tun, a police officer from Ngapudaw Township in Irrawaddy Region said it was difficult to catch the poachers.

"They use homemade guns made from small pipes. They bring gunpowder with them, along with chemicals and poison. They mix it all together when they are in the jungle. The shoot the elephants using the homemade guns [and poison]," he said.

He said that the poachers are well networked, with many traveling from different township to hunt wild elephant in Ngapudaw.

Most hunters hide their guns, and it is difficult to distinguish the poachers from other hunters, he said. They pretend to pretend to be local people when police confront them in the jungle, he said.

To transport the illegal parts, hunters use motorbikes instead of cars to avoid police, he said.

Myanmar adopted a new law this month to protect wildlife. Wildlife groups in the country are hopeful that the law will improve the situation facing wildlife in the country, especially elephants. The old law did not recognize elephants used for logging as wildlife. However, the new law protects all types of elephants.

Rakhine State and Bago and Irrawaddy regions are all home to wild elephant habitats. Many people clear forests to farm, encroaching on wild elephants' habitats. Poachers export the parts of poached elephants mainly to China.

Police in Ngwe Saung Township, Irrawaddy Region, reported on May 28 that they had detained six other men accused of killing a wild elephant.

The post Police Arrest 8 for Elephant Poaching in Separate Raids appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In its Final Leg, Naga Peace Accord Comes with More Questions than Answers

Posted: 29 May 2018 04:57 AM PDT

In what appears to be the final countdown to the signing of the Naga peace accord, in all likelihood before the monsoon session of the Indian Parliament, there are hopes all around that the finalization of the accord will bring an end to the longest-running insurgency in India's eastern frontier. However, the hope also comes with skepticism, as the fundamental issue – that of sovereignty – continues to be blanketed in mystery. Equally unclear are the answers, mostly speculative thus far, to the question of integration of Naga inhabited areas and the inclusion of all parties in the conflict, especially the armed groups that are based in the Naga hills in Myanmar, which is commonly referred to as Eastern Nagaland.

On the issue of absolute sovereignty, the Nagas have always felt that it is their inalienable birthright that was "illegally" taken away from them when the Naga hills were divided following the Anglo-Burmese Yandabo agreement in 1826 and later in 1953 under the Indo-Burmese demarcation in Kohima on the Naga territory by Jawaharlal Nehru and U Nu, the then Prime Ministers of the two countries.

The Initiation of the Naga Armed Movement

The Naga conflict started in 1952 when the government of India sent the army to crush an insurgency that started with the formation of the underground Naga Federal Government (NFG) and the Naga Federal Army (NFA). In 1958, India enacted the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act and used it to fight the Naga insurgents. The NFG is an offshoot of the Naga National Council (NNC). which was formed under the leadership of Angami Zapu Phizo, that declared Nagaland an independent state on August 14, 1947. The Naga hills were annexed by the British in 1881 and the first signs of Naga resistance began in 1918 with the formation of the Naga club. India included Nagaland (which was known as the Naga hills) as part of Assam in 1947.

The first attempt at settlement was made as early as November 11, 1975, when the Indian government succeeded in signing a peace accord in Shillong (called the Shillong Accord) with a section of the NNC and NFG agreeing to give up arms. However, not everyone agreed to the accord and about 140 members led by Thuingaleng Muivah and with support from Isak Chisi Suu and S S Khaplang formed the national Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980. With the NSCN becoming the new chapter in the Naga insurgency, the NNC faded away with the death of its leader Phizo in London in 1991. However, in 1988 the NSCN had split into two, the NSCN-IM led by Isak and Muivah and the NSCN-K led by Khaplang after violent clashes between supporters of the two groups.

For the record, the Indian government and the NSCN-IM entered into peace negotiations on July 25, 1997, with the signing of a ceasefire agreement. The peace negotiations have over the years had their share of ups and downs and since then, there have been more than 80 rounds of talks paving the way for a "framework agreement" that was signed in August last year. The framework agreement was signed between the Indian government and the NSCN-IM on August 3, 2015.

The Peace Formula: Framework Agreement

The framework agreement, which pledges to restore the "pride and prestige" of the Nagas, is based on the concept of "shared sovereignty" between the Nagas and the Indian government. While the contents of the framework agreement have been kept closely guarded and have not been revealed to the media, what is clear is that the NSCN–IM, which is at the forefront of the peace talks with the Indian government, is keen on finding a "final settlement" to the vexed Naga insurgency that has witnessed extreme forms of violence and human rights abuses by both the Indian armed forces and also cadres belonging to different Naga armed groups.

It remains to be seen how the concept of "shared sovereignty" plays out in reality. Simply put, shared sovereignty is a policy of give and take between two entities (in this case the government of India and the NSCN-IM) which would attempt to deliberate on what is possible for New Delhi to accede to and what is not. The few things that India would not do are: go against constitutional norms that prevent it from declaring any state or people full sovereignty; redraw any state boundary to accommodate the integration of the Naga inhabited areas (Naga homeland), or demand or allow a separate defense (military) to be formed from within the ranks of former armed combatants.

On the surface, this approach to peace may seem acceptable, especially given that the conflict has taken its toll on Naga society and everyone wants a solution as was mentioned by the apex Naga tribal body Naga Ho Ho President P Chuba Ozukum during a recent tete-a-tete with this writer in Kohima. Other local Naga leaders echoed similar sentiments: "People are fed up and are looking for a solution, as the younger generation is a bit detached and it does not know about Naga history. Many youths who have gone outside don't want to come back. How can I see my children suffer? I at least want to give my children a future." But when we look at the bigger picture, it certainly appears that the core issue that led to conflict in the first place has yet to be clearly addressed. The talk of "shared sovereignty" certainly does not come close to addressing it.

However, when viewed from a conflict transformation perspective it would suffice to say that the ceasefire is only temporarily holding and it has helped to curb the violence. That's about it. Given this viewpoint (and from what appears in the news media) it must be said that a general understanding or a comfort zone has been created among a certain group of people that gives a sense of "some kind of agreement." But the moot question of whether the agreement will provide a solution needs to be asked. And it is not that this question is not being asked. Most Naga groups like the Naga Ho Ho have categorically stated that integration is "non-negotiable." Naga civil society from Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Myanmar have also articulated their desire to remain united as one family. This desire was clearly expressed by most of them at the last Naga Independence day celebration on August 14 at Hebron near Dimapur in Nagaland. The Naga Tribes Council (NTC), an umbrella of 15 Naga tribes, has also been quoted in local media in Nagaland as saying that "any efforts to integrate the Nagas emotionally or administratively without territorial integration cannot be considered a workable solution."

The core issue of sovereignty is not just the trigger to the Naga conflict but it has also paved the way for the conflict theater in the Naga hills to become extremely complex. Thus, the coming together of the principal actors, and this means the NSCN-K and the NNC among others, and deliberating on a common understanding of sovereignty is crucial. This is more so because the core issue is integral to the issues of integration of Naga areas.

Therefore, while all the talks of what the framework agreement can provide would possibly help to propel the peace process forward, it still it does not answer the big question. From what has been reported in different national and local media, it appears that under the current agreement what India can deliver on is autonomous Naga territorial councils for Arunachal and Manipur; a common cultural body for Nagas across states; specific institutions for state's development, integration and rehabilitation of non-state Naga militia and the removal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act.

A traditional Angami Naga tribe welcome gate on the way to Kohima/Bidhayak Das

The Issue of Sovereignty and the Involvement of the NSCN-K

What iterates loudly is the central argument that if the core issue remains out of bounds there will always be a question mark. It would not be wrong to say that many scholars of peace and conflict studies who have observed the developments are spot on when they say that the current developments "have limited the peace process to the negotiating table." Not only is it not inclusive but also a peace process should surely be seen in its entire form. One Naga scholar compared the peace process to the wheel of a bicycle, the outer rim of which seems to be connected to the center without all of the spokes. "With many spokes damaged and many missing the entire structure is fragile," he said adding, "The spokes are transparency, trust-building, and confidence-building measures. Some mechanism has to be there. You can name the spokes and it's not that they are abstract."

Recent interviews with a cross section of Naga local groups, civil society and those that are part of the peace negotiations seem to reflect one major concern—the involvement or the absence of the NSCN-K in the peace process. Surely any talks in which the NSCK-K are not involved are incomplete. The outfit, which predominantly operates out of Lahe, Lay Shi and Nanyun in Sagaing Region of Myanmar, abrogated the bilateral truce with India (the truce was signed in 2001) in 2015 and has since been involved in offensives with the Indian security forces. It attended the 21st Century Panglong peace process in Myanmar but has not signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

Indian media The Times of India in a report published on March 23 this year quoted the NTC secretary Theja Therieh as saying, "We have also sent feelers to the NSCN-K and it has been conveyed to us that they are not averse to peace talks. Last November, the government of India had told us that if they (the NSCN-K) are willing, it too is willing to invite them for talks. The government said that if there were no takers for its peace talk invitations, it would be an uncomfortable situation." The NTC has been successful in bringing six other Naga outfits to be part of the peace talks besides the NSCN-IM.

Many others spoken to by this writer during a recent trip across five districts of Nagaland echoed similar apprehensions that "leaving a key player out directly implies that one is not interested in addressing the core issue." The Naga issue is unique in the sense that the various ethnicities that make up the tribe have been divided into different administrative and political entities without their consent.

The Peace Package and the Challenges for New Delhi

There isn't any doubt that both New Delhi and the NSCN-IM have had extensive deliberations on what is permissible under the Indian Constitution for the Indian government to accede to, which surely conveys limitations of the latter to give anyone any right to declare any state of India or people full sovereignty. And this is perhaps reflected in Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's messages in one of his many meetings with Naga delegations where he said that "independence lies with the people." Modi's message also echoes what the Indian government has been saying on the NSCN-IM demand for sovereignty – that India accepts the uniqueness of Naga history and culture and Nagas are partners in India’s nation-building process and have as much claim and right over India as India has over Nagaland.

But as the process moves forward questions will be asked, perhaps posing more challenges than solutions to New Delhi, the NSCN-IM and the six other groups that have sat at the negotiating table. Some issues are symbolic like that of a separate flag for the state, a separate passport and a joint defense force. These issues are, however, very tricky and would also add to the tests for Indian government appointed peace interlocutor R N Ravi going forward. There have been other equally tricky issues that have been voiced by many other Naga groups like an independent Constitution, creation of a local police and judicial system, the right to use Naga currency, and a permanent UN representative. Whether these issues will eventually define the question of Naga sovereignty or the peace accord will hold in its current form and be accepted by all Naga groups and civil society is the million-dollar question.

What perhaps assumes great significance are questions raised by many scholars and thinkers who have been observing the peace process such as "can the NSCN(-IM) speak on behalf of more than three million people? Even if they do, the question is, would the framework agreement be acceptable to all Nagas including our brothers and sisters from the other side?

The author is a former senior journalist who has worked for national and international news media in India and elsewhere. Currently he is a contributing editor for The Irrawaddy.

The post In its Final Leg, Naga Peace Accord Comes with More Questions than Answers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Myanmar Planning and Finance Minister’s Case a Test of Govt Seriousness on Corruption

Posted: 29 May 2018 03:29 AM PDT

In March, when he declared in his inauguration speech that fighting corruption was one of the top priorities on his to-do list, President U Win Myint was heartily applauded by his fellow citizens, who have long been disgusted by corrupt officials at nearly every level of government.

Two months later, it emerged that Planning and Finance Minister U Kyaw Win was under investigation by the Anti-Corruption Commission after it received complaints against him. While an embarrassment for Myanmar's de facto leader, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who boasted last year that her cabinet was corruption free, the development pleased the public, which praised the president as a man of his word. They followed the progress of the case closely, as it was the first time the National League for Democracy-led government had taken action against one of its own ministers.

But to the people's dismay, the President's Office announced on Friday that the corruption-tainted minister had been "allowed to resign" from his post. Some wondered aloud: "That's all?" There is a strong desire to see a corrupt minister face serious punishment. Simply "letting him go" virtually encourages birds of the same feather to take bribes and leave their positions.

So far, the Anti-Corruption Commission has been silent about its findings. A statement released over the weekend said simply that it had submitted an investigation report to the president, adding that "except for classified matters, the commission will reveal the results of its investigation in U Kyaw Win's case at an appropriate time." There was no mention of whether the minister was guilty of the crime. If charged under the Anti-Corruption Law, he would face 15 years' imprisonment.

Yangon-based political analyst Yan Myo Thein said the commission should make its findings public as soon as possible, given the high-profile nature of the case.

"If they don't reveal the findings, the rumor mill will continue. That would have a negative impact on the government's image," he said.

"It's time for the government to let the people know that it takes the anti-corruption effort very seriously," he added.

U Ye Lin Myint, country coordinator of Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA), agreed that allowing the minister to resign was not the answer.

"The government should not stop at simply seeing that he leaves the position," he said.

To complicate matters, the accused minister is an elected Lower House lawmaker, having won a seat in the 2015 election.

Commission spokesperson U Han Nyunt acknowledged that the agency's hands were tied in many cases involving elected officials, but added that it was better that lawmakers are disciplined according to parliamentary procedure.

"We can take certain legal actions. But frankly speaking, lawmakers should be disciplined by the Parliament," he said.

U Nay Myo Tun, a lawmaker representing Htantabin Township in the Lower House, said no law existed allowing action to be taken against lawmakers. "Though the Anti-Corruption Law says action can be taken against anyone, it is not the case for lawmakers, even if they do commit an offense. Relevant organizations have to be informed first," he said.

"It is easy to take action against officials at the director-general and lower levels. But it is quite difficult to take action against political office holders," U Nay Myo Tun said.

The most likely scenario in this case is that, given the political status of the accused, the commission referred the case to the president for a decision, as Union ministers are appointed by the president. Time will tell how the Parliament will respond to the case, as commission chairman U Aung Kyi told the media last week that the findings would be submitted to the House Speakers.

U Ye Lin Myint of MATA said that all those accused of a crime must be treated equally under the law, from the president on down.

"The people are interested to see to what extent the government follows the existing laws without taking sides," he said.

NLD lawmaker Daw Khin San Hlaing said U Kyaw Win will be a test case for whether the party keeps its promises, referring to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's 2016 warning to new cabinet members, including U Kyaw Win, not to take bribes or engage in corruption. "If you do so," she said at the time, "you will go to jail. I will visit those party members in prison."

"So, if something goes wrong, you have to take responsibility for your actions," Daw Khin San Hlaing said.

The post Analysis: Myanmar Planning and Finance Minister's Case a Test of Govt Seriousness on Corruption appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Once-powerful General Maung Aye Now Confined to Wheelchair

Posted: 29 May 2018 12:35 AM PDT

Vice Senior-General Maung Aye was known to be a tough army soldier who enjoyed the loyalty of senior commanders. In his good old days from 1993 to his retirement in 2011, the now 80-year-old was the second most powerful person after Senior-General Than Shwe in Myanmar's military junta.  Since then, the vice senior-general has faded away from the public eye.

But pictures recently went viral on social media showing a stark difference from the former general's days as a rugged soldier. Sitting limply in a wheelchair, far from his former glory, pictures showing the former vice senior-general and stroke victim receiving blessings from the famed Buddhist monk Mei Phone Sayadaw from southern Shan State shocked many people.

The monk is thought to have psychic powers and he often spends months at a time in caves in Shan State meditating. He has been approached by numerous business tycoons and generals for blessings.

Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye graduated from the Defense Services Academy (Intake 1) in Pyin Oo Lwin in 1959, later serving as the commander of Division 77 based in Bago in the 1970s. In 1988, he became a regional commander in the Eastern Region of Shan State.

In 1992 and 1993, people saw his sudden rise as he was summoned to Yangon to become the deputy commander-in-chief [of Defense Services]. The move appeared to counter General Khin Nyunt, a powerful military intelligence chief. Khin Nyunt wanted to become number two in the ruling council known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council or SLORC.

Regional commanders who were also members of SLORC did not support Khin Nyunt but rallied behind Maung Aye who was named deputy chairman of the SLORC in 1994.

Maung Aye saw himself as a soldier, not a politician. He was, thus, an unthreatening choice as Than Shwe's deputy.

The vice senior-general is known for his heavy drinking, love of golf and extremely bad manners. He was once drunk and stepped over the flag of the Karen National Union (KNU) at a ceremony at which Lt-Col Thamuhe, the commander of KNU Battalion 16, and his soldiers surrendered their arms to the Burmese government.

Sitting at the top of the ruling council was Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who enjoyed support among the generals and benefitted from the rivalry between Khin Nyunt and Maung Aye.

Maung Aye and Than Shwe resigned in 2011 after holding a sham election, which saw the regime install its own political party known as the Union Solidarity Development Party.

Maung Aye retired quietly and rumors suggest that during his farewell reception he told senior staff that he would not "make the same mistake as others" by clinging to power. At the time, Than Shwe was considering forming a supreme council, which he would chair.

"We should all leave politics once and for all," Maung Aye was reported to have said to his staff officers.

Than Shwe learned of Maung Aye's opposition to his plan and suddenly aborted plans for the council, as he didn't want to be seen as a typically "power hungry general." Maung Aye has disappeared from the public eye ever since.

Like many generals, Maung Aye and his family are known to be among the wealthiest families in Myanmar.

But in 2012, news emerged that Maung Aye, then 74, suffered a stroke and flew to Singapore for medical treatment. There was no news about him afterward.

But it seems that Than Shwe has remained active in politics – he receives his subordinates, foreign businessmen, and politicians including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is known to have met with him several times in recent years to consult on political issues in the country. Than Shwe, who is in his 80s, remains relatively healthy, informed sources said.

The post Once-powerful General Maung Aye Now Confined to Wheelchair appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Vietnam’s Viettel, Partners to Launch 4G Network in Myanmar

Posted: 28 May 2018 09:48 PM PDT

HANOI — Vietnam’s military-run telecommunication company Viettel Group and its partners will launch a 4G mobile network in Myanmar next month to cash in on the Southeast Asian country’s fast-growing economy, the Vietnamese government said on Monday.

The Mytel network, jointly developed by Viettel, Myanmar National Holding Public Ltd and Star High Public Co Ltd, aims to have at least 2 million to 3 million subscribers by the end of the year, the government said in a statement.

Mytel, which is worth $1.5 billion, will be the fourth telecom operator in Myanmar and will be the first 4G mobile phone network with nationwide coverage at the time of launching there, the government said.

“With a newly opened and fast-growing economy, Myanmar offers great opportunities for telecommunication companies,” Viettel Deputy General Director Le Dang Dung was cited as saying in the statement.

Vietnam’s largest mobile carrier by subscription, Viettel, has already invested in 10 countries across Asia, Africa and America, and has 43 million subscribers overseas, as of the end of 2017.

Myanmar’s economic growth is expected to rebound to between 7 percent and 7.5 percent over the medium term, from lower-than-expected growth of 5.9 percent last year, supported by foreign direct investment and improvement in public investment, according to the International Monetary Fund.

The post Vietnam’s Viettel, Partners to Launch 4G Network in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Malaysia’s New Deputy PM Aims to be a Role Model for Women

Posted: 28 May 2018 09:39 PM PDT

PUTRAJAYA, Malaysia — Wan Azizah Wan Ismail’s childhood ambition was to become a doctor and cure disease. Now that she is Malaysia’s most powerful female politician, she says her mission is to improve women’s rights.

The 65-year-old made history this month when she was named Malaysia’s deputy prime minister. She is the first woman to hold the post, and one of only a handful of female politicians in high public office in Southeast Asia.

Wan Azizah has vowed to push for greater women’s rights in a country where female representation in national legislatures is among the world’s lowest.

“People look up and say, ‘Yes we have hopes,'” Wan Azizah told the Thomson Reuters Foundation on Monday, in her first interview since being sworn into office.

“Women now see that you can break barriers, it can happen – with a little bit of perseverance, commitment and belief that you can actually do it,” she said at her office in the administrative capital, Putrajaya.

Wan Azizah has also been tasked to head the Ministry of Women and Family Development.

Although it is Southeast Asia’s third-largest economy and women generally lead a modern life, Malaysia was ranked 104 out of 144 countries in the World Economic Forum’s 2017 Gender Gap Index after scoring poorly on political empowerment.

Trained as an eye surgeon, Wan Azizah was first thrust into politics after her husband, Anwar Ibrahim, was sacked as a deputy premier and jailed in 1998. She went on to lead an opposition front and mobilized support for his release.

Campaigning on a platform of reform, Wan Azizah and the opposition alliance swept into power in the historic May 9 poll, heralding the first change of government since Malaysia gained independence from Britain in 1957.

The soft-spoken politician said her priorities would include strengthening legislation to protect women from sexual harassment and abuse, especially in the wake of the global #MeToo campaign.

“There are some laws that you have to change, anti- harassment, anti-domestic violence, these are the things we have to go through,” she said.

The deputy premier said the government will also look into policies to help women in workplaces, especially mothers, by improving child care facilities.

Despite Wan Azizah’s pledges, activists said the new government has failed to fulfill a campaign promise to ensure at least 30 percent of ministers appointed to national and state governments are women.

“It’s not a quota. We have to fill the positions with people who are able to deliver,” Wan Azizah’s said, adding that the government is still committed to meeting the target.

Of the 14-member federal cabinet, three are women including Wan Azizah. Campaigners said women are also being sidelined from positions in states like Johor, where only one of 11 state cabinet ministers is female.

The Inter-Parliamentary Union ranks Malaysia 155 out of 188 nations in terms of women's representation in national legislatures, below less developed Southeast Asian nations such as East Timor, Vietnam and Laos.

Anwar, who is now free after receiving a pardon following the election, is expected to return to politics. Wan Azizah rejected theories she is a seat warmer for her husband.

She pledged to continue her work to break cultural barriers and improve gender equality.

“It’s a slow process,” she said. “It’s going to take some time, with (the help of) some legislation and education.”

The post Malaysia's New Deputy PM Aims to be a Role Model for Women appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Police Witness Says Searched Reuters Reporters’ Phones Without Warrant

Posted: 28 May 2018 09:28 PM PDT

YANGON — Police in Myanmar examined the mobile phones of two Reuters reporters accused of possessing secret documents without a search warrant after their arrests in December, an officer told a court on Monday, in what has become a landmark press freedom case.

Prosecution witness Major Aung Kyaw San said police did not have a warrant to search the phones because the reporters were accused under the Official Secrets Act, which gave officers the power to make arrests and begin an investigation without needing prior permission from a court.

That assertion was disputed by defense lawyer Khin Maung Zaw, who told Reuters after the hearing that only the arrests were allowed before seeking the approval of a judge. “This is not acceptable,” he said. “Regarding (obtaining) evidence, a warrant is needed.”

Lead prosecutor Kyaw Min Aung declined to comment.

Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay was not immediately available for comment. Previously, he has declined to discuss details of the proceedings or the police investigation, saying Myanmar’s courts were independent.

The court in Yangon has been holding hearings since January to decide whether Wa Lone, 32, and his Reuters colleague Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, will be charged under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act, which carries a maximum penalty of 14 years in prison.

Judge Ye Lwin last week accepted as evidence printed copies of documents that Major Aung Kyaw San, a police IT expert, said were found on the reporters’ phones. The documents included alleged confidential government letters and plans for the development of an island off Myanmar’s west coast for tourism.

Defense lawyers had argued the documents should not be admitted as evidence because it was unclear who had access to the phones after the reporters’ arrests on Dec. 12, and that the prosecution did not explain how the 21 documents were relevant to the case.

Some of the documents came from the Facebook Messenger app, the defense said, and it was not clear the reporters themselves had accessed them.

“We don’t know anything about the documents they said they found in our phones,” Wa Lone told reporters after Monday’s hearing. “The documents can be sent automatically to Messenger.”

At the time of their arrests, the reporters had been working on an investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslim men and boys in a village in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State. The killings took place during a military crackdown that United Nations agencies say sent nearly 700,000 people fleeing to Bangladesh.

The reporters have told relatives they were arrested almost immediately after being handed some rolled up papers at a restaurant in northern Yangon by two policemen they had not met before, having been invited to meet the officers for dinner.

Last month, Police Captain Moe Yan Naing testified that a senior officer had ordered his subordinates to plant secret documents on Wa Lone to “trap” the reporter.

At a news conference on May 15, Police Director General Aung Win Oo dismissed the testimony as untruthful.

After his court appearance, Moe Yan Naing was sentenced to a year in jail for violating police discipline and his family was evicted from police housing. Police have said the eviction and his sentencing were not related to his testimony, but have declined to elaborate further.

Global advocates for press freedom, human rights activists, as well the United Nations and several Western countries, have called for the release of the Reuters journalists.

On Monday, diplomats from France, Denmark and the European Union – as well as others – observed the proceedings.

The next hearing in the case is scheduled for Tuesday.

The post Myanmar Police Witness Says Searched Reuters Reporters' Phones Without Warrant appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 28 May 2018 08:30 PM PDT

Rock Concert and EDM | June 2

Korean and Myanmar artists will perform.

June 2, 6 p.m. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets start from 10,000 kyats at 09-445440898; 09-977009157

Reggae Night | June 1

Saw Phoe Kwar will perform along with One Love Band.

June 1, 7.30 pm to 11 pm. Vintage Luxury Yacht Hotel, Tel: 09-250846974, Free Admission.

Back to University | May 31

There will be debate, talks, an unplugged concert, book fair and art show for university students, organized by the University of Medicine 1 Students Union.

May 31, University of Medicine 1, Lanmadaw Tsp.

Back to '90s | June 1

A party to reminisce about the old good times.

June 1, 7 pm. The Penthouse, No. 271-273, Bar Ga Yar Street. Reservation at info@thepenthouse-yangon.com, Tel: 09-771239924

Summitteers' Talks | May 30

Intrepid young hikers who trained themselves by hiking up some of the highest mountains in Myanmar such as Mt. Victoria in Chin State and the glacier on Mt. Phonkanrazi in Kachin State, will tell all about the challenges they faced. Register with your name + NRC/passport number at raphaele.martin@fco.gov.uk

May 30, 6.30 pm to 8 pm. British Embassy Club, No. 46 Gyo Byu Road.

Book Fair 2018 | June 2

The library of the Institut Français de Birmanie will put up for sale 1500 books—novels, children's books, books of foreign literature—withdrawn from the shelves. Three books for 2000 kyats.

June 2, 2 pm to 6 pm. Institut Français de Birmanie, Pyay Road. ID required on entry.

Charity for Elderly persons | June 2

Artists will perform at this fund-raising charity event for the elderly.

June 2, 6 pm. National Theater, Tickets at 01-392931, 1876 , 09-793926812

First National Yoga Championship | June 2-3

This is the first ever yoga championship to be held in Myanmar.

Semifinals on June 2, 10.30 am to 1.30 pm at the Indian Embassy, and the Final on June 3, 3 pm to 5 pm at Melia Hotel. Free Entry.

Aung Myint: 16 A.M. | June 1-3

Aung Myint showcases his paintings.

June 1-3, Myanm/art, No. 98, 3rd Floor, Bogalay Zay St.

Unlocking the Potential | June 1-30

This is an unconventional dialogue between business and art; a convenience store that celebrates the artistic inspiration of Myanmar’s finest artists and art that touches the everyday lives of ordinary Myanmar people.

The whole month of June. De Mart, Upper Pansodan Street.

The post Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at

No comments:

Post a Comment

Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.

Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)