Thursday, May 3, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

SSPP Likely to Sign Nationwide Ceasefire, Peace Broker Says

Posted: 03 May 2018 08:10 AM PDT

YANGON — The Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N) is likely to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), according to a peace broker between the government and the SSPP.

The government's Peace Commission and the SSPP met at the party's Wan Hai headquarters in northern Shan State's Kehsi Township for two days on May 1-2.

The government delegation was led by Peace Commission vice chairman U Thein Zaw, accompanied by its secretary, former Lieutenant-General Khin Zaw Oo. The SSPP was represented by vice chairman Lieutenant-General Khay Tai, the party's patron General Sae Htin, Major-General Sai Htoo and Sao Khun Seng.

Shan Nationalities Development Party chairman Sai Aik Pao, who was present at the negotiations as a peace broker, told The Irrawaddy, "They [the SSPP] do not oppose the NCA, and they accept it. They said they would take the NCA path. So it is expected that they will sign the NCA. They will meet again, and plan to discuss the date."

He said the level of trust between the two sides improved during the meeting, adding that the SSPP would consider joining the upcoming third session of the 21st-Century Panglong Peace Conference if the government invited it.

U Hla Maung Shwe, an adviser to the Peace Commission, said he had heard that "the talks were optimistic. The SSPP was invited to take part in political dialogue. And the talks indicate some development" in the peace process.

SSPP leaders could not be reached for comment on the talks.

The party entered bilateral ceasefire agreements at the state and union levels in 2012.

It was one of the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) that contributed to the process of drafting the NCA and was a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council ethnic bloc, which is no longer an active alliance. It resigned from the bloc last year, but has stopped short of fully disavowing it.

The SSPP currently belongs to the seven-member Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee, a northeast-based armed alliance. The FPNCC, which rejected the NCA and has demanded an alternative path to it, has a policy of insisting on holding collective talks with the government. Despite the policy, however, two of its members — the Kachin Independence Army and the United Wa State Army — have met government delegations separately on previous occasions at the behest of Chinese officials.

The post SSPP Likely to Sign Nationwide Ceasefire, Peace Broker Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

More than 3,000 People Now Trapped by Fighting in Kachin State

Posted: 03 May 2018 06:05 AM PDT

MYITKYINA — More than 3,000 poeple are now trapped in conflict zones amid clashes between the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State, according to the Kachin Baptist Council (KBC).

"Temporary shelters in Shangaw and Hkawam [in Waingmaw] are not yet safe. Clashes occur there frequently. Displaced persons trapped in Lai Nawng Hku and Injangyang are not safe either," said Khali, who works for the KBC.

The total number of displaced persons in Tanai, Kamaing, Namti, Waingmaw, Chipwe and Injangyang towns has increased by over 6,100 since April 1, Khali said.

Of this group, around 2,800 people are taking shelter at churches in Myitkyina and Namti townships, and nearly 3,400 remain trapped in unsafe places.

Some are trapped in conflict zones as the Tatmadaw has barred them from leaving, Khali said.

"We want to flee, but the military won't let us. We are short of food, and want to move to a safe place," a displaced person trapped in Lai Nawng Hku in Hpakant said on condition of anonymity.

A total of 320 displaced persons taking shelter at churches in Shangaw and Hkawam villages in Waingmaw Township sought to go to Myitkyina or Waingmaw. Over 400 displaced persons taking shelter at Kachin Baptist Church in Chipwe also want to move somewhere safer.

Around 2,000 displaced persons from Awng Lawt village in Tanai Township have been trapped in forests since April 11 and are running out of food, Khali said.

Around 160 displaced persons trapped in Kamaing, and 500 more taking shelter at a Buddhist monastery in Injangyang also need to be evacuated.

The Tatmadaw's Northern Command distributed a written notification in Burmese and Kachin on April 20 addressed to displaced persons stating that it was only attacking KIA outposts and had taken steps to ensure that villages and locals were not affected. It also promised to provide assistance to those returning to their homes.

The Tatmadaw also said it had provided food and other supplies to villagers returning to their homes in Man Wai and Lai Nawng Hku.

"Both the government and military leadership should allow them to go anywhere they like, as they are citizens," Khali said.

On April 30, around 5,000 Kachin staged a protest calling for government intervention to rescue displaced persons trapped in forests amid clashes.

Since then, over 100 Kachin youth have staged a sit-in, which they said would continue until those trapped by clashes are rescued.

The Myitkyina-based KBC sent a letter to State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on April 27 urging her to intervene and see that those trapped in clashes are rescued immediately.

The post More than 3,000 People Now Trapped by Fighting in Kachin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Fifth Food and Hospitality Trade Exhibition to Be Held Next Month

Posted: 03 May 2018 05:34 AM PDT

The Fifth International Exhibition for Food and Drink, Hotel, Restaurant, Bakery and Food Service Equipment, Supplies and Services will be held in Yangon on June 6-8 at Myanmar Event Park in Mindama, Yangon.

Organized by UBM Myanmar, the event will showcase food and beverages, tea and coffee, wine and spirits, food servicing, food service equipment, kitchen equipment and supplies, hospitality equipment and supplies, spa services, lifestyle services, wellness services, hospitality services and technologies from 200 exhibitors from 20 countries. The event will include four international showrooms focusing on Korea, Singapore, Turkey and the U.S.

"This event is not only an exhibition; it also includes competitions and events to educate people about food and hospitality," said UBM Myanmar general manager Fraser Hawkes.

Other scheduled highlights include the 5th Myanmar Culinary Arts Competition and the 5th Myanmar National Barista Championship (MNBC).

The FoSTAM Seminar 2018 will be held along with the FoSTAM Quiz Bowl. Other activities being introduced this year are Introduction to Latte Art by Sithar and a Butchery Master Class organized by Meat and Livestock Australia.

In 2017, a total of 350,000 travelers visited Myanmar, and this number is expected to climb. Myanmar's tourism industry is developing rapidly, with new hotels and restaurants opening daily.

Given the rapid growth of the sector, participants in the exhibition can expect to be able to explore a lot of business opportunities and connect with many people.

F&H Myanmar is an international event targeting the food & beverage, tea and coffee, and travel and tourism industries. However, it is open to anyone looking to try free food samples and purchase food and other items.

Admission is free but registration is required at www.foodandhotelmyanmar.com.

The post Fifth Food and Hospitality Trade Exhibition to Be Held Next Month appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon High Court to Weigh Changes to Charges in U Ko Ni Murder Case in Late May

Posted: 03 May 2018 05:11 AM PDT

YANGON — The Yangon Region High Court will hear lawyers' requests on May 25 to change the charges against the accused in connection with the assassination last year of U Ko Ni, a constitutional lawyer and legal adviser to the ruling National League for Democracy party.

"Defense and prosecution lawyers will make their arguments in court that day. The court will then make a decision whether or not to change the original charges filed by the Yangon North District Court," prosecution lawyer U Khin Maung Htay told reporters.

The defendants have requested that the charges be reduced, while the prosecution is seeking to stiffen them. As such, the High Court, the highest court in Yangon, will hear the issue on May 25 although it may not make a final decision on that day.

The alleged assassin, Kyi Lin, and three accused co-conspirators, Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Tun, and Zeya Phyo, appeared at the Yangon North District Court on Thursday, but as the Yangon Region Supreme Court has not made a decision on their charges, the North District Court fixed the next trial date for May 17. Although the High Court will not have ruled on the charges by then, court procedure dictates the defendants must appear at the North District Court regardless.

Kyi Lin was charged under Section 302 (2) of the Penal Code with killing U Ko Ni and fatally shooting taxi driver U Ne Win. Aung Win Zaw and Zeya Phyo were also indicted for premeditated murder, which carries a life sentence.

Kyi Lin and Aung Win Zaw were further charged under Sections 19 (d) and 19 (f) of the 1878 Arms Act for importing/exporting and possessing firearms.

Aung Win Tun was charged under the Penal Code's Article 212 for harboring one of the offenders, but in March the court granted him bail after he deposited 50 million kyats (about US$37,300) as a surety for his release from custody.

The man accused of masterminding the murder, former Lt-Col. Aung Win Khaing, remains at large.

The post Yangon High Court to Weigh Changes to Charges in U Ko Ni Murder Case in Late May appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

New Government, New Fears for Journalists in Myanmar

Posted: 03 May 2018 02:52 AM PDT

Since my release from prison in September, I no longer dare to travel to conflict areas. I tell my friends I want to. But when I consider the case of the two Reuters reporters arrested in Yangon in December, I grow worried for my security. I do not want to go back to prison.

I was detained for two months and six days in Hsipaw, in northern Shan State.

Some friends have asked me whether the rule of law in Myanmar has improved much since the NLD came to power in early 2016. My own case has taught me that law enforcement still favors the army.

Me and my two friends from the Democratic Voice of Burma were the victims of a wrongful arrest. During our trial for unlawful association with a rebel group, however, the judge never asked us if we wanted to make a statement. The judge only asked the soldiers who arrested us.

When it took power, the NLD promised to improve the rule of law. But more than two years on, the rule of law is still broken.

I was only doing my job as a conflict reporter and was breaking no laws. So why did the army arrest me? The two Reuters reporters, Ko Wa Lone and Ko Kyaw Soe Oo, were also doing their jobs — investigating the killing of Rohingya civilians by army soldiers — and were breaking no laws. We have the right to travel to conflict areas. Our job is to tell people what is happening in conflict areas, even when that means reporting on rights abuses.

I used be a journalist in self-exile, based in northern Thailand. I returned to Myanmar in November 2012. Many other self-exiled journalists returned to the country around the same time, all with high expectations of the government, which had just begun to open up to the world after decades of military dictatorship. Then President Thein Sein invited those of us in self-exile to come back, calling the press the fourth pillar of his democratic reform agenda.

But we all wondered whether the army, government and public saw the press the same way. Many people supported the NLD and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and dismissed journalists as mere troublemakers whenever we criticized them. The NLD itself takes criticism very badly. Under the country’s new semi-civilian government, journalists still have a very small voice.

Before, whenever I heard of a flare-up of communal violence or a new outbreak of fighting in an ethnic area, I packed my clothes for the journey. I told my editors my plans and they were quick to approve the trip.

I have been to Kachin, Shan, and Rakhine states many times. I never had any problems with the army during the previous government. When I met soldiers in northern Shan, we chatted like friends. They checked my wallet and my phone, to see if I had had any contact with rebel groups, then let me on my way.

I was only arrested after the NLD came to power and now wonder why I was never detained before.

The Constitution gives the army a great deal of power. The government cannot tell the army what to do, so the army can do what it wants. The army does not want the NLD to take credit for the country’s reform. So the army arrested us to show that it still has power.

In a democratic system, the army cannot arrest journalists who work for the people. So I believed the army could not arrest me for doing my job. But when the army did arrest me, it was merely for visiting a rebel-controlled area and meeting rebel leaders, all as part of my work.

I learned that in Myanmar the law is in the army’s hands. We reporters are like fish in a pond, and the army can catch us whenever it wants. Those who believe in democracy believe in telling the truth; the army does not.

Since my arrest, I watch for taps on my phone. I am careful about what I say on social media. On my way home, I sometimes wonder if someone is tailing me. If you ask me if I feel safe as a journalist under this government, I would say — not yet.

The post New Government, New Fears for Journalists in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Under a Dark Cloud: Censorship in Burma

Posted: 03 May 2018 02:51 AM PDT

On World Press Freedom Day, The Irrawaddy revisits this article published in The Irrawaddy Magazine in January 2001 about how writers and publishers remained targets of one of the world's most draconian censorship systems.

Writers and publishers in Burma remain targets of one of the world's most draconian censorship systems. Early one morning in December 1994, a group of Military Intelligence Services (MIS) officers and police surrounded a house in the northern quarter of Mandalay, Burma's second city.

The house was a bookshop called Ottaya Lwinpyin (“Northern Plain”), which belonged to Than Htay. Though they had no search warrant, they broke down the door and searched the whole bookshop. After a comprehensive search, they found a lot of pages that had been torn from books, magazines and periodicals. All the pages contained the slogan of the military regime and an official denunciation of the democratic forces, which must be printed on the first page of all materials published in Burma by order of the military.

After the search of his bookshop, Than Htay was arrested and sentenced to seven years' imprisonment by a summary court. Now Ko Than Htay is in Mandalay Prison, where he suffers torture and mistreatment like all other political prisoners.

Although Ko Than Htay was a democracy activist, he had never been involved in any political organization, including the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi. He opposed the military as an individual and in his own way. His bookshop was the biggest in Mandalay, and he was the main distributor of all published materials for the market in upper Burma, with a population of 20 million.

What Ko Than Htay had done was very simple. As a distributor to the upper Burma market, he regularly received packages of books, journals, magazines, and periodicals. Before he distributed them to customers and retail shops, he tore the first page out of every book as his own action against the military. Therefore, people who bought the books from his Northern Plain bookshop didn't have to see the slogans of the military regime. This was the extent of Ko Than Htay’s revolutionary activity, but it was not to last very long.

This event illustrates the oppressive censorship of the press in Burma, a situation that has existed for several decades now. In 1962, the military government, which called itself a “Revolutionary Council” and was led by General Ne Win, introduced a State Publishing Act as a new law. As a result of this law, Press Scrutiny and Registration Board (Board of Censor) was formed by the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The original print version of this story appeared in the January 2001 issue of The Irrawaddy Magazine.

All the officers appointed to this board come from the MIS and a special branch of the police. Their duty is to scrutinize all the books, novels, magazines, and periodicals that have to be submitted to them before publication. They have the authority to reject, cancel, delete, and delay permission to publish without reason.

They can demand that the publisher cover with silver ink any paragraph that they suspect contains a criticism of the regime. They can also demand that the publisher omit any pages that they don't like, or insist that an author or columnist explain what he or she wrote and why he or she wrote it. They can delay publication, which can cause the publisher to suffer great financial losses. Even now, the military regime is still using this law and this board of censorship.

Unofficially, it is known as “the Gestapo board of literature”, after those who guarded Hitler in Nazi Germany in the 1940s. After the bloody suppression of the pro-democracy movement in September 1988, the military regime began to rule Burma with an iron fist. They accused all democratic forces of being destructive elements, the pawns of foreigners and the puppets of Western capitalists.

At the same time, they declared themselves to be patriots, supreme loyalists to their nation, the only institution that could save the country. First, they wrote all their slogans and denunciations on billboards and placed them in every corner of the towns. Then they put their slogans on the first page of their own newspapers Myanmar Ahlin (“New Light of Myanmar”) and Kyemon (“The Mirror”). After that, they issued orders to all publishers to put these slogans on the first page of their published materials. Therefore, when anyone opened a book that had been published in Burma, they would see the military's slogans and denunciations on the first page.

After 1988, as instructed by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), the board of literary censorship also insisted that all authors and publishers submit a personal biography. The purpose of this was to enable the censorship board to check authors, journalists and publishers for any political party involvement and other “undesirable” connections.

According to a member of the board of literary censorship, they have a list of authors, poets, journalists and publishers who are involved in any political movement, or who are suspected of having any connection with the democratic forces.

Sadly, writers whose names have appeared on have never been allowed to publish their work. One young poet who had spent four and half years in prison for his involvement in an anti-military movement was honored when his poems were selected by the editors of Hanthit (“New Style”) and Shwe Wut Mhone magazines.

However, the poems were omitted five times by order of the board of literary censorship because of his prison record. It appears that these editors were warned not to publish his work by the officers of this board. It is common practice in Burma that many published materials are incomplete. It is necessary to read those works without an introduction or a conclusion or a part of the main body or an illustration.

In Burma, November is "Literature Month." During this month in particular, literary talks or speeches are held nationwide. On these occasions, invited authors or poets come and give a speech about literature to the public. But the military regime forces some literary speeches to be cancelled by refusing to issue a permit for public gatherings.

In some places, the authorities want to be involved in selecting the authors to be invited. Some famous authors who the people respect highly are forced to withdraw by the authorities, as they don't like their political background. Furthermore, the authorities brief all authors not to speak about political issues. Members of the MIS attend these events and tape all the speeches. If they suspect that any speech touches on a political issue, action will be taken against the author and organizers of the event.

Generally, Burmese people have a great admiration for literature, and a great fondness for authors and poets. They can be strongly influenced by an author whose work is respected and admired, such as Aung Thinn. Many people want to invite Aung Thinn to give a literary speech in their region, but some regional authorities don’t allow the invitation to be made, as they are worried about Aung Thinn's ability to agitate and organize. He is only allowed to talk in a few limited places with a lot of restrictions. Since he cannot go to talk with the people personally, tapes of his speeches have been distributed all over the country.

In places where these traditional literary talks are banned, people gather in one place and listen to these tapes together. Concerned about Aung Thinn's influence on the people, the military authorities have announced that the distribution of these tapes is illegal.

Tin Moe is a poet much loved by the Burmese people for his simplicity, kindness, and honesty. He was one of the founding members of the NLD and a close aide of Aung San Suu Kyi. He was put behind bars for 3 years along with other party leaders. After he was released from prison, he was not allowed to publish any poems and books, and he was banned from giving speeches at literary ceremonies. As a result he fled from Burma to Belgium, and gave a literary speech in Sydney, Australia in December 2000. Away from the stifling censorship of his homeland, he can now talk freely, independently, fearlessly and openly.

Frequently, privately owned magazines are ordered to print articles supporting the military, written by pro-military authors, which always denounce Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD. Publishers have no choice but to accept these orders. The worst experience for authors is when they are told to write for the military regime's propaganda magazines, such as Myawaddy and Myatkhinthit. This is a nightmare for authors whose loyalty is to the people and democracy. If they refuse such a command, their lives are in grave danger. If they agree, they are misunderstood and lose the respect of the people.

Besides these problems, there are many military officers who are also given responsibility to investigate authors, such as Colonel Chit Naing (a.k.a. Chit Naing), Colonel Maung Maung Oo (a.k.a. Tin Than Oo), Colonel (retired) Tin Kha (a.k.a. Takkatho Tin Kha), Colonel (retired) Soe Nyunt (a.k.a. Htila Sitthu), etc. Their main function is to find authors who will support the military regime by offering them a piece of land, a literary award or a publishing license.

Another of their duties is to find out which authors are anti-military. One of the senior reporters of Myanmar Ahlin, the official government mouthpiece, said he had a special duty to gather news about authors and publishers and report to Col Soe Nyunt, who at the time was deputy minister of the Ministry of Information. He said there were many government reporters with special assignments from “Htila Sitthu” (Soe Nyunt's alias), who rewarded them with cash and other things. He added that Soe Nyunt collected the news from his disciples and reported directly to Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, Secretary 1 of the State Peace and Development Council.

These few examples show the complete lack of freedom of the press in Burma. To anyone living in a democratic country, this situation may seem unbelievable, but unfortunately it is true and similar things have been happening in Burma for many years.

Some authors have been detained in prison for their support of anti-military movements, while others have fled the country to escape from the military dictatorship; the really unlucky ones have been forced to collaborate with the military. The sad reality is that years of repression have systematically eliminated press freedom in Burma.

Aung Din is a writer and poet living in exile.

The post Under a Dark Cloud: Censorship in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The (Martial) Art of Writing

Posted: 03 May 2018 02:31 AM PDT

On World Press Freedom Day, The Irrawaddy revisits this article published by The Irrawaddy Magazine in January 2001 about the subtle ways in which writers and publishers had to defend their work against military censors.

Burmese writers and publishers have become masters of journalistic kung fu, using subtle means to defend their work against the lethal attacks of military censors. With retirement looking increasingly likely for Burma's top military leader, there may soon be more time for him to indulge in one of his more passionate pastimes: reading Chinese martial arts novels translated into Burmese.

Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the aging and reportedly ailing chairman of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), is also known to be a big fan of Chinese soap operas, which have become familiar fare on state-run Burmese television over the past decade.

But despite this vogue for all things Chinese, there is one subject related to China that few publishers dare to touch: Beijing's relations with the Burmese junta. Like all other subjects that touch upon how the regime maintains its ruthless hold on power, writing about China's role as the SPDC's major arms supplier is strictly taboo.

“It is true that we cannot write about China,” said one Rangoon-based writer recently. “If we did, it would never get past the censorship board.”

Worse still, the offending article could land both the writer and his publisher in jail for up to five years, and force the magazine or newspaper to shut down—temporarily or forever.

Less sensitive are articles that deal with anti-Chinese sentiment in Burma. With large numbers of illegal Chinese immigrants flooding into the country in recent years, social tensions between them and local people, particularly in Upper Burma, have become a growing problem. But much of the resentment towards these settlers is based upon the perception that they are beneficiaries of an arrangement between China and the regime in Rangoon.

The original print version of this story appeared in the January 2001 issue of The Irrawaddy Magazine.

“We do write about Chinese influence in Burma, but in a very subtle way so that the censorship board won't notice it,” remarked the writer in Rangoon.

In a country that has been kept in the dark for decades by successive military regimes, writers and publishers have become adept at indirectly shedding light on sensitive subjects. But even masters of the fine art of journalistic shadow boxing will occasionally fail to duck a punch from their faceless sparring partners in the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB) until it's too late.

Often, ironically, it is the more innocuous-seeming subject matter that incurs the strongest response from the censors. By now, most writers in Burma have learned to think twice before reporting on international sporting events involving Burmese teams.

In 1998, for instance, writing about the Burmese national football team was banned for almost a year after Sr-Gen Than Shwe, disappointed by the team's loss in an important match in Brunei, told his aides that he didn't want to hear another word about it.

Following another poor showing at the Tiger Cup tournament in Chiang Mai, Thailand late last year, the team was once again consigned to media obscurity. In one striking instance of play-by-play censorship, a decisive goal by an Indonesian striker against the Burmese team caused the state-run TV Myanmar to go off the air for several minutes.

But the censors' responses are not always so predictable. According to writer Tin Maung Than, there are no policies or guidelines telling publishers what they can or cannot put into print. Citing his own experience as editor of Thintbawa magazine, Tin Maung Than describes the time he was forced to pull a story on the growing popularity of t-shirts and jeans among Burmese youths. The report, based on a survey, happened to coincide with a speech given by a top general on the importance of preserving Burmese culture, and the evils of Western ways.

“It's shameful for our country that we cannot even write about t-shirts,” said the writer, who recently fled from Burma to escape persecution.

But Tin Maung Than can also commiserate with the people who have long been the bane of his profession.

“You cannot blame the PSB officials. They also have to look at their superiors,” he said sympathetically.

There was a time, indeed, when censors were well-read individuals who established personal relations with writers and publishers. Until the 1980s, many PSB officials were retired army officials or bureaucrats with a mature appreciation of the value of the stories that crossed their desks.

Under the current regime, however, most censors are young military intelligence officers who have no familiarity with or interest in the work of writers.

“They don’t have a clue about the subjects of our stories,” complained one writer who edits a well-known journal in Rangoon. “They don't understand what we are writing about, so they are always suspicious of our work,” he added.

Despite the dearth of qualified “critics” in the PSB, however, the number of publications in Burma has grown considerably in recent years.

While this may be seen as a relaxation of restrictions on the press, few writers believe that they enjoy any greater freedom now than they did in the past. “They will never tolerate it if we write about politics,” remarked Tin Maung Than. “I don't think there is any relaxation.”

A recent decision to allow a Time magazine report on the HIV/Aids situation in Burma to enter the country uncensored has also been seen by some as a sign that the regime has relaxed its guard against criticism. Even foreign magazines, which have a very limited readership inside Burma, are normally subjected to stringent censorship.

But the decision to let the Time article pass is not so remarkable, considering that in 1995, Tin Maung Than's Thintbawa ran a cover story on HIV/Aids without running into trouble with the authorities, even though it pointed out some inaccuracies in official figures on the disease.

Official ambivalence about this subject appears to have created a gray zone into which more intrepid writers may occasionally stray. Considering the risks, however, it's not surprising that many prefer to stick to writing kung fu novels.

The post The (Martial) Art of Writing appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar’s New First Lady

Posted: 03 May 2018 02:10 AM PDT

When we talk about the struggle for democracy in Myanmar, what might come to mind first is the plight of political activists who died or grew gravely ill behind bars. A lot has been written about the sacrifices they have made. But few would think of the struggles of the women who supported those men along the way.

Daw Cho Cho is one of these women. She has given unconditional support to her husband, the newly elected President U Win Myint, ever since the pro-democracy uprising in August 1988.

Both of them were born and raised in Danubyu, a township in Irrawaddy Region. Daw Cho Cho was born to a well-off family, while U Win Myint was born to a farmer's family.

The two went to the same school and became classmates and childhood friends. Daw Cho Cho finished her schooling at matriculation, but her husband-to-be went to Yangon University and graduated in geology and law. He became a lawyer in 1985.

Daw Cho Cho's parents accepted U Win Myint as their son-in-law due to his honesty and industry. The two tied the knot, had two children, and their life together in Danubyu was going along smoothly until U Win Myint threw himself into the pro-democracy uprising in 1988.

U Win Myint was imprisoned for his political activities during the uprising and after his release, he contested the 1990 general elections representing the National League for Democracy (NLD).

"U Win Myint had to compete with Major-General Hla Oo from the National Unity Party in Danubyu," said U San Htwe, a Danubyu Township lawmaker in Irrawaddy regional parliament. The National Unity Party is the reincarnation of the Burma Socialist Program Party, which was led by military dictator Gen Ne Win.

"He faced a lot of difficulties. But Daw Cho Cho willingly let her husband engage in politics. She gave a lot of support. She cooked for the campaign team and folded campaign pamphlets," added U San Htwe.

U Win Myint won 56 percent of the votes and Daw Cho Cho was quite happy, but her happiness did not last long. The military regime of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) rejected the 1990 election results, imprisoned many elected lawmakers and destroyed their livelihoods.

"U Win Myint continued working as a lawyer in Danubyu after the election. But, no one hired him for fear of the authorities. So, they had no income," said U San Htwe, who also worked as his campaign manager in the 1990 election in Danubyu.

The SLORC government convened the National Convention in Yangon in 1993 to draft a new Constitution, which was approved in a national referendum in 2008. U Win Myint, as a NLD lawmaker, moved together with his family to Yangon to attend the National Convention.

President U Win Myint, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and First Lady Daw Cho Cho at a Thingyan pavilion. /The President's Office

The military regime kept him and his family under constant surveillance, and not only in Yangon. "Whenever U Win Myint visited his mother and sisters in Pathein [in Irrawaddy Region], the military intelligence kept an eye on them. They tailed Ma Cho [Daw Cho Cho] whenever she went to the market or anywhere outside, and they watched who she met," said Daw Hla Hla Htay, a former neighbor of U Win Myint's in Pathein.

Back in Yangon, U Win Myint had to move from one house to another because authorities put pressure on the homeowners. They finally settled after they sold their house in Danubyu and managed to buy an apartment in Tamwe Township.

While U Win Myint was being detained for the second time by military intelligence, their only son Than Win Htike died of typhoid at the age of 16. Daw Cho Cho was overcome with grief as her husband was under detention and her only son died.

She had to organize the funeral on her own and U Win Myint was only allowed to attend the Buddhist ritual at their home seven days after the death of his son.

"Daw Cho Cho was the perfect wife for a politician. She supported her husband's political aspirations all the way with courage," said Lower House lawmaker Daw Khin San Hlaing of Pale Township.

Without a job or income after the release of U Win Myint, Daw Cho Cho had to sell her jewelry to support the family and provide schooling for their daughter Phyu Phyu Thin.

Phyu Phyu Thin graduated and got a job at a company. But troubles never end.

"Authorities forced her employers to sack her time and again. So, she later dared not to take the bus straight to her work," said Lower House lawmaker U Wai Hlaing Tun of Pathein Township.

She had to change a number of buses to get to her work so that military intelligence would lose sight of her and not find out where she was working, he said.

"She could not bear it long and later went to Singapore to work, sending money back to her parents," he added.

U Win Myint served at the NLD Headquarters in Yangon and contested the 2012 by-election from Pathein. Daw Cho Cho followed her husband along the campaign trail, even in the Bay of Bengal amid stormy weather.

"We went to Baw Mi village from Thabaw Kan village for the by-election campaign. Everyone was afraid when stormy seas arose. We could finally exhale after we got to the embankment. Daw Cho Cho followed her husband on such trips," U Wai Hlaing Tun recounted of his experiences on the campaign trail.

U Win Myint won the by-election and moved to the municipal guesthouse in the administrative capital Naypyitaw. Daw Cho Cho followed her husband.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi sees off President U Win Myint before his departure to Singapore to attend the 322nd ASEAN summit. /The President's Office

"Some of the lawmakers neighboring U Win Myint were single. They didn't bother to cook and Daw Cho Cho also cooked for them. They love her. She is so good-natured, and never stingy," said lawmaker Daw Khin San Hlaing.

Daw Cho Cho is therefore known as Mother Cho among younger NLD members.

U Win Myint also won the 2015 election and became the speaker of the Lower House. "After U Win Myint became the Lower House lawmaker, he came and visited with Mother Cho in Pathein in 2017. Both he and Mother Cho cordially greeted us as they did before," said NLD member Ko Aung Min Htike.

"Some of the people in the ward would not greet them because of their superior status. But then, they told them to treat them as usual," he said.

"Mother Cho has not changed at all though she became the spouse of a high-ranking official."

U Win Myint was elected the tenth president of Myanmar on March 28, 2018, to succeed U Htin Kyaw.

"We are very glad and very proud to see them as the president and the first lady. Especially, I am glad for Ma Cho who endured years of trouble to support her husband. I think it is the return from their goodwill to the country," said Daw Hla Hla Htay, one of their neighbors in Pathein.

When asked if she thinks Daw Cho Cho will treat them as usual when they meet again, Daw Hla Hla Htay, a grilled meat vendor, said: "I believe she will treat us as she did before. She is not a person who will forget her past, or behave high and mighty due to her current status."

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Myanmar's New First Lady appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Our Fight For Press Freedom

Posted: 03 May 2018 01:15 AM PDT

As we believe in a free press, it has been our mission since the beginning to protect and preserve press freedom and develop an independent media free from bias and influence.

Over the course of 25 years, The Irrawaddy has been at the forefront of lobbying for freedom—outside and inside the country—for the Fourth Estate in Myanmar.

We have persistently challenged successive governments— from the former military regime to U Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government to the current Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy administration—as an independent monitor of power and are continuing to do so.

But do not be mistaken in thinking Myanmar today enjoys a free press. Anybody who says so will be seriously insulting the four journalists, including our reporter Lawi Weng, who have been detained by the country's military for their commitment to the truth.

With the media under attack in Myanmar, here is a collection of our stories on press freedom.

OPINION

A Day of Disgrace for Myanmar's Already Tarnished Police Force

Neither the Home Affairs Minister nor the President can afford to ignore allegations that police hatched a plot to frame two journalists

Reporters in Handcuffs: An Emblem for Our Times

Myanmar's democracy has entered a dark new period with the prosecution of journalists for doing their job.

Press Freedom and the Invisible Line 

Do we have press freedom in Myanmar? Yes, we do, but with an invisible line…. When you touch or cross it, you're finished.

The Crackdown on the Media Must Stop

The recent arrest of two Reuters journalists under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act clearly demonstrates an attack on press freedom.

A Matter of Conscience

The fate of three detained journalists depends upon the ruling of a judge who maintains he is under no pressure from the military.

Fitting a Round Peg into a Square Hole   

Defendants attest that charging journalists for unlawful association for doing their jobs is simply wrong.

A Judicious Opportunity

The decision as to whether the three detained journalists, including The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, are guilty now falls solely on the judges.

Journalists' Case to Test Judiciary

The upcoming court appearance will be a trial in which we see whether the court will act independently without being influenced or intimidated by anyone.

The Military's Offensive Against the Media

Journalists are under attack and press freedom is in jeopardy, writes Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Defending Lawi Weng

The arrest of Lawi Weng and the DVB reporters demonstrates that Myanmar remains an unsafe place for journalists to work, writes Aung Zaw.

Open Letter to the State Counselor

Building peace and a federal democratic system are understandable priorities, but another matter too requires urgent attention, writes Kyaw Zwa Moe.

NLD Govt Must Live up to Its Manifesto on Press Freedom

Until Burma is free from state-owned media and laws like Article 66(d), neither journalists nor citizens can freely honor World Press Freedom Day.

Analysis: Burma's Military Remains Intolerant of Press Freedom

Recent incidents highlight the military's wariness of press freedom, fearing a negative portrayal of its institution.

A Note From the Newsroom on World Press Freedom Day

On World Press Freedom Day, we laud great progress but note that true freedom of the press has yet to be achieved in Burma.

Back to Square One for Press Freedom in Burma

A harsh sentence handed down to journalists for reporting on an alleged chemical weapons factory serves as a reminder that Burma is still an "enemy of the press."

Press Freedom Is Not a Gift

Burma's government has created more space for journalists to do their work, but its mindset remains as narrow as ever.

Burma’s Media Landscape: Better, but Still Far from Free

Despite recent reforms, Burma remains one of the most restricted countries in the world in terms of press freedoms.

Time for Media to Seize Freedom

The notorious censorship board is still chopping subjects which it judges are "inappropriate" and even banning journals from printing.

Burma—Media versus Minitrue

Burma's media continues to be governed by authoritarian censorship regulations despite the looming creation of a new Press Council.

How Much Freedom Does Burmese Media Enjoy?

Since coming into power, President Thein Sein has mentioned the importance of the fourth pillar in society and revealed that both he and his office follow media reports in and outside of Burma.

IN PERSON

Satirist Feels 'Restraint' After Recent Arrest

The Irrawaddy speaks with the columnist charged—and then released—under Article 66(d) about his arrest, self-censorship, and current writing.

Dateline Irrawaddy: Telecoms Law Must be Amended to 'Serve Its Intent'

The Irrawaddy discusses the new proposed draft of the Telecommunications Law, the controversial Article 66(d) and recent arrests of journalists.

Legal Expert: Press Council Must Defend Detained Journalists

Myanmar Press Council must stand with reporters if they are to escape unlawful association charges, says Media Law consultant U Khin Maung Myint.

Ma Thida: 'Fear Makes People Fierce'

Writer Ma Thida discusses collective fears in present day Burma: how they manifest, how they cause harm, and how they must be faced.

Incoming Info Minister Pe Myint: 'I Will Ensure Press Freedom'

The Irrawaddy tracks down the incoming cabinet member in Naypyitaw to discuss press freedom and prospects for Myanmar's state-owned and private media.

Press Freedom, With Limits

Myanmar's journalism scene is opening up, but after speaking with reporters in Yangon, media watchdog Shawn Crispin sees cause for concern.

Will Aung Kyi Defend Press Freedom?

Myanmar's new information minister is known to be moderate and most of the country's journalists are cautiously optimistic about his appointment.

SPECIALS

Reuters Case Timeline

The Irrawaddy looks back at the major developments in the case of Reuters reporters Ko Wa Lone and Ko Kyaw Soe Oo since their arrest on Dec. 12.

Timeline: Journalists Under Attack

A total of 11 journalists have now been arrested in Myanmar this year for defamation and other alleged crimes under the country's repressive laws.

In Sketches: Myanmar's Challenging Media Landscape

A series of cartoons by The Irrawaddy from 2014 to 2017 reflect media milestones and hardships.

Interactive Timeline: Press Freedom Under Attack

Explore the publications currently being threatened in Myanmar's courts.

WOMEN

 Women Journalists Say Access to Information More Challenging Under NLD

'Women in News' summit also calls attention to lack of safeguards against harassment of female reporters in the field and in the newsroom

NEWS

Journalists Say Press Freedom Declining in Myanmar

Lawsuits by government, military having chilling effect on reporters, survey results find

Advocates: NLD Govt Has Failed to Advance Press Freedom

Advocates from 14 local organizations issue an assessment report on freedom of expression in Myanmar, one year into the NLD's leadership.

The post Our Fight For Press Freedom appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Getting the News Out by Bicycle, under Cover of Darkness

Posted: 02 May 2018 11:58 PM PDT

Squatting on the floor, I roll a 2-foot-long fluorescent tube across a sheet of heavy waxed paper, careful not to exert too much pressure. On the paper is a political statement written with a stencil pencil by one of my student friends. A plate of glass is placed underneath. Ink has been applied evenly to the surface of the glass with a wooden ruler. Our hands stained with ink, we roll out up to 100 sheets of paper. Our clandestine "printing house" is my bedroom and we operate after midnight. After printing, we rush to wash our hands and clean the place thoroughly to erase any evidence. It is already in the wee hours.

Our next move is what I would call a "surprise attack." It involves two bicycles, each carrying two people, taking action under cover of darkness. The person pedaling each bicycle races against time, flying along as fast as they can. The passenger applies glue to the back of the printed statements, using the pedaler's back for support. When the bicycle stops, the pillion rider jumps off and sprints to a tree trunk, lamppost, bus stop or brick wall and hastily pastes a statement to it. Keeping our eyes open, we ensure that no one is following us.

By dawn, we have covered the neighborhood. In the morning, people read the statements and share them with friends and family. Soon, the local authorities arrive and tear down our work. The mission, however, is accomplished. In the morning, we sit in a teashop and start planning our next "surprise attack."

This was just before the country's pro-democracy uprising in 1988. Our underground printing house eventually progressed into publishing a political journal, named O-Way. It consisted of critical, political and democracy-related articles. By then, we had also upgraded our printing tool to a duplicating machine. After three years of churning out our journal I was caught. One of the main charges was my involvement in publishing it. A special military court of the ruling regime sentenced me to 10 years' imprisonment in the notorious Insein Prison. My colleagues soon became my fellow inmates.

Two decades later, tools and methods have certainly changed: Today information is spread immediately inside and outside Burma by digital means. However, little has changed regarding freedom of the press in my country.

One recent example is Hla Hla Win, a 25-year-old journalist who was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment on Dec. 31, 2009. Her crime was sending information to members of exiled media organizations by email. She was charged under the Electronic Act, which prohibits using the Internet to send text, photos or video that could harm the Burmese regime abroad.

Seeing the regime clamp down on journalists like Hla Hla Win, I wonder about the future of press freedom. How many more will be sent behind bars? How many more will end up like me in exiled media? Today — 22 years after my colleagues and I operated that makeshift printing house in my bedroom — I find myself working for an exiled media organization, The Irrawaddy, based in Thailand. Over the past two decades, Burmese exiled media organizations have mushroomed, which is concrete proof that inside the country, press freedom has been muzzled. My country has won a reputation as an enemy of the press.

Note: Hla Hla Win was released (together with some other political prisoners) under a presidential amnesty in January 2012.

The Irrawaddy senior editor Kyaw Zwa Moe wrote this article in 2010 while in exile on the Thai-Burma border. It was originally published by the Fojo Media Institute at Linnaeus University in Sweden.

The post Getting the News Out by Bicycle, under Cover of Darkness appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US Trade Team Arrives in Beijing for Talks, China Media Cautious

Posted: 02 May 2018 10:12 PM PDT

BEIJING — A US trade delegation arrived in Beijing on Thursday for key talks over tariffs, with Chinese state media saying China will stand up to US bullying if needed but that it was still better to hash things out around the negotiating table.

A breakthrough deal to fundamentally change China’s economic policies is viewed as highly unlikely during the two-day visit, though a package of short-term Chinese measures could delay a US decision to impose tariffs on around $50 billion worth of Chinese exports.

The discussions, led by US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and Chinese Vice Premier Liu He, are expected to cover a wide range of US complaints about China’s trade practices, from allegations of forced technology transfers to state subsidies for technology development.

“Thrilled to be here. Thank you,” Mnuchin told Reuters upon arriving at his hotel, when asked if he expected progress. He made no other comments.

As Mnuchin arrived, US President Donald Trump tweeted: “Our great financial team is in China trying to negotiate a level playing field on trade! I look forward to being with President Xi in the not too distant future. We will always have a good (great) relationship!”

Throughout his 2016 election campaign, Trump routinely threatened to impose a 45 percent across-the-board tariff on Chinese goods as a way to level the playing field for American workers. At the time, he was also accusing China of manipulating its currency to gain an export advantage, a claim that his administration has since dropped.

The US Embassy in Beijing said the delegation planned meet Chinese officials on both days, in addition to US Ambassador Terry Branstad, before departing on Friday evening.

In an editorial, the official China Daily said Beijing wanted the talks to produce “feasible solutions to put an end to the ongoing feud” and that they could go well if the US delegation genuinely wants to listen as well as talk.

China “will stand up to the US’ bullying as necessary. And as a champion of globalization, free trade and multilateralism, it will have strong support from the international community”, the English-language paper added.

“The US wants greater access to China’s market, but it should not use trade actions as a battering ram to force China to open its doors. It is already in the process of opening them wider,” the paper said.

In doing so, China expected Washington to reciprocate and open its market to Chinese investments and competition, it added.

'Negotiations the Best Way'

Widely-read Chinese tabloid the Global Times, published by the ruling Communist Party’s People’s Daily, said it hoped the talks were the start of a resolution to the dispute.

“Washington and Beijing should be clear: neither side can scare the other down. Negotiations are the best way to resolve the problem.”

The first round of threatened tariffs under the US government’s “Section 301” intellectual property probe focused heavily on technology products benefiting from the “Made in China 2025” program to upgrade China’s domestic manufacturing base with more advanced products.

The US tariffs could go into effect in June following the completion of a 60-day consultation period.

China, which denies it coerces technology transfers, has threatened retaliation in equal measure, including tariffs on US soybeans and aircraft.

US-based trade experts said they expected Beijing to offer Trump’s team a package of policy changes that may include some previously announced moves, such as a phase-out of joint venture requirements for some sectors, autos tariff reductions and increased purchases of US goods.

Trump has demanded a $100 billion annual reduction in the $375 billion US goods trade deficit with China.

But the divergent US trade delegation is likely to have differing views on the merits of such an offer.

The group includes Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross along with noted China hawks Robert Lighthizer, the US trade representative, and White House trade and manufacturing adviser Peter Navarro.

The post US Trade Team Arrives in Beijing for Talks, China Media Cautious appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Installs Cruise Missiles on South China Sea Outposts: CNBC Report

Posted: 02 May 2018 09:59 PM PDT

WASHINGTON — China has installed anti-ship cruise missiles and surface-to-air missile systems on three of its outposts in the South China Sea, US news network CNBC reported on Wednesday, citing sources with direct knowledge of US intelligence reports.

The move, if confirmed, would mark the first Chinese missile deployments in the Spratly Islands, where several Asian countries including Vietnam and Taiwan have rival claims.

China’s Defense Ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

CNBC quoted unnamed sources as saying that according to US intelligence assessments, the missiles were moved to Fiery Cross Reef, Subi Reef and Mischief Reef within the past 30 days.

The US Defense Department, which opposes China’s installation of military facilities on outposts it has built up in the South China Sea, declined comment. “We don’t comment on matters of intelligence,” a spokesman said.

China has made no mention of any missile deployments but says its military facilities in the Spratlys are purely defensive, and that it can do what it likes on its own territory.

Greg Poling, a South China Sea expert at Washington’s Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank, said deploying missiles on the outposts would be important.

“These would be the first missiles in the Spratlys, either surface to air, or anti-ship,” he said.

He added that such deployments were expected as China built missile shelters on the reefs last year and already deployed such missile systems on Woody Island further to the north.

Poling said it would be a major step on China’s road to dominating the South China Sea, a key global trade route.

“Before this, if you were one of the other claimants … you knew that China was monitoring your every move. Now you will know that you’re operating inside Chinese missile range. That’s a pretty strong, if implicit, threat,” he said.

CNBC said the YJ-12B anti-ship cruise missiles allowed China to strike vessels within 295 nautical miles. It said the HQ-9B long-range surface-to-air missiles could target aircraft, drones and cruise missiles within 160 nautical miles.

Last month, US Admiral Philip Davidson, nominated to head US Pacific Command, said China’s “forward operating bases” in the South China Sea appeared complete.

“The only thing lacking are the deployed forces,” he said. Once these were added, "China will be able to extend its influence thousands of miles to the south and project power deep into Oceania."

Davidson said China could use the bases to challenge the US regional presence, and "would easily overwhelm the military forces of any other South China Sea-claimants."

“China is now capable of controlling the South China Sea in all scenarios short of war with the United States,” he said.

The post China Installs Cruise Missiles on South China Sea Outposts: CNBC Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indian Officials Lament Inaction of Cities With World’s Worst Air

Posted: 02 May 2018 09:59 PM PDT

NEW DELHI — Only a handful of India’s 100 most polluted cities have drawn up plans to combat air pollution despite being asked to do so three years ago, senior government officials said on Wednesday after a damning report by the World Health Organization.

India is home to the world’s 14 most polluted cities, the WHO said, based on the amount of particulate matter under 2.5 micrograms found in every cubic meter of air.

Environment ministry officials said the WHO’s findings were embarrassing but not surprising.

“It hurts India’s image, hurts the India story, hurts tourism, hurts medical tourism,” said one official, ruing that fewer than 30 cities had an action plan ready to fight air pollution.

“India will eventually overcome the problem, but my frustration is with the timeline.”

The ministry could spend about 7 billion rupees ($105 million) this fiscal year to help cities set up air-quality monitoring systems and buy equipment like water-sprinklers to settle dust, said the officials, who declined to be identified, citing government policy.

“The smaller cities have very poor air-quality management capability and most of them are also in the northern belt, which we know have inherent adverse geographical features because they are landlocked,” said Anumita Roychowdhury, an executive director at the Centre for Science and Environment think-tank.

Officials said the Environment Ministry had asked municipalities to finalize anti-pollution plans quickly.

The ministry has also fixed six-month to two-year deadlines to set up monitoring stations in rural areas, run health-impact studies and build air-quality forecasting systems, according to a government document seen by Reuters.

Kanpur, a north Indian city of three million people, is the world’s most polluted city, yet it only has one system to monitor air quality, whereas at least five are needed, said another environment ministry official.

The air in Kanpur had an average of 173 micrograms of particulate matter under 2.5 micrograms in 2016. The US Environmental Protection Agency says a “good” level would be 0-50 micrograms.

The city’s authorities have only just begun to draft plans to fight pollution, said the ministry official.

The city is on the banks of the Ganges River, and the effluent from its tanneries is polluting the waterway.

Surendra Singh, Kanpur’s main administrator, did not respond to requests for comment.

Delhi Pollution

The WHO said it was “particularly concerned” about India’s pollution levels and urged it to follow the example China had set in striving for cleaner air.

Around the world, nine out of 10 people breathe polluted air, which can lead to heart disease, stroke and lung cancer, the WHO said.

Globally about 7 million people die as a result of polluted air a year, it said, with people living in poor Asian and African countries at most risk.

A British medical journal, The Lancet, estimated that air pollution was responsible for almost 10 percent of the total disease burden in India in 2016.

Air pollution in Delhi over recent winters, when the colder weather tends to trap fumes, forced schools to shut and prompted Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s office to directly monitor measures to clean up the capital’s air.

Steps have included sprinkling water to damp down dust and banning certain fuels, but there’s barely any improvement.

Delhi was the world’s sixth most polluted city, according to the WHO. On Wednesday, air quality in the capital stood at 143 micrograms, which is “unhealthy for sensitive groups.”

“We Indians need to stand up for our right to breathe clean air, and demand improvement and implementation of the [Environment Ministry’s] Clean Air Program,” Greenpeace India said.

The post Indian Officials Lament Inaction of Cities With World’s Worst Air appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Malaysia’s Mahathir Stirs 1MDB Debate Among Rural Voters Ahead of Election

Posted: 02 May 2018 09:03 PM PDT

BUKIT GOH, Malaysia — Just days ahead of an election, opposition leader Mahathir Mohamad worked a crowd of palm planters in Malaysia’s rural heartland to stir up debate about a financial scandal, hoping to shift their loyalty away from Prime Minister Najib Razak.

At 92, former premier Mahathir is leading an opposition alliance united in the goal of unseating Najib, who it blames for rising living costs and billions of dollars allegedly lost due to graft at state fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB).

Hundreds of thousands of palm planters, the majority ethnic Malays, have been a rock-solid vote bank for the United Malay National Organization (UMNO)-led ruling party and have backed Najib despite the scandals and accusations of mismanagement.

But Malay loyalty to the coalition that has ruled Malaysia for six decades has been tested by a steady flow of stories over the past three years about 1MDB, and by reports that nearly $700 million from the fund ended in Najib’s personal bank account.

Speaking about 1MDB to a group of voters on Wednesday in a Felda settlement in Bukit Goh, Pahang, Najib’s home state, Mahathir said the prime minister believed "cash is king."

“When elections come he offers cash and promises … promises to give more if he wins,” Mahathir said at the settlement of state-owned palm oil agency Felda.

“I think, let’s make him lose,” he said to the cheers of a small but enthusiastic crowd.

Najib, who chaired 1MDB's advisory board, has consistently denied any wrongdoing over the billions of dollars lost by the fund, but a Department of Justice investigation into 1MDB in the United States has kept the scandal on the frontburner.

To cement his authority and protect himself, Najib needs to lead UMNO to a convincing victory in the May 9 general election.

The opposition bloc is making gains and will likely win the popular vote, but Najib is still expected to retain power, according to a survey by pollster Merdeka Center.

Mahathir and other opposition leaders are making a push to explain the alleged graft and money laundering at 1MDB to rural Malay voters, who will undoubtedly decide the outcome of the polls.

The issue, however, has largely failed to resonate among rural Malaysians, many of whom appear indifferent to the complex money transactions and legalities involved in the case. Analysts believe rural Malaysians will vote over issues like rising costs and unemployment.

Mahathir told the group that the scandal affects all Malaysians.

“1MDB had a starting capital of 1 million ringgit, and then he went and borrowed 42 billion ringgit. Imagine that, you only have a starting capital of 1 million ringgit and you can borrow 42 billion ringgit,” Mahathir told the planters at the event.

He asked them to go out and vote to ensure the opposition wins by the tens of thousands.

Mohd Ashraf Mustaqim Badrul Munir, an opposition party candidate from the area, said opinion was starting to shift among local Felda settlers. “It's going to be a battle, but I can say that this is no longer a fortress for UMNO,” he said.

The post Malaysia’s Mahathir Stirs 1MDB Debate Among Rural Voters Ahead of Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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