Friday, November 30, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Upper House Passes Bill Increasing Penalty for Child-Rape Cases

Posted: 30 Nov 2018 07:15 AM PST

YANGON—The Upper House of Parliament on Friday approved a bill amending the Penal Code to provide for 20-year and life imprisonment sentences in cases of rape in which the victim is less than 12 years of age.

The bill submitted to Parliament in August adds a specific provision for child rape under Article 376 of the Penal Code. Under the existing law, rape is punishable by 10 to 20 years' imprisonment but there is no separate punishment for raping a child.

Under the draft provision, the punishment for raping a child under the age of 12 is "20 years' imprisonment or imprisonment for life."

Lawmaker and Upper House bill committee member U Aung Thein, who submitted the bill to Parliament on Aug. 10, told lawmakers that the separate punishment was needed to effectively deter those who would rape children.

Women's rights activists and members of the public have long called for harsher penalties for child rapists. However, some believe that less than 12 years of age is too young to define child rape, pointing out that it effectively lets rapists of older children off the hook, and that it contradicts other laws.

Ma May Sabe Phyu of the Gender Equality Network (GEN) said Parliament ignored all of the group's suggestions regarding the amendments. GEN sent suggestions regarding the amendments to the relevant parliamentary commissions in September, along with an offer to discuss them.

Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, a women's rights activist and Upper House lawmaker, is among those who disagree with setting the age at under 12 years. Her proposal objecting to the provision was defeated on Friday.

Under the current 1993 Child Law, a child is defined as a person under the age of 16. This means that any rape victim below that age is legally a child. Last month, however, a proposed revision to the law was drawn up by the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement and submitted to Parliament. It calls for childhood status to be extended up until 18 years of age in order to adhere with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which Myanmar signed in 1991.

The revised Child Law was approved by the Lower House and has been sent to the Upper House for debate.

Ma May Sabe Phyu said the age should be set at under 18 years to be consistent with the revised Child Law and CRC, as well as to more effectively protect all girls.

"How can we have children defined differently in separate laws? It should be consistent," Ma May Sabe Phyu said.

The bill will be submitted to the Lower House for further discussion.

The post Upper House Passes Bill Increasing Penalty for Child-Rape Cases appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Religion Ministry Defends Minister After Labeling Unnamed Faith ‘Extreme’

Posted: 30 Nov 2018 05:33 AM PST

YANGON — The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture has asked the public for a “tolerant interpretation” of the minister’s recent remarks after he appeared to refer to Islam as an “extreme” religion putting Myanmar’s majority Buddhists in danger.

During the funeral ceremony for prominent Buddhist monk Myaing Gyi Ngu Sayadaw in Karen State on Tuesday, Minister Thura U Aung Ko told the monks in attendance that Buddhism in Myanmar was in danger from the followers of another faith.  

"When we Buddhists practice monogamy and raise families with one or two children, the followers of an extreme religion take three or four wives and have families with 15 or 20 children," he said.

The minister, a former general, added that if the trend continued the proportion of Buddhists in the country would decline.

"Devotees of other religions will become the majority and we will be in danger of being taken over," he said.

An estimated five percent of Myanmar's population is Muslim; some followers practice polygamy.

Although the minister did not name the “extreme” religion he was referring to, an Islamic association based in Yangon rejected his use of the word.

"No matter what religion he was referring to, we are very sorry to see the word 'extreme' being used along with 'faith,' and we reject its use," the Society of Enlightening Quranic Knowledge said in a statement on Wednesday.

On Friday, the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture released a public announcement claiming that the minister's use of the term 'extreme’ was not targeting any one faith.

"It just refers to 'religious extremists' from every faith in the country," it said.

"So please make a tolerant interpretation of what the minister said, and collaborate for peace and stability to avoid unnecessary problems," it added.

Since 2012, Myanmar has seen deadly sectarian violence between Buddhists and Muslims in several parts of the country. At the same time, it saw the rise of an ultra-nationalist movement led by Buddhist monks such as U Wirathu who have denounced Islam, claiming that the country's Buddhist foundations were under assault. Their rhetoric has tapped into a widespread fear in Myanmar that Muslims were outpacing Buddhists in terms of population growth.

Thura U Aung Ko used to be a senior official in the country's previous ruling party, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, but was purged in 2016. He was appointed minister of religious affairs and culture after the National League for Democracy took power in early 2016.

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South Korean Tourist Missing, Feared Dead after Falling into River

Posted: 30 Nov 2018 04:36 AM PST

YANGON—Hsipaw Police Station has confirmed to The Irrawaddy that a female South Korean tourist has been missing for a week and is feared dead after last being seen floating on an inner tube in the Namtu River, a popular tourist destination in northern Shan State's Hsipaw Township.      

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity as he is not authorized to speak to the media, a police sergeant said Korean tourist Younghee Heo, 45, and four other holidaymakers from Belgium, France, and Italy went trekking together to Moe Te village in Hsipaw Township with a local tour guide on Nov. 21.

Citing witnesses, the sergeant explained said the woman and her friends were floating on inner tubes in the Namtu River on Nov. 23 when Heo disappeared beneath the water.

According to the sergeant, an Italian man believed to be Heo's partner tried to rescue her multiple times. A local tour guide told police he suggested several times that Heo and the other four tourists wear lifejackets but the woman declined, saying she was a good swimmer.

The police sergeant said, "The water surface is rough in that river as there are hard-to-see rocks in the riverbed that cause unexpected waves."

Hsipaw-based tour agency Ko Pee Travel confirmed that local authorities and tour agency employees had been conducting daily searches for Heo.

The police sergeant said a counselor from the Korean Embassy in Yangon and the victim's brother had arrived to join the search. He said the main reason tourists traveled to Moe Te was to see the Nam Hu New waterfall. The Ministry of Hotels and Tourism had not released any information on the incident as of Friday.  

Tourists paddle kayaks in the Myitnge River near Hsipaw town. / Ko Pee Travel / Facebook

According to the Tourism Ministry's website, foreigners are not legally allowed to visit the areas outside downtown Hsipaw. In reality, however, local agents will drive tourists to the Namtu River and the Nam Hu Nwe waterfall upon request. Though not far from Hsipaw, the waterfall is located in Kyaukme Township, in territory that is claimed by ethnic armed groups.

The police officer said, "Tourists don't care whether a destination is situated in an unsafe location or not, frankly speaking. It's very tough to deal with tourists."

Although police do not issue travel permits to tourists, many local agents and tourists travel to the restricted areas and sometimes even spend the night in tree houses in densely forested areas, and visit natural caves.      

Ko Pee said many locals are poorly educated about the laws, and most have no idea whether taking tourists to restricted areas is legal or not. He said that almost 100 tourists had come to see the waterfall and go trekking and kayaking in the Namtu River this month.     

However, he said tourist arrivals to his town had declined compared to previous years because international tour agencies discouraged travelers from visiting Myanmar following a finding by the UN accusing the Myanmar military of acting with "genocidal intent" toward the Rohingya community in northern Rakhine last year, and calls by the UN Fact-Finding Mission that the Army chief be prosecuted at the International Criminal Court  for his role in the crisis.

In an attempt to draw more tourists from Asia to make up for the drop in Western visitors, the Tourism Ministry launched a visa-free system for tourists from South Korean, Japan, Hong Kong and Macau last month. The following week, the very first batch of over 400 tourists arrived, mostly from Korea and Japan.

According to the Tourism Ministry's latest information published in October, tourist arrivals from China had increased by 35 percent from last year. Those from Thailand, India and Malaysia accounted for 6-9 percent of total tourists and the number of Korean visitors was up by 1 percent.

The post South Korean Tourist Missing, Feared Dead after Falling into River appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Ex-Dictator Meets Allied Pa-O Militia Leaders

Posted: 30 Nov 2018 02:31 AM PST

YANGON — Former military dictator U Than Shwe took a rare break from private life on Wednesday to meet with ethnic Pa-O leaders at his home in Naypyitaw, where he urged them to abandon their old faith in karma and devote themselves to building roads and educating their children.

The 83-year-old ex-junta leader met with a delegation led by U Aung Kham Hti, the patron and former chairman of the Pa-O National Organization (PNO).

"The Pa-O rely only on [good karma from] the deeds of their past lives. They hardly think about how to make the most of what they have in the present. Put your efforts into the present. Don't believe too much in karma. Nothing will come of it," said Khun Thein Pe, an ethnic Pa-O Union lawmaker who joined the meeting, summarizing what U Than Shwe told them.

"He told us the Pa-O need to work hard all the time. It is a good time to work on development. Nothing will happen if you trust karma," he added.

Khun Thein Pe said the former dictator said the Pa-O should focus on improving roads in their self-administered zone in southern Shan State so they could better organize the community and foster unity. The lawmaker said he also advised them to form a foundation devoted to improving the education of Pa-O students.

PNO patron Aung Kham Hti (left) meets with Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyitaw on Wednesday. / Office of the Commander-in-Chief

"He told us this was the only way the Pa-O could get a better education in their region," Khun Thein Pe said.

"He especially told us to continue to maintain peace in the region because it already has peace," he added.

Once counted among Myanmar’s many ethnic armed groups, the PNO signed a ceasefire with the military regime in 1991, transforming itself into a political party with a militia that manages security in the Pa-O self-administered zone.

Its leaders remain close to the military and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, and are accused by local politicians and activists of forcing residents to the self-administered zone to join pro-military rallies.

PNO leaders have made a habit of visiting U Than Shwe once a year, paying him their respects and listening to his counsel on ways to develop their community.

On their trip to Naypyitaw, the Pa-O delegation also met Wednesday with Myanmar military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. Khun Thein Pe said the commander-in-chief told them that the Pa-O needed to act in the interests of the country and that they could only do so by improving their education system first.

The post Myanmar Ex-Dictator Meets Allied Pa-O Militia Leaders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ludu Daw Amar: Speaking Truth to Power

Posted: 30 Nov 2018 01:46 AM PST

As the 103rd anniversary of Ludu Daw Amar's birth was yesterday, The Irrawaddy revisits this story from October 2002 about the journalist's life.

A brief look into the life of Ludu Daw Amar, Burma's best known female journalist and social critic. The Burmese word amar translates as “the strong” or “the hard." It is an apt description of one of Burma's most respected female figures, Ludu Daw Amar (she prefers the spelling, Amah), who turned 87 in November.

An energetic political dissenter and left-leaning journalist with a faculty for articulating messages to and for the public, Ludu Daw Amar and her family have had more than their fair share of troubles with the authorities. Even now, Daw Amar is under constant surveillance, but she has never been one to bow down to power. As the prefix of her name Ludu or “the people” suggests, Daw Amar's raison d'etre is to speak truth to power on behalf of the people without compromise.

“I'll never forget my first impression,” recalls Dutch journalist Minka Nijhuis, who has met Daw Amar four times since 1995. “At first she looked so fragile that even her wristwatch seemed too heavy for her arm. But that impression disappeared as soon as she started speaking.”

When asked to comment on her unwavering commitment and strength, Daw Amar told The Irrawaddy: “I do not give up easily. Besides, I cannot tolerate injustice. This is my mindset.” An anecdote about her childhood in her autobiography reveals the roots of this strong-mindedness and illustrates her oft-overlooked humble side as well: “When our mother would cane us, she would say, 'stop crying', and all the siblings would stop except me. I cried because I felt hurt, but the more I cried the more whippings I received. How can she force me not to feel pain? Actually it was stubbornness; my mother and I were engaged in a conflict of endurance.”

This tough personality was first drawn into politics after she enrolled at Rangoon University in 1936. During the independence movement against the British, she was applauded by the daily papers for her courage and beauty, and by 1938 she made her first and lasting mark on Burma's literary landscape. U Razart, then the headmaster of the National School and later assassinated alongside Burma's independence hero Aung San in 1947, suggested that Daw Amar translate Maurice Collis's book, “Trial in Burma”, into Burmese. The publisher was U Hla, who ran the monthly youth magazine Kyipwa Yay (Progress for Youth) as well as a publishing house in Rangoon. With the assistance of U Hla, who became Daw Amar's husband the following year, the translation became an instant success and quickly required multiple printing runs as the first edition of three thousand copies sold out within two months.

After U Hla relocated to Mandalay to be with his wife, Daw Amar's literary output accelerated. Most of these works were translations of English language novels, but her real passion was journalism. After the conclusion of the Second World War, U Hla launched the fortnightly journal, Ludu (“The People”), with Daw Amar as assistant editor. By 1946, the couple had founded the Ludu Daily News; its political commentaries and analyses became a significant voice for the aspirations and struggles against colonial rule. Thus, Daw Amar earned the name Ludu Daw Amar. But only a year after Burma gained independence in 1948, the Ludu publication house in Mandalay was reduced to rubble by bombs.

“Mandalay was under frequent regime changes at that time,” Daw Amar explains. “The army saw the Ludu paper as sympathetic to the Communists so government troops blew up the building.” They also surrounded her residence and forced the entire household—including children and two pregnant women—out into the street. Then the soldiers raised their guns. “It was in the morning. They aimed their machine guns at us threatening to kill us all,” Daw Amar recalls. Bravely, she stood firm and demanded an explanation from the soldiers. Local monks and others lobbied for their release and the troops left without inflicting any harm.

The civil war that broke out in the wake of independence intensified rapidly and abuse of power became rampant. Ludu re-opened in a new office and Daw Amar resumed her active opposition to injustices. Her articles calling for internal peace and analyses on world affairs were well received, particularly with young progressives.

Nyi Se Min, a writer in his fifties, remembers: “Daw Amar's robust analyses on international politics opened our eyes and ears. Her political views earned our admiration.” In 1953, she took her political activism to the international stage, attending the World Democratic Women's Conference in Copenhagen, the World Peace Conference in Budapest, and the International Youth Festival in Bucharest. In the same year, shortly after the birth of the youngest of her five children, her husband was detained and imprisoned by the government for three and a half years. With Daw Amar's editorial responsibilities now doubled, she was forced to leave the children with an aunt.

Though unable to raise her children personally, Daw Amar still managed to fundamentally influence their lives. “The Autobiography of Charlie Chaplin”, “The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire”, and the seminal work that heightened environmental consciousness internationally, “Silent Spring”, were among the selections on the recommended reading lists she gave to her children. She also included Burmese classics such as the works of Thakin Kodawhmaing and the innovations of Khitsan (the modernization of Burmese literature in the first half of the 20th century).

“She rarely said, 'you must do this', or 'you must not do that', but let her actions do the talking,” says Daw Amar's second son Po Than Joung. “None of the three brothers drink or smoke; not because our parents told us not to, but rather because their own deeds convinced us that these things are not good.” By the late 1950s, her eldest son, Soe Win, began to follow his mother's example by becoming politically active in the students' union, and by 1963 he went underground to take up armed struggle with the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). And after Po Than Joung was expelled from Mandalay University for his political activities the military regime set their sights on the entire family, each member now deemed a political subversive. Naturally, with her sons' welfare in jeopardy Daw Amar became worried but not regretful. “My parents never questioned our beliefs. They only told us to be careful when they learned of the government agents' plans,” says Po Than Joung, who began serving a six-year jail sentence in 1966 for his clandestine political involvement.

In 1967, the government closed the Ludu newspaper for good and another year later, while Po Than Joung was imprisoned, Soe Win was killed during the CPB purges in the jungle. These internecine purges were used as the military's most powerful propaganda offensive against the CPB and its sympathizers. After Po Than Joung was released, he received a letter from a CPB leader for Daw Amar explaining what happened to Soe Win and apologizing for the purge.

“When I handed the letter to my mother, tears fell from her eyes,” he says. “She said to me, 'Your father and I have never discussed this matter. We just pretended it never happened.'” A few years later, Po Than Joung followed in his brother's footsteps and joined the CPB. The military responded by arresting his parents and youngest brother, Ko Nyein Chan, in 1978, but Daw Amar's defiant spirit remained unshaken.

But even throughout the family's political turbulence, Daw Amar produced a prolific literary output, devoting most of her time researching the biographies of author Thakin Kodawhmaing, cartoonist Shwe Yo Ba Kalay, performance artist Shwe Mahn Tin Maung and others for “The Artists who People Love”, her award-winning book that is now celebrated as a modern classic. She also penned “Burmese Non-dramatic Performance (Anyein)”, “Contemporary Dramatic Art (Thabin)”, and other books about Burmese classical music and painting that address issues of cultural identity.

But Daw Amar is not merely a nostalgic traditionalist. Although she enjoys cooking and has a fondness for flowers and countryside markets, she also likes Hollywood films and Disney cartoons. And not all of her writings chronicle the achievements of Burma's historical cultural treasures; she was a forerunner of the innovative spoken style that distinguished modern Burmese literature from its predecessors. She was also a pioneer for advocating sex education and for voicing complaints against the unpaid labor contributions of women in modern Burmese society.

Although Ludu U Hla passed away in 1982, Daw Amar was not left a lonely widow. Her friends and admirers gathered around her unwavering integrity and inspiring writings. Beginning with her 70th birthday in 1985, writers and supporters from all over the country have traveled to Mandalay each year to assemble and pay their respects. Despite, or probably because of, Daw Amar's popularity, her family endured continual political hardship. Ko Nyein Chan, a famous short story author who wrote under the pen name Nyi Pu Lay, was arrested and given a ten-year jail term by the regime. Though charged for having alleged contact with illegal organizations, many believe his family's political pedigree and his satirical writings led to his detention.

Since 1994, Daw Amar's writings turned to the disintegration of community cohesion, social responsibilities, and the negative impact of cultural decadence in Burma—something she attributes to the distorted economy and massive Chinese migration to the cities after the military coup in 1988.

Her series of articles, Amay Shay Sagaa (“Mother's Old Sayings”), criticized the changing lifestyles of young people who discarded their traditional attire, adopted heavy drinking habits and a taste for gambling, and chased the latest trends promoted by advertising. “We proudly publish Daw Amar's pieces regularly in our magazine since her well-intended writings represent the essence of Burmese culture,” says Daw Kalaya, publisher of Kalaya magazine.

Daw Amar also tried to stimulate progressive public debate on sensitive issues such as HIV/AIDS, but Daw Kalaya laments, “The censorship board didn't allow her AIDS articles to appear in print.” Nonetheless, her later writings, which mourn the loosening of traditional social and cultural values, are tinged with a conservative slant, particularly when reiterating Victorian moral teachings for Burmese women. “We admire her as a great woman of Burma,” says Ma Sue Pwint, leader of the exile-based Women's League of Burma. “But as a woman activist working for the women's rights movement, sometimes we have a few complaints about her strict dictums.”

Daw Amar's responses to the repressive regime and ruthless market iniquities are generally framed in a nationalistic, ethno- and religious-centric perspective. In her calls for the restoration of traditional cultural identities, she often fails to acknowledge the citizen-based politics and civic responsibilities that are essential for fostering a democratic polity in multi-ethnic Burma.

To interpret Daw Amar's recent writings only in a context of progressive politics and contemporary liberal trends, however, can be misleading. Since she first put pen to paper more than 60 years ago, she has worked tirelessly in an environment of steadily declining socio-economic conditions and constant political repression. She is a defender of the history and culture of the former royal capital and symbol of Burmese independence, Mandalay.

In broader terms, according to the veteran journalist in his sixties, Ludu U Sein Win, Daw Amar is a staunch defender of traditional Burmese cultural identity and sovereignty. Above all, Daw Amar's lifetime commitment to fighting injustice and her refusal to be cowed into silence have made her a living symbol of resistance.

“Don't Dance to the Tune of the Authorities” An Interview with Ludu Daw Amar The Irrawaddy’s Assistant Editor Min Zin recently spoke to Ludu Daw Amar, 87, about her life experiences and her perspective on the current situation of the Burmese press. She also discussed social and political issues such as Chinese migration, women's rights and the entitlements of ethnic nationalities. Below are some excerpts:

You have said that you prefer life as a journalist, but since you have been disallowed from working in that capacity your focus has turned to biographical works and other articles. Young people today see you as a social critic or a moral leader. How do you prefer to identify yourself?

When I was writing for the newspaper I could focus my proper attention on socio-political matters. Then the ban on newspapers was imposed [1967] and I had to stop after working in the business for 20 years. Though I can no longer write for newspapers, when particular social ills and news stories catch my eye I still write about them. My news instincts have influenced my work elsewhere. But I was much more contented as a newspaper journalist because we were able to write freely then.

 As an experienced newspaper editor, what is your evaluation of the current situation of the Burmese press?

The situation is like this: we cannot write anything the way we did before, there is no press freedom, and the Press Scrutiny Board is very restrictive. This means we cannot write what we want. That's why I have begun writing about national culture—something that will not incriminate me.

As journal publications are mushrooming in Burma right now, what do you think of the prospects for encouraging good journalism in the long run?

The prospects are not good. Journalism's edge in Burma has become blunted. I believe that a new corps of good journalists will emerge only when we can publish newspapers freely. Right now, I don't think any of the journalists are genuine newspaper journalists.

You have translated several Thai and African short stories with the intention of fostering friendship between nations. The recent war of words between Thailand and Burma was attributed by many to the anti-Thai monarchy articles from irresponsible writers in the state-run Burmese newspapers. As a writer who has worked to facilitate goodwill among nations, what are your thoughts?

This is a breach of obligation for a journalist. Not only that, this group of journalists is at the beck and call of the generals; however, this is only one breed of journalists in Burma today. There is also another group who writes freely and expresses original ideas and opinions. But nowadays, journalists cannot write their opinions freely. For those of us who don't dance to the tune of the authorities we must be creative in what we write to get the message across. It is very difficult.

In one of your articles, you termed the present the Lawpang [wealthy Chinese businessmen] era. What do you think about the extensive Chinese migration in recent years in Mandalay?

I feel as if we are an undeclared colony of Yunnan [Province], not the People's Republic of China. Yunnan is right on our doorstep and as soon as we opened that door, people from Yunnan started pouring in as if Mandalay was their own country.

Women's rights movements are gaining strength around the world. In some countries, governments implement Affirmative Action policies to redress the imbalances of unjust social systems and to support and empower women. Is such a model relevant for Burma?

We, the women of Burma have not gotten that far. We cannot even aim that far. There is no such thing as human rights in our country let alone women's rights. That is the real situation.

You have previously written some articles about Burma's ethnic nationalities, so what are your concerns about their current situation.

They should enjoy equality with us.

You think that the ethnic nationalities have not enjoyed equal status since Burma gained independence?

No. There has never been any equality [between ethnic nationalities and Burmans].

All of your sons have been involved in politics, have made great sacrifices, and continue to pay a heavy price for expressing what they believe. Have you ever discouraged them from taking part in politics, or felt any regrets for not doing so?

I have no regrets. People get involved in politics as the situation of the country demands. My children got involved during their time because they thought they should. We had to fight for our independence and have endured civil war for more than half a century. Under these circumstances, it is the response to the government that produces politicians and political activists. Humans are humans and when they see injustice, they react by speaking out against it. So when they are beaten or arrested for speaking out they become politicians or political activists. This is how I see it. The government has forced you to become a political activist in your time as well—I saw it happen. Therefore, I neither feel remorse nor happiness for my children, but have accepted it as something that was bound to happen.

On a personal note, I have heard that Gen Khin Nyunt once sent you a ballpoint pen for as a birthday present and that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also paid her respects to you. Are these rumors true?

Yes. Khin Nyunt has given me presents such as money and ballpoint pens to pay respect. I think he has done it a few times. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also sends her emissaries.

How do you feel about the admiration shown to you from all corners of the country?

I don't feel anything out of the ordinary.

This interview was conducted in Burmese and translated into English.

The post Ludu Daw Amar: Speaking Truth to Power appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Witness in U Ko Ni Murder Trial Skips Hearing Again

Posted: 29 Nov 2018 11:54 PM PST

YANGON — A police colonel and key witness in the murder trial of prominent lawyer U Ko Ni failed to appear at a court hearing on Thursday.

U Ko Ni, who was a legal adviser to the ruling National League for Democracy, was gunned down outside Yangon International Airport in January 2017.

Police arrested the alleged assassin, Kyi Lin, and three accused co-conspirators — Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Tun, and Zeya Phyo. The man accused of masterminding the murder, former Lieutenant Colonel Aung Win Khaing, remains at large.

Aung Win Zaw and Aung Win Khaing, who were at the Yangon International Airport at the time of the assassination, said they were there to visit Police Colonel Win Min Thein, who was posted to the airport for security.

According to the Yangon North District Court, Col. Win Min Thein said he could not attend Thursday’s hearing because he was assigned to supervise a police sports event.

"He has failed to appear in court for about three hearings. He will have to testify about whether Aung Win Khaing and Aung Win Zaw really visited him on the day of the assassination," said prosecutor U Min Min Zaw.

"He will come. He is a civil servant. He might be very busy, so he couldn't come again," Aung Win Zaw said after the hearing.   

Zeya Phyo, a former military officer, told reporters again that he had nothing to do with the murder of U Ko Ni.

U Wai Min, who went through military intelligence training with Zeya Phyo and later worked at his company, also appeared in court on Thursday. He said that U Kyaw Lin Than and U Than Win were not employees of his company, as was claimed at the last hearing.

The court has still to hear from 22 witnesses.

Kyi Lin was charged under Section 302 of the Penal Code for killing both U Ko Ni and taxi driver U Ne Win, who chased Kyi Lin after he had shot the lawyer. He was also charged under sections 19 (d) and 19 (f) of the Arms Act for illegally importing and possession weapons.

Aung Win Zaw was charged with conspiracy to commit murder and Zeya Phyo with aiding and abetting an offender, both under Section 302 (1) (b) of the Penal Code.

Aung Win Tun was charged under the Penal Code's Article 212 for harboring one of the other accused. The court released him on a 50 million kyats (about $37,300) bail in March.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

 

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Japanese Pilot Jailed in UK for Being Nine Times over Drink Limit

Posted: 29 Nov 2018 08:16 PM PST

LONDON — A Japanese pilot, who was arrested at London’s Heathrow airport as he prepared to fly an aircraft while more than nine times over the aviation alcohol limit, was jailed for 10 months on Thursday.

First officer Katsutoshi Jitsukawa, 42, failed a breath test less than an hour after he was due to have taken off in the cockpit of a Japan Airlines flight to Tokyo in October, police said.

He was arrested last month and had earlier pleaded guilty at Uxbridge Magistrates’ Court in London to performing an aviation function with alcohol in his blood exceeding the prescribed legal limit.

Tests showed he had 189 milligrams of alcohol per 100 milliliters of blood in his system, more than nine times the 20 mg limit for pilots.

“Clearly, the consequences could potentially have been catastrophic had security staff and police not intervened and he had continued to perform his role on the aircraft in the state he was,” said Inspector Iain Goble, of London’s Aviation Policing.

“This is an incredibly serious offense as Jitsukawa, a member of the airline crew, had responsibility for performing a critical role,” he added in a statement.

“This conviction reflects he displayed not only total disregard for the safety of all the passengers and staff on his flight, but also the wider public.”

The post Japanese Pilot Jailed in UK for Being Nine Times over Drink Limit appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Villagers Fear for Survival on India’s Disappearing Island

Posted: 29 Nov 2018 08:08 PM PST

GHORAMARA ISLAND, India — Residents of India’s Ghoramara Island want to leave their home as it shrinks each year due to rising seas, but many say they can’t afford it.

The 4.6 sq km (1.8 sq mile) island, part of the Sundarbans delta on the Bay of Bengal, has nearly halved in size over the past two decades, according to village elders.

The tiny island is home to 4,800 people, down from 7,000 a decade ago.

“If a tsunami or a big cyclone hits this island we will be finished,” said Sanjib Sagar, village leader on the island 150 km (93 miles) south of the Indian city of Kolkata.

The Sundarbans, shared by India and Bangladesh, include the world’s largest mangrove forest as well as rare or endangered tigers, dolphins, birds and reptiles.

Ghoramara is among many islands in the delta affected by rising sea levels and soil erosion experts say is caused by climate change.

Residents say the floodwaters are getting worse, threatening their homes and livelihoods.

“If the government gives rehabilitation I will leave,” said Sheikh Aftab Uddin, sitting outside his new mud house with his wife, after his previous home was destroyed by flood waters.

Half of the villagers are ready to move if the government provided free land in a safer area, Sagar said, but there has been no response to their request for compensation or to move people off the island.

Two people in the office of Javed Ahmed Khan, the minister in charge of disaster management in the state government of West Bengal, declined to comment on whether it had any plans to relocate inhabitants.

Floods have churned the island’s shoreline into mud fringed with broken coconut palms. Fishermen cast their nets to try to take advantage of the rising waters.

As well as damaging homes, floods destroy valuable betel leaf crops that many islanders have depended on for a living.

“Every year, high-tide salt water enters my farm and destroys my cultivation, so I have to face a big loss,” said Mihir Kumar Mondal, a betel leaf farmer.

Climate change experts say the entire island population will have to be relocated one day.

“There has to be some planning for those people, in terms of relocating them to other areas. Frankly speaking, this has to be in the plan of the government,” said Suruchi Bhadwal, a researcher on climate change at the New Delhi-based Energy and Resources Institute.

The post Villagers Fear for Survival on India’s Disappearing Island appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Nov Factory Growth Stalls as Orders Shrink

Posted: 29 Nov 2018 07:55 PM PST

BEIJING — Growth in China’s vast manufacturing sector stalled for the first time in over two years in November as new orders shrank, adding pressure on Beijing ahead of high-stakes trade talks between presidents Xi Jinping and Donald Trump this weekend.

The official Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI), released on Friday, fell to 50 in November, missing market expectations and down from 50.2 in October.

The 50-point mark is considered neutral territory, indicating no growth in activity or contraction on a monthly basis.

Analysts surveyed by Reuters had forecast the official gauge would hold steady from October’s low level, suggesting marginal growth.

The downbeat reading on China’s factory activity came a day ahead of a closely watched dinner meeting between Trump and Xi on the sidelines of a G20 summit in Buenos Aires, their first meeting since the two nations began imposing tariffs on each other’s goods earlier this year.

But few market watchers expect a major breakthrough in the trade dispute, as neither side has indicated any intention of making major concessions.

The Trump administration has pointed to growing signs of economic weakness in China and its slumping stock markets as proof that the United States is winning the trade war.

White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow said on Tuesday that Trump is ready to hike tariffs and could add duties on another $267 billion of Chinese imports if there is no breakthrough in the meeting.

The China PMI survey showed further weakness in new orders from at home and abroad.

The production sub-index fell to 51.9 in November from 52 in October, while a new orders sub-index — an indicator of future activity – declined to 50.4 from 50.8.

New export orders shrank for a sixth straight month. The sub-index rose marginally to 47 from 46.9 in October.

Chinese manufacturers’ import orders also shrank, falling to 47.1 from 47.6 in October and reflecting weakening domestic demand.

China’s exports have been surprisingly resilient so far this year as shippers rush out goods to beat US tariffs, but orders have been slumping for months, raising the risk of a sharp drop soon if the US raises tariffs as planned on Jan. 1.

Another sister survey released by the NBS on Friday showed growth in China’s service sector moderated in November, but remained at solid levels. The official non-manufacturing Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) dipped to 53.4 from 53.9 the previous month.

The post China Nov Factory Growth Stalls as Orders Shrink appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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