Monday, April 21, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Colleagues and Friends Remember Win Tin

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 06:32 AM PDT

Win Tin, Burma, Myanmar, National League for Democracy, NLD, The Irrawaddy, activist, democracy, obituary, Aung San Suu Kyi, Derek Mitchell, journalist

NLD members and people from civil society groups stage a candlelight vigil to pray for Win Tin's good health at Rangoon General Hospital on April 2, 2014. Win Tin passed away on Monday at the age of 84. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — People across Burma mourned the passing on Monday of 84-year-old democracy activist Win Tin, a veteran journalist and co-founder of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party. Before supporters pay their last respects, The Irrawaddy asked his friends and colleagues to share how they will remember him.

Aung San Suu Kyi, chairwoman of the NLD

"I pay my respects to Saya U Win Tin, who raised the dignity of the NLD, Burmese politics, Burma and humankind."

Ohn Pe, journalist

"U Win Tin was my mentor, not just a colleague, when we were at Kyaymone [newspaper]. When it came to work, he was really serious. When he moved to Hanthawaddy daily, he never failed to report what was happening in the country, making the paper quite different from other government-run papers. That's why he was fired. His death is not only a loss to his family and party, but to the entire nation. He didn't live for himself, but for his friends and comrades."

Tha Ban, journalist

"This is a great loss for Burmese media. For Burmese politics, a great wall has fallen. He didn't care about his personal matters. When it came to journalism, he always thought about how to serve the people. When he was in jail, he worked for the people. He didn't care a fig about jail. I first met him at Kyaymone newspaper, and we developed a good friendship. We were like brothers. …I'm sure he will rest in peace. I pray for him to become a journalist in his next life."

Maung Maung Aye, secretary for ex-Prime Minister Kyaw Nyein

"He always stood for truth and what he believed was for the good of his country. Unlike other people, he was not so concerned with ideologies. He was concerned with democracy, his people and his country. This is what he discussed whenever he visited me."

Pe Myint, writer and editor-in-chief of the People's Age weekly journal

"U Win Tin was a journalist turned politician. … There's no wonder why someone like him stood out from other politicians. Having been a journalist, he always cared about the truth, which made him a man of principle, and he was not interested in bargaining like other politicians. He stood firmly on his beliefs. …He had different points of view than Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but he regarded her as the leader of his party and he followed her decisions, while also speaking openly about his thoughts. That's what made U Win Tin different from others."

Than Chaung, spokesman for the Communist Party of Burma

"He passed away at a moment when the country still really needs him. He was the one who spoke the truth about the current political landscape in Burma, without taking sides or giving favor to cronies, NGOs or the Burmese government. … There are fewer and fewer people like him today who are influential and brave enough to stand for the truth. Before, there were influential people who were outspoken, such as Ludu Sein Win and Saya Dagon Tayar. But now we have none of them. He is gone now, and it is a big loss for the country and our people."

Mya Aye, member of the 88 Generation Students Group

"He was determined and firmly stood by his beliefs until his last breath. We must be proud of him and think of him as a role-model politician …He didn't want to bother anyone. He even had a wish for an immediate funeral. He was a selfless man. He didn't want any property for himself, he only served the country. He deserved to see that which he sacrificed for.

Myint Kyaw, journalist

"U Win Tin had two different backgrounds, serving as both a journalist and a politician. He became a politician after 1988. But he always stood for press freedom. Even though he was not able to fully focus on media work, he was always interested in journalists and cared about journalistic works."

Derek Mitchell, US Ambassador to Burma

"It was with great sadness that I learned of my friend U Win Tin's passing this morning. As newspaper editor, author, poet, and for nearly two decades, political prisoner, U Win Tin was a man of rare integrity and courage, a man who dedicated his life to democratic principles, particularly the principle of press freedom, even under enormous hardship. After his release from prison, he continued to demonstrate his commitment to justice by establishing a foundation to assist former political prisoners and their families—and by continuing to wear his prisoner's blue shirt until all such prisoners were back with their families. U Win Tin will be greatly missed, but his example will continue to serve as an inspiration to all those everywhere who are dedicated to seeking and speaking the truth in the face of injustice. I offer my deepest condolences to his family, his colleagues, and his many friends around the world who cherished him, and who already miss his unique voice."

The post Colleagues and Friends Remember Win Tin appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Some Foreign Aid Groups Return to Sittwe After Riots

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 05:59 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, ethnic, Rohingya, aid, UN, NGO, international, medicine, health care

A warehouse of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) is seen damaged by the recent violence in Sittwe March 28, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — International humanitarian organizations have begun returning to Arakan State after aid workers fled riots in the state capital of Sittwe last month, a police official and a United Nations representative told The Irrawaddy.

Rioting on March 26-27 was sparked by an alleged incident where an American aid worker for Malteser International was said to have inappropriately handled a Buddhist flag. Offices of aid organizations and UN agencies, as well as storage facilities, cars, boats and private homes were pelted with stones or ransacked, and an Arakanese girl was killed by a stray bullet as police fired warning shots to try to disperse the mob.

Tun Oo, a police colonel in Sittwe, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the state government would allow all NGOs and UN agencies, with the exceptions of Malteser International and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), to return.

"They all will restart their projects. All of them were allowed to come back except Malteser International and MSF. Some projects have already restarted here," said Tun Oo.

In lieu of comprehensive government services, numerous aid organizations meet many of the needs of people in Arakan State, one of the poorest parts of Burma. As of late last year about 15 NGOs were providing health care in the state, for example.

Locals have accused international aid groups of favoring Rohingya Muslims, who make up most of the people living in camps for those displaced by violence in the region since mid-2012. Earlier in March, MSF—which was a major health care provider to people across the state—was banned from Arakan completely after protests against the organization.

Tun Oo said Malteser International would not be allowed back out of concern for the safety of aid workers.

"We are worried that local people will make problems with them. The locals will throw rock at their offices if the people know they have come back," said Tun Oo.

Pierre Peron, a spokesman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said that 39 staff from UN agencies and international NGOs had been granted authorization to return to Arakan State, effective last week.

"We were able to get travel authorizations, which were fast-tracked. So as of today, there are travel authorizations for some staff to come back, which is the good news," he said, adding that some aid services had already been resumed.

"For example, activities for malnutrition—to treat children with severe acute malnutrition—that has started again. There were some food distributions that were done using trucks supplied by the government.

"But again, still, one of the big gaps remains is in terms of health. The Ministry of Health is doing what it can, but there are many mobile clinics that usually happen and emergency health referrals that usually happen, that aren't taking place."

Pressure on aid organizations has led to concerns about meeting the needs of about 140,000 people living in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Arakan State.

"The problem is still a large part having access to IDP camps. That's still for the most part not possible. These activities are being done by national staff and staff that are already in the camps," Peron said.

He said access to the camps would be a matter for discussion during a meeting between UN staff and the Burmese government on Wednesday. Peron added that several of the offices damaged by the mobs would be repaired this week.

Police have said 12 suspects have been detained in relation to the rioting. According to local sources, one suspect died in custody last week due to a problem involving high blood pressure.

"We are asking for suggestions from law experts. We will prosecute all of them after we knew what crimes we can prosecute them for," said the police colonel, Tun Oo. "After one person died, the rest of them asked us to give them an amnesty, but we told them we will not do it."

State media reported that about 130 aid workers, both foreign and Burmese, were forced to seek police protection and flee Sittwe by airplane last month.

A government investigation commission into the riots concluded that the Malteser International employee accused of mishandling the Buddhist flag did nothing wrong. The commission said misinformation about the flag incident had been used to incite rioting against NGOs, who are regularly accused by ethnic Arakanese Buddhists of bias toward Rohingya.

The rioting also coincided with Burma's UN-backed national census, which Arakanese Buddhists feared would allow Rohingya to identify their own ethnicity. In the event, the government declared that Rohingya, who are accused of being illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, were only allowed to take part in the census if they agreed to identify themselves as "Bengali."

The UN, United States and European Union have all condemned the attacks and voiced concern over the change to the census methodology.

The post Some Foreign Aid Groups Return to Sittwe After Riots appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Win Tin: Burma’s Revolutionary Journalist

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 05:54 AM PDT

Myanmar, Win Tin, Aung San Suu Kyi, NLD, democracy

Win Tin after his release from prison in 2008. (Photo: Kyi Toe)

Burmese journalist Win Tin was a true believer in democracy and press freedom. He never hid his disdain for the repressive military regime and continued to challenge Burma's current nominally civilian government.

Win Tin spent seven thousand nights in Rangoon's notorious Insein Prison, but he had no regrets and continued to boldly carry the flag of democracy and helped keep the opposition movement alive. "The dictators can only detain our bodies, not our souls," he once said while in prison.

The way he confronted Burma's repressive rulers was so uncompromising and inspiring that the generals feared him, and with good reason. In Burma and beyond, many loved and respected the man who, together with Aung San Suu Kyi, has become a symbol of the country's long struggle for democracy.

As I learned the news of his passing this morning I thought of his determination, intellectual steadfastness and the principles he upheld, and, most importantly, his contribution to the democracy movement.

Among his fellow political activists and contemporaries, Win Tin stood out as a bit different and, though it was not his intention, he outshone many other opposition figures.

One reason for this was his unbending stance and sharp reading of the political situation during the repressive regime and the current democratic transition. He remained very critical and cautious of the ongoing political reforms—a healthy and welcome approach in my view.

Win Tin was always ready to express his opinions to the media, he was eloquent and precise, and unlike many other opposition members he didn't shy away from criticizing his party leader, Suu Kyi.

Devoted to Political Life

Win Tin was never married, but devoted his life to books, newspapers and politics. Many adored him as an example of a completely selfless man who cared about Burma's people and showed particular concern for the younger generation.

Even when he became older and suffered from increasing health problems, he would not bother people around him with his ailments; instead he would ask them to leave him while always thanking them for their visit.

Right up until the end he was quick to offer his witty or harsh criticism of the former junta leaders, the current government, while also occasionally criticizing Suu Kyi.

Last year, he said that the National League for Democracy (NLD) leader has been too reconciliatory toward the current government. "Some of us would like to push the military into the Bay of Bengal," he told The Washington Post, "She only wants to push them into Kandawgyi Lake," a reference to a lake in central Rangoon.

During my first visit back to Burma in 2012, I went to meet him and asked whether it was the right decision for Suu Kyi to enter the by-elections that year and enter Parliament. He paused, looked at me with smile and said, "You know she enjoys a Hollywood star status and she is a really popular figure."

After he was released from prison in 2008, we spoke on the phone and he outlined some of the differences between himself and Suu Kyi.

"Suu Kyi is a VIP prisoner—we spent our times in dog cells and we were treated inhumanely. Our feelings and sentiments towards the generals is not the same as Aung San Suu Kyi. She always looked at them with some understanding and she sees the military as her father's army. But we don't," he said.

Despite such frank remarks, he never expressed any doubt about Suu Kyi's leadership of the NLD and maintained she was the only political figure capable of leading Burma to democracy.

Nearly Two Decades Imprisoned

In 1989, Win Tin was a journalist when he backed Suu Kyi for the leadership of the NLD that she had formed. The same year he was thrown into prison under trumped up charges and accused of being "a communist" by the military regime that had taken power in a coup. He would spend almost two decades in prison.

I had a chance to speak with Win Tin shortly before the 1988 uprising began during a literary talk of the kind that were regularly held in a discreet manner in the old socialist Burma of former strongman Ne Win.

At a friend's house in downtown Rangoon, some 30 writers had gathered to hear the bespectacled Win Tin speak about the increasingly tense political situation. I noticed he was outspoken but calm, and he voiced concern over the fate of Burma's youths and students in those difficult times

Looking back, I've wondered if he foresaw the uprising at the time or that he would soon face decades in detention and become one of the most prominent and longest serving political prisoners in Burma.

The regime would later find out that it had been wrong to put the iron-willed Win Tin in prison. Unable to break him physically or psychologically, the generals finally gave up and ordered him released in September 2008.

He continued to oppose them even then and refused to sign a form outlining conditions that he should follow upon his release. Prison officials dragged him from his cell and dropped him at his friend's house.

While in prison, he was often visited by foreign diplomats, US congressmen, International Red Cross officials and UN Human Rights investigators. He became one of Burma's most well-known political prisoners and reports of his ailing health regularly appeared in the international press. Western governments, human rights organizations and press freedom groups repeatedly tried to intervene in order to free him.

Win Tin pressed on in spite of his health problems and maltreatment in prison, where he remained politically active.

In the 1990s, he asked Suu Kyi to stay the course when the regime applied a divide- and-rule strategy against the NLD in order to pressure the party into joining a military-backed national convention to draft a new constitution.

At one point, he and his prison inmates secretly compiled an 83-page human rights report and smuggled it out through a visiting UN special rapporteur. Enraged prison officials raided cells and dug up books, papers, news bulletins, two radios, and publishing materials. Win Tin and dozens of political prisoners were punished with solitary confinement in tiny "dog cells" and received extended jail sentences.

His former inmates recalled how Win Tin always encouraged them to unite and stand up against any unjust treatment imposed on them in prison.

Ironically, he also spent time with some members of the former regime who were imprisoned after Snr-Gen Than Shwe ordered a purge of Khin Nyunt's powerful Military Intelligence (MI) units in 2004.

Several high-ranking MI officers, including one who had been in charge of Win Tin's case, were thrown into prison and shared a cell next to his.

Win Tin also spent time in prison with the grandsons of former dictator Ne Win, who were convicted on high treason charges in the early 2000s by Than Swhe's regime. Late last year, when they were released, one of Ne Win's grandsons immediately went to see the old political activist.

During a funeral in Rangoon in October, former spy chief Khin Nyunt walked up to Win Tin to shake his hand. Win Tin showed no anger, but later told The Irrawaddy that the MI officers should apologize to the nation for what they had done.

Win Tin was a keen, unrelenting government critic to the very end, intent on taking down all the obstacles on Burma's long road to democracy.

Without his guiding light, it's hard to imagine how the democracy movement will treat the many challenges ahead during this unpredictable democratic transition, where there are still many wolves in sheeps' clothing.

The post Win Tin: Burma's Revolutionary Journalist appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Funeral Plans Weigh Win Tin’s Wish Against Desire to Pay Tribute

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 05:47 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, Win Tin, death, funeral, National League for Democracy, NLD

A painted portrait of the late Win Tin stands in front of National League for Democracy flags at Rangoon's Judson Hall on Monday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Within 12 hours of the passing of veteran journalist Win Tin, a debate appears to have risen and then been settled over how best to bid farewell to a man considered to belong among the pantheon of Burma's greatest pro-democracy leaders.

Top officials from the National League for Democracy—which Win Tin cofounded in 1988—say that prior to his death, the 84-year-old had requested that his body be interred soon after his passing, in the process foregoing the elaborate and drawn-out funeral arrangements that often accompany the burial of prominent public figures. Tin Oo, the NLD's patron, said the late Win Tin "didn't want to bother people" when his time came.

"But we have so many organizations here [in Burma]: the NLD, artists' and journalists' communities, and political prisoners—they all want to honor him and pay last respects to him," Tin Oo said.

It is believed that NLD leaders, including the opposition party's chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, held a meeting to discuss funeral arrangements for Win Tin after he passed away on Monday morning at the age of 84. Opinion on the matter was said to be divided, with some pushing to have the veteran journalist's wish honored—that people "not be bothered" by his passing—while others insisted that the public be afforded the opportunity to pay last respects to a man revered as a champion of Burma's pro-democracy movement.

Win Tin was never married and is survived by no children, meaning decisions regarding funeral arrangements will not fall to the traditional next-of-kin titleholders.

In a statement released late on Monday, the NLD said a wake for Win Tin would be held on Wednesday from 12-5pm at Yay Way cemetery on the outskirts of Rangoon, with the public welcome to join in paying last respects. He will be buried at 5pm the same day, the party said.

Burma has in the past honored some national leaders by burying them at the foot of Shwedagon Pagoda, Burma's most sacred Buddhist site. Those interred there include Khin Kyi, the wife of independence hero Gen. Aung San; Thakin Kodaw Hmaing, a leading literary light and political activist; and U Thant, the former UN secretary-general.

The post Funeral Plans Weigh Win Tin's Wish Against Desire to Pay Tribute appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Win Tin’s Flag

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 04:44 AM PDT

Win Tin's Flag

The post Win Tin’s Flag appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Amid Construction Boom, Burma Starts to Build Disaster Resilience

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 02:32 AM PDT

Burma, Myanmar, real estate, property, Cyclone Nargis, natural disaster, investment

Laborers work at a construction site in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Sule Pagoda Road in downtown Rangoon is famous for its role in Burma's turbulent recent history. With its golden pagoda rising at one end, it has always served as a popular gathering point for street protests.

These days the road is drawing attention as the location of some of the hottest properties in Rangoon. According to local businessmen, the real estate here has shot up to as much as US $1,500 per square foot. This is roughly six times the price of similar plots in the Thai capital, Bangkok.

But experts warn that in the middle of its boom, Burma must build resiliently, with an eye on the country's vulnerability to natural disasters.

Since political and economic reforms were begun in November 2011 by the government of President Thein Sein, capital inflows have led to new offices, hotels and sprouting in the country's largest city.

Elsewhere, new economic zones are being opened up, such as the Thilawa Industrial Zone near Rangoon and the Dawei Special Economic Zone to the south, near the border with Thailand.

"We are building everywhere," said Ko Zaw Zaw, who operates and owns several buildings on Sule Pagoda Road.

2.6 Million People Exposed

Still, many of those benefiting from these developments have not forgotten the devastation that can be wrought on people and property alike by natural disasters. Burma is extremely vulnerable to cyclones, in particular, and the government is responding with measures to mitigate their impact.

In the three decades to 2010, Burma experienced 27 natural disasters, which caused the deaths of over 140,000 people and affected the lives of 3.9 million, according to an analysis last year by the Myanmar Disaster (DRR) Working Group.

Between 2002 and 2012, three cyclones affected over 2.6 million people, floods stranded more than half a million, and two major earthquakes affected 20,000. The single most devastating event was Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, with a death toll of 135,000.

Burma ranks close to the bottom of the Notre Dame-Global Adaptation Index, which measures countries' climate vulnerability and readiness to improve resilience. This "is as much a reflection of Burma's exposure to climate change as it is of the country's low capacity to manage climate risks," according to the DRR Working Group.

A management law was enacted in June last year, and a National Natural Working Committee was set up under the President's Office to coordinate disaster preparedness and mitigation work.

"They are taking this very seriously," said Helena Mazarro, who manages disaster risk reduction for Burma at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

According to Jaiganesh Murugesan, a disaster risk reduction specialist with the UN Human Settlements Program (UN-Habitat) in Burma, the renewed attention to disaster risk reduction was already apparent in May 2013, when deaths and damage from Cyclone Mahasen were less than might have been expected.

Around 200 lives were reported lost, while over 140,000 people living in vulnerable regions in western Arakan State were evacuated before the storm made landfall. The presence of UN and other humanitarian agencies that had worked with the government to raise awareness helped prepare people for the storm.

New Building Code

The disaster management law has been followed by a new construction code, which was introduced in March this year but is still subject to consultation. It sets standards on building safety with regard to cyclones, storms and earthquakes, and establishes a regulatory body to ensure standards are met.

"The update on the codes for building construction [takes] into account new knowledge on possible effects from earthquakes and strong winds in the country. The key question is how much these better standards really get implemented at the ground level," said Peeranan Towashiraporn, director of the Bangkok-based Asian Disaster Preparedness Center.

Another challenge faced by the government is the range of disasters that pose a threat. While Burma's southern regions are prone to cyclones, the northern parts sit on earthquake faultlines.

UN-Habitat's Murugesan said disaster preparedness at community level also needs reinforcement. "[At the] national level they are better prepared than before. Of course, when it goes down to [the] local level, challenges remain," he said.

Given the lack of resources in the country, disaster preparedness programs still need substantial foreign funding and specialized personnel, he added.

OCHA's Mazarro said the UN body is working closely with the government to enhance and streamline coordination with foreign donors and aid agencies. In the past, Burma's government has resisted wider cooperation.

But according to Mazarro, that is changing. "They are very keen on engagement," she said.

Ko Zaw Zaw, the car dealer on Sule Pagoda Road, is happy that at least some action is being taken on safety measures.

"I was here when Cyclone Nargis blew over us, [and] it was terrible. If something similar happens now, we should be better prepared, because there are more buildings, more vehicles and more people here," he said.

Amantha Perera is a freelance writer based in Sri Lanka.

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5,000 Displaced by Kachin Clashes Amid KIO Leader’s US Visit

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 02:24 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, Kachin State, Shan State, Mansi, Kachin Independence Organization, KIO, KIA, Tatmadaw, fighting, clashes, internally displaces persons, IDPs, Bhamo, Man Win Gyi

Refugees from Kachin State cook meals at a temporary camp near the Burma-China border in 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

MAI JA YANG, Kachin State — A week of fighting between Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) forces and Burmese Army troops has left more than 5,000 people displaced in eastern Kachin and neighboring Shan states, according to an aid group involved in relief efforts there.

"About 60 percent" of the 5,000 who are estimated to have been displaced are receiving some form of help from NGOs and relief groups, according to Naw Din, a senior staffer with Karuna Myanmar Social Services (KMSS), a group affiliated with the Burmese Catholic church. Approximately 1,800 refugees are staying in the government-controlled town of Man Win Gyi and another 1,000 are across the border in China, but the situation is precarious for the latter displaced population, facing pressure from authorities to return to Burma.

The rest of the newly displaced are sheltering in KIO-controlled areas or have congregated in Muse and other areas in northwestern Shan State, said Naw Din. Most of the refugees are ethnic Kachin or Palaung, but many Shan have also been displaced.

According to Naw Din, who is currently based in Kachin State's Bhamo Township, a government decision to close the roads linking Bhamo to Loije and Man Win Gyi has made it very difficult for aid groups to send relief to those in need. UN agencies including Unicef have been unable to transport their aid from warehouses in Bhamo to Man Win Gyi because of the road closures. "If they can procure aid locally, they should," added Naw Din, who said he doesn't expect the roads to be opened any time soon.

Mary Tawm, coordinator of the Mai Ja Yang-based relief organization WPN, told The Irrawaddy that although the fighting appeared to have reduced over the past 48 hours, the humanitarian situation remained serious. "I am very worried and concerned for the IDPs [internally displaced persons]," she said. Although a small number of Shan refugees recently returned to their villages from China, the overwhelming majority of IDPs have not been able to return to their homes, Mary Tawm added. Others among the displaced were forced to flee IDP camps, making it the second or even third time that some have been uprooted since the conflict began nearly three years ago.

It is unlikely that many more of the recently displaced refugees will be able to return home any time soon, said Mary Tawm. The areas in southeastern Kachin State's Mansi Township and neighboring areas from which the refugees fled continue to be highly militarized, explained the aid worker, who along with her colleagues has provided humanitarian services to affected populations since the fighting began.

More than 100,000 people are estimated to have been displaced in total since June 2011, when a 17-year ceasefire agreement between the government and the KIO broke down.

The recent wave of clashes, which began on April 10, appears to be the most serious since early 2013, when KIO and government troops engaged in heavy fighting near Laiza, the KIO's Kachin State headquarters. In an interview broadcast on April 16, presidential spokesman Ye Htut confirmed to the Burmese-language service of Voice of America that during the fighting the government Army lost several soldiers including a "senior commander." Ye Htut called on KIO troops and their leadership to show "restraint in this situation." The request came despite the fact that the losses were sustained during a Burmese Army offensive against KIO positions.

The recent fighting also appears to have involved government forces that were dispatched to the area last month to provide what state media described as "assistance" in conducting the UN-funded census in the region. The census was not carried out in KIO territory after the rebel group declined to take part.

The latest armed confrontation coincided with a visit by one of the KIO's top officials, Gen. Gun Maw, to Washington, DC, last week. The popular Kachin leader, who serves as vice chief of staff for the KIO's armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), in addition to acting as his group's point man in ongoing peace negotiations with the central government, appears to be the most senior KIO official ever to visit the United States.

While in Washington, Gun Maw met with several senior officials from the US State Department, including Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Tom Malinowski and US Permanent Representative to the United Nations Samantha Power. He also met with officials from the National Security Council, USAID, and the Department of Defense, according to a statement issued by the State Department over the weekend.

"In our meetings with General Gun Maw, we expressed firm US support for the post-ceasefire peace process, which will have to tackle long unresolved political grievances," said the State Department's Malinowski in the statement.

"The balance between central and local authority, inclusion for all in national and local political processes, constitutional reform, equitable sharing of natural resources, and humanitarian access to internally displaced people are just a few of the issues that must be negotiated in good faith for a ceasefire to lead to durable peace," Malinowski said.

Gun Maw's visit to Washington is also significant due to the fact that none of his counterparts from Burma's other armed rebel groups appears to have visited the United States since the nominally civilian government of Burma's President Thein Sein took office in March 2011.

Kachin Civilian Shot, Recovering

Aung Nan, a 31-year-old Kachin man, is recovering in hospital in Bhamo after allegedly being shot by government forces at a checkpoint in eastern Kachin State on Wednesday of last week. According to Naw Din, the carpenter was on his way to work in Lung Hkat when he was shot as he approached a checkpoint near Dagaw at about 9am. The man was seriously injured in the incident.

"The Army side thought that he was KIA or something like that, but actually he is only a civilian," said Naw Din, whose group is providing financial support for Aung Nan's medical treatment.

Following the shooting, Aung Nan explained that he had approached the checkpoint unaware of the recent escalation in fighting.

"He thought it was a normal situation. That's why he tried to go back to the area," Naw Din said.

The post 5,000 Displaced by Kachin Clashes Amid KIO Leader's US Visit appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Democracy Activist Win Tin Dies

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 12:44 AM PDT

Myanmar Democracy Activist Win Tin Dies

Win Tin, one of Burma's most famous democracy activists, passes away on Monday, the age of 84. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — After supporters across Burma staged prayer services and a candlelight vigil for his recovery, Win Tin, one of the country's most famous democracy activists, passed away on Monday after suffering from multiple organ failure. He was 84 years old.

Win Tin, who co-founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) party with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, was a veteran journalist known for his relentless activism against the former military regime. After a new government came to power in 2011, he condemned the military's continuing role in the reform process and was one of few people who dared to also criticize the tactics of Suu Kyi, whom he described as "too conciliatory" with the military leaders that once imprisoned him and put her under house arrest.

"Some of us would like to push the military into the Bay of Bengal. She only wants to push them into Kandawgyi Lake [a lake in the heart of Rangoon]," he told the Washington Post last year, referring to Suu Kyi's willingness to compromise with the government over amendments to the military-drafted Constitution, which currently bars her from the presidency.

Win Tin was one of Burma's longest serving political prisoners. Starting in 1989, he spent almost two decades behind bars for co-founding the NLD and later for attempting to inform the United Nations about human rights violations in the country's prisons.

"I spent more than 7,000 days—one-fourth of my life—in prison. It's very heart-wrenching," he wrote in his prison memoir, "Man-made Hell," which describes instances of torture, malnutrition and limited access to medical care.

After he was released in 2008 at the age of 78, Win Tin was hospitalized frequently for heart problems and other health concerns. Late last month he was transferred to the intensive care unit of Rangoon General Hospital for respiratory problems and hip pain. His doctor told The Irrawaddy that he passed away on Monday morning due to multiple organ failure.

Win Tin worked as a journalist for nearly three decades before becoming one of nine founding members of the NLD in 1988, but he told The Irrawaddy last year that he preferred to introduce himself as a journalist rather than a politician because he sought to contemplate different views.

"Some people say I'm a hardliner. No, I am a man of principle," he said.

The winner of the Unesco/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize and the World Association of Newspapers' Golden Pen of Freedom of Award was outspoken in defense of free expression. He accused the former regime of "crimes against humanity" while refusing to support President TheinSein's current government, which he described as a semi-military regime led by the junta's former generals. He repeatedly called on government leaders to apologize for their wrongdoings.

"It's not only for me, but for all the political prisoners mistreated by the country's military dictatorship since 1988," he told The Irrawaddy last year, while wearing his blue prison-issued shirt to show solidarity with political prisoners who remained behind bars.

The journalist with wavy white hair and prominent glasses was known for his charming manners. He spoke softly and listened carefully while receiving guests—including diplomats, journalists and activists—in the living room of his two-room cabin home, where he spent many late nights watching Champions League football matches on television. After his release from prison, he had no surviving immediate family members, nor did he have any savings, but he received help from a lifelong friend who gave him the cabin as well as free meals to eat.

Win Tin will be remembered not only for his relentless efforts to promote democracy, but also for a foundation that he founded in 2012 to assist current and former political prisoners as well as fellow journalists lacking financial security. As of last year, the U Win Tin Foundation had given more than 90 million kyats (US$90,000) to over 300 people, with donations coming from Win Tin's supporters at home and abroad.

Of Burma's contemporary political landscape, Win Tin once said that the Burmese people needed to completely free themselves from the former regime's grip.

"What we have to do these days is make way for a new politics that can break down the mechanism of the military dictatorship, rather than being corralled into a political arena made by the government," he said.

The post Burmese Democracy Activist Win Tin Dies appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

An Apology Long Overdue

Posted: 20 Apr 2014 11:13 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, National League for Democracy, NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi, Political prisoners, apology

Burma's former intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt greets the late Win Tin, who passed away Monday.

As Burma woke up to the news of the sad death of veteran politician and journalist Win Tin, this photo taken last year came to the minds of many.

The unknown photographer captured an image of former intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt, who ran Burma's torture chambers, walking up to greet Win Tin at the funeral of U Sein Win (also known as Guardian Sein Win) in October 2013.

Win Tin spent almost 20 years in prison, during which time he was tortured and locked up in a small cell. Much of his time in jail was spent in solitary confinement. He did not ask for retribution. But he strongly rejected the former spy chief's comment that he wanted to be involved in "national politics." The veteran journalist and activist's response was: "Enough is enough."

But on this day when the mourning starts for a truly inspirational leader, we ask: Has there been "enough"? In fact, is it not, at last, time for the military regime's former intelligence chief to finally apologize?

The post An Apology Long Overdue appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

22 Dead State Media Reports, as Kachin Fighting Intensifies

Posted: 20 Apr 2014 10:06 PM PDT

Kachin, ethnic issues, KIA, rebel, internal conflict, Myanmar, Myanmar military, Tatmadaw

A soldier prepares to load his KIA-made grenade launcher during a long assault on the Hkaya Bum outpost on Jan. 20, 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON— Fighting between government troops and ethnic rebels in Burma’s northeastern state of Kachin has left at least 22 people dead this month, state-run media reported Sunday.

The clashes in Kachin come despite efforts by the government to forge a nationwide cease-fire agreement with all armed ethnic groups within the next few months – a deadline that has repeatedly been pushed back because of ongoing clashes.

The latest violence erupted on April 4 after members of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) ambushed an army column in the Man Wein Gyi region, the Kyemon daily said.

The "mopping up" operation that followed resulted in the capture of a rebel camp, the paper reported, adding that at least 14 government troops and eight rebels were killed.

The KIA is a major rebel group that has yet to reach a cease-fire deal with Burma's President Thein Sein’s nominally civilian government, which came to power in 2011 after almost five decades of harsh military rule.

Fighting with the KIA has been on-again, off-again since then. It started with a refusal by rebels to abandon a strategic base near a hydropower plant – a joint venture agreement between Burmese and Chinese companies.

At times, the government has resorted to bombardment, uprooting an estimated 120,000 people, many of them now living in dirty, crowded displacement camps.

This month’s unrest has forced hundreds to flee the camps and their homes, aid groups say.

The post 22 Dead State Media Reports, as Kachin Fighting Intensifies appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Malaysia, Flight 370 Relatives Talk Financial Help

Posted: 20 Apr 2014 10:02 PM PDT

: Malaysia, Australia, MH370, Plane, missing

The Royal Australian Navy ship HMAS Perth is guided into position by a Royal New Zealand Airforce (RNZAF) P-3K2 Orion aircraft to recover an object in the southern Indian Ocean, as the search continues for missing Malaysia Airlines flight MH370 April 13, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

PERTH, Australia — As the search continued off the coast of Australia for the missing Malaysia Airlines jet, the airline announced another plane bound for India was forced to make an emergency landing early Monday after one of its tires burst on takeoff.

All 159 passengers and seven crew members arrived safely back in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, about 2 am, about four hours after the plane took off for Bangalore, India. The incident was more drama for an airline already under immense pressure for answers from the public and the families of those missing from Flight 370, more than six weeks after it departed the same airport.

Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Hamzah Zainuddin met with the passengers' relatives in Kuala Lumpur on Sunday to talk about where to go next. Financial assistance was discussed and family members were urged to submit a plan for consideration. He declined to elaborate further, but said a fund could possibly be set up by the government or Malaysia Airlines.

The relatives, however, expressed dissatisfaction with the meeting, saying in a statement that until they have "at least a tiny bit of concrete evidence" that the plane crashed, authorities should not try to settle the case with final payoffs.

"No meaningful report on the progress of the investigation was given" at the meeting, the relatives said, adding that "not a single one" of their questions was answered.

"We realize this is an excruciating time for the families of those on board," said Zainuddin, who heads a committee overseeing the needs of the next of kin. "No words can describe the pain they must be going through. We understand the desperate need for information on behalf of the families and those watching around the world."

He added that he would soon visit Beijing to shore up bilateral relations between Malaysia and China. Two-thirds of the missing plane's 227 passengers were Chinese, and many of their family members have been angered by Malaysia's handling of the investigation, with some accusing the government of lying, incompetence or participating in an outright cover-up.

After nearly a week of sweeping the bottom of the ocean with sonar, a robotic submarine continued its search on Monday. The yellow device has already covered about two-thirds of its focused search area, but has yet to uncover any clues that could shed light on the plane's mysterious disappearance.

The US Navy's Bluefin 21 has made eight trips below the surface to scan the silt-covered seabed far off the coast of western Australia, journeying beyond its recommended depth of 4 1/2 kilometers (2.8 miles). Its search area forms a 10-kilometer (6-mile) radius around the location of an underwater signal that was believed to have come from the aircraft's black boxes. The search coordination center said the sonar scan of the seafloor in that area was expected to be completed sometime this week.

Malaysian Defense Minister Hishammuddin Hussein has stressed the importance of the weekend's submarine missions, but added that even if no debris was recovered, the scope of the search may be broadened or other assets may be used.

Meanwhile, up to 10 military aircraft and 11 ships were planning to brave rainy, windy weather on Monday as crews hunted for debris floating on the ocean surface in a 49,500 square kilometer (19,000 square mile) search zone, about 1,700 kilometers (1,000 miles) northwest of Perth, the search coordination center said.

Radar and satellite data show the jet mysteriously veered far off course for unknown reasons and would have run out of fuel in the remote section of ocean where the search has been focused. Not one piece of debris has been recovered since the massive multinational hunt began.

There have been numerous leads, but all have turned out to be false. The most promising development came when four underwater signals were detected April 5 and 8. The sounds were consistent with pings that would have been emanating from the plane's flight data and cockpit recorders' beacons before their batteries died.

The search coordination center has said the hunt for floating debris on the surface will continue for at least the next few days, even though the Australian head of the search effort, Angus Houston, had earlier said it was expected to end sooner.

The post Malaysia, Flight 370 Relatives Talk Financial Help appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Asia Seeks Obama’s Assurance in Territorial Spats

Posted: 20 Apr 2014 09:56 PM PDT

Obama, Asia trip, South China Sea, China, Malaysia, Japan, South Korea, Philippines, territorial disputes, Ukraine, Russia

US President Barack Obama passes in front of Asean members' flags as he arrives for the Plenary session of the 21st Asean and East Asia summits in Phnom Penh on Nov. 20, 2012. (Reuters / Damir Sagolj)

WASHINGTON — As President Barack Obama travels through Asia this coming week, he will confront a region that's warily watching the crisis in Ukraine through the prism of its own territorial tensions with China.

Each of the four countries on Obama's itinerary—Japan, South Korea, Malaysia and the Philippines—has a dispute with Beijing over islands and waters in the South and East China Seas. Their leaders will be weighing Obama's willingness to support them if those conflicts boil over.

"What we can say after seeing what happened to Ukraine is that using force to change the status quo is not acceptable," said Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, whose country is in one of the fiercest disputes with China.

Administration officials, including Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, have taken a tougher line on the territorial issues in recent weeks, sternly warning China against the use of military force and noting that the United States has treaty obligations to defend Japan in particular. But in an attempt to maintain good relations with China, the United States has not formally taken sides on the question of which countries should control which islands.

Analysts say there are concerns that China could be emboldened by the relative ease with which Russia annexed the Crimean Peninsula from Ukraine over US objections, as well as the very real possibility that Moscow could take more land. Moreover, some in Asia question Obama's ability to follow through on his security pledges in light of his decision last summer to pull back on plans for a military strike against Syria.

"The heavyweights in the region got very scared by the Syrian decision," said Douglas Paal, a longtime US diplomat in Asia who now is vice president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "They've never seen anything like that. They've always counted on strong executives bringing the Congress along or going around the Congress to make sure that our security guarantees will be honored."

Obama's advisers say they see little evidence thus far that China has been encouraged by Russia's incursions into Ukraine. Instead, they say Beijing appears to be viewing with concern the Kremlin's attempts to sway pro-Russian populations in areas of Ukraine, given China's own restive minority populations in border regions.

US officials also have tried to keep China from supporting Russia's moves in Ukraine by appealing to Beijing's well-known and vehement opposition to outside intervention in other nations' domestic affairs. Officials say they plan to emphasize that stance when they discuss Asia's territorial disputes with regional leaders this week.

"We have been talking with them about the importance of a strong international front to uphold principles that they and we all hold dear, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations, the need for peaceful resolution of disputes," said Susan Rice, Obama's national security adviser. "And we will continue to have that discussion throughout each of the stops on our trip."

Obama's eight-day Asia swing is a makeup for a visit he canceled last fall because of a US government shutdown. Leaving Washington on Tuesday, he will stop briefly in Oso, Washington state, where mudslides killed dozens of people. He will arrive Wednesday in Japan.

Obama's advisers say there are no plans to scrap the trip if the situation in Ukraine worsens. But the president may have to make decisions while traveling about imposing more penalties against Russia if a deal to ease the crisis collapses.

The United States, Russia, Ukraine and the European Union signed an agreement Thursday. But already, the prospects of it holding appear slim, with pro-Russian insurgents in eastern Ukraine refusing to leave the government buildings they occupy in nearly a dozen cities.

Russia's foreign ministry on Saturday said it would offer strong help to Ukraine, but that responsibility for reducing tensions rested with Ukrainians, not outsiders.

Compared with Russia's actions in Ukraine, China has been relatively restrained in its territorial ambitions. But tensions spiked last fall when Beijing declared an air defense zone over a large part of the East China Sea, including the disputed islands controlled by Japan and a maritime rock claimed by both China and South Korea. China's coast guard also has blocked Filipino ships in the South China Sea in recent weeks.

China claims virtually the entire South China Sea. Nansha is the Chinese name for the Spratlys, a chain of resource-rich islands, islets and reefs claimed partly or wholly by China, the Philippines, Malaysia and other Southeast Asian nations.

Former Philippine national security adviser Roilo Golez said he expects Beijing to avoid Russian-style moves on any of the disputed territories, in large part because China is surrounded by American allies from the East China Sea to the Strait of Malacca and may have to deal with the US military in the region if it undertakes a major act of aggression.

"It would be a folly on the part of China to do anything drastic, to do a Crimea," Golez said.

Associated Press writers Jim Gomez in Manila and Elaine Kurtenbach in Tokyo contributed to this report.

The post Asia Seeks Obama's Assurance in Territorial Spats appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

More Bodies Discovered in South Korean Ferry Sinking

Posted: 20 Apr 2014 09:50 PM PDT

South Korea, ferry, Sewol, sinking

Maritime police search for missing passengers in front of the South Korean ferry 'Sewol,' which sank at sea on April 16, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Kim Hong-ji)

JINDO, South Korea — There are no names listed as relatives huddle around signboards to identify bodies from a sunken ferry. Just the slimmest of clues about mostly young lives now lost. Many favored hoodies and track pants. One girl painted her fingernails red and toenails black. Another had braces on her teeth.

As divers increasingly making their way into the ship, including a new entryway through the dining hall Monday, there's been a big jump in the discovery of corpses. And so more grim work for relatives gathered on Jindo, an island near the ferry. Until recently, they have been waiting and hoping that round-the-clock rescue operations would find survivors.

Meanwhile, a newly released transcript shows the ship was crippled by confusion and indecision well after it began listing Wednesday. The transcript suggests that the chaos may have added to a death toll that could eventually exceed 300.

Many people followed the captain's initial order to stay below deck, where it is feared they remain trapped. Sixty-four bodies have been recovered, and about 240 people are still missing. The ferry sank with 476 people on board, many of them students from a single high school.

According to the transcript released by South Korea's coast guard, about 30 minutes after the Sewol began tilting a crew member asked a marine traffic controller whether passengers would be rescued if they abandoned ship off South Korea's southern coast. The crew member posed the question three times in succession.

That followed several statements from the ship that people aboard could not move and another in which someone said that it was "impossible to broadcast" instructions.

An unidentified official at Jindo Vessel Traffic Services Center told the crew that they should "go out and let the passengers wear life jackets and put on more clothing."

"If this ferry evacuates passengers, will you be able to rescue them?" the unidentified crew member asked.

"At least make them wear life rings and make them escape!" the traffic-center official responded.

"If this ferry evacuates passengers, will they be rescued right away?" the crew member asked again.

"Don't let them go bare—at least make them wear life rings and make them escape," the traffic official repeated. "The rescue of human lives from the Sewol ferry … the captain should make his own decision and evacuate them. We don't know the situation very well. The captain should make the final decision and decide whether you're going to evacuate passengers or not."

"I'm not talking about that," the crew member said. "I asked—if they evacuate now, can they be rescued right away?"

The traffic official then said patrol boats would arrive in 10 minutes, though another civilian ship was already nearby and had told controllers that it would rescue anyone who went overboard.

The cause of the disaster is not yet known, but prosecutors have said the ship made a sharp turn before it began to list. Several crew members, including the captain, have been arrested on suspicion of negligence and abandoning passengers.

More than 170 people survived the sinking of the Sewol, which had been on its way from the South Korean port city of Incheon to the southern tourist island of Jeju. The captain took more than half an hour to issue an evacuation order, which several passengers have said they never heard.

The confirmed death toll climbed over the weekend after divers finally found a way inside the sunken vessel and quickly discovered more than a dozen bodies. They had been hampered for days by strong currents, bad weather and low visibility.

Dozens of relatives have started camping out at the port in Jindo to be closer to where the search was taking place, sleeping in tents in the open. Volunteers provided food and drinks and ran cellphone charging stations. A Buddhist monk in white robes stood facing the water and chanted in a calm monotone as several relatives stood behind him, their hands pressed together and heads bowed in prayer.

Anguished families, fearful they might be left without even their loved ones' bodies, vented rage Sunday over the government's handling of the crisis.

About 100 relatives attempted a long protest march to the presidential Blue House in Seoul, about 400 kilometers (250 miles) to the north, saying they wanted to voice their complaints to President Park Geun-hye. They walked for about six hours before police officers in neon jackets blocked a main road.

"The government is the killer," they shouted as they pushed against a police barricade.

"We want an answer from the person in charge about why orders are not going through and nothing is being done," said Lee Woon-geun, father of 17-year-old missing passenger Lee Jung-in. "They are clearly lying and kicking the responsibility to others."

He said relatives are desperate to retrieve bodies before they decompose beyond recognition.

"After four or five days, the body starts to decay. When it's decayed, if you try to hold a hand, it might fall off," he said. "I miss my son. I'm really afraid I might not get to find his body."

The Sewol's captain, Lee Joon-seok, 68, was arrested Saturday, along with one of the ship's three helmsmen and the 25-year-old third mate. The third mate was steering at the time of the accident, in a challenging area where she had not steered before, and the captain said he was not on the bridge at the time.

Senior prosecutor Yang Jung-jin said the third mate has refused to tell investigators why she made the sharp turn. Prosecutors have not named the third mate, but a fellow crew member identified her as Park Han-kyul.

As he was taken from court in Mokpo on Saturday, the captain explained his decision to wait before ordering an evacuation.

"At the time, the current was very strong, the temperature of the ocean water was cold," Lee told reporters, describing his fear that passengers, even if they were wearing life jackets, could drift away "and face many other difficulties."

He said rescue boats had not yet arrived, and there were no civilian vessels nearby.

Kim reported from Mokpo, South Korea; Foster Klug, Youkyung Lee, Jung-yoon Choi and Leon Drouin-Keith in Seoul; and Minjeong Hong in Jindo contributed to this report.

The post More Bodies Discovered in South Korean Ferry Sinking appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Group Concerned for Karen Activist Missing in Thailand

Posted: 20 Apr 2014 10:52 PM PDT

Karen, Myanmar, environmentalist, activist, Thailand, human rights, Human Rights Watch

A photo shows Thailand's Kaengkrachan National Park, located on the border of southern Burma's Tenasserim Division, where ethnic Karen environmental activist Por Cha Lee Rakcharoen disappeared. (Photo: Wikicommons)

BANGKOK — An international human rights group urged Thai authorities on Monday to investigate the disappearance of a prominent environmental activist.

Por Cha Lee Rakcharoen, known as "Billy," was detained in Petchaburi province’s Kaengkrachan National Park, located on the border of southern Burma's Tenasserim Division, on Thursday for carrying illegal wild honey and has not been seen since shortly after he was released.

He was en route at the time to meet ethnic Karen villagers and activists in preparation for an upcoming lawsuit that accuses park officials of burning and destroying the homes and property of more than 20 families in the area.

"National parks should be a place to enjoy natural beauty and serene vistas, not a place for officials to abuse people," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "So long as Billy’s whereabouts are unknown, a sense of fear will stalk the park communities demanding their rights."

Park chief Chaiwat Limlikitaksorn said that the activist was released because the illegal honey he was allegedly carrying was deemed a petty offence. A witness contacted by The Associated Press, Issara Seuksahet, confirmed Billy was freed and was last seen Thursday riding a yellow motorcycle in the rain.

Police Col. Woradet Suanklaai said that a missing person complaint has been filed but Billy’s whereabouts remained unknown.

Human Rights Watch said that Chaiwat himself was under investigation for allegedly masterminding the killing of an activist from Billy’s network in 2011, who had helped ethnic Karen villagers report on abuses, violence, illegal logging, and poaching allegedly committed by park officials.

Chaiwat has not been suspended from duty as required under disciplinary regulations regarding officials under criminal investigation, Human Rights Watch said. "Chaiwat’s presence at the national park has been a cause of fear among local activists and villagers, particularly those involved in lawsuits against him," it added.

National Human Rights Commissioner Niran Pitakwachara also called on authorities to find the activist.

"Billy is not an ordinary villager who simply went missing. He is a key Karen activist who is fighting in a case in the Administrative Court, and it’s the job of the government and the administrative officials to find out where he might be, whether he is being tortured or even killed," Niran said.

The post Group Concerned for Karen Activist Missing in Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Saturday, April 19, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Aid shortage hits Kachin refugees

Posted: 18 Apr 2014 07:43 PM PDT

Hundreds of displaced villagers who fled their homes in Mansi amidst escalating violence in Kachin State late last week are now facing an extreme shortage of provisions and adequate accommodation, according to local relief workers.

Ja Nu of the Metta Development Foundation said some 900 internally displaced persons (IDP) from Mansi are housed in cramped conditions at a school in Namhkam, northern Shan State. The refugees have been provided temporary shelter, but remain uncertain as to their next move.

"The [IDP] are only allowed to stay at the school for just a few days – previously we tried to negotiate with local authorities to provide them shelter at a disused airfield in the town, but that hasn't been successful," Ja Nu said.

"We have now suggested that the IDP move to a vacant lot planned for a new boarding school, but we have not yet had a response."

The IDP have received aid from several organisations including the Chinese government, Karuna Myanmar Foundation, Metta Development Foundation as well as the Kachin Baptist Church and local sympathisers. All, however, are still short of blankets, medicine and clean drinking water.

Fighting flared on Thursday, 10 April between troops of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burmese government in the Mansi area, after Burmese troops bolstered their presence in Kachin and northern Shan States, including KIA-controlled territory.

Mary Tawm, coordinator of Kachin aid group Wunpawng Ninghtoi, said that over 2,000 residents from 24 villages in Man Waing Gyi and Panhkam villages were forced to flee the fighting in last week – some towards Namhkam and others towards the China border.

According to Ja Nu, 200 IDP fled across the China border to the town of Ruili as the fighting escalated. Many, she says, are yet to return home, despite facing considerable pressure from Chinese authorities to do so. According to several IDP, the fear that Burmese army troops may still be holding positions surrounding their villages is strong enough to prevent them from returning home.

Hseng Wan, chairman of the Shan Nationalities Development Party in Namhkam, said that over 100 Shan IDP previously sheltering at a monastery in the town had been able to return to their villages on 13 and 14 of April after a break in the fighting. However, two of them, Hseng Wan says, have been forced to remain in a Chinese hospital, suffering from injuries sustained as the Burmese army allegedly shelled Panhkam and Nawngjun villages.

Reacting to the violence, The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a coalition of ethnic armed groups engaged in ceasefire talks with the government, has said the renewed offensive by the Burmese army against KIA rebels in northern Burma threatens efforts towards a nationwide ceasefire.

Nai Hongsa, New Mon State Party vice-chair and spokesperson for the UNFC said the army's attack on the Kachin has significantly reduced trust between the government and armed groups.

"The offensive, carried out despite the ongoing effort for a nationwide ceasefire, has had a negative impact, but we will try as much as we can to salvage the dialogue," Nai Hongsa said.

Pado Kwe Htoo Win, general-secretary of the Karen National Union agrees that efforts need to be redoubled, saying that the fighting is all the more reason to press ahead with ceasefire talks.

"We believe that reaching an agreement with the government is crucial to prevent fighting like this in the future," he said.

Representatives of ethnic armed groups and the government held talks in Rangoon from 5 to 8 April, where they successfully penned the first draft of a single-text nationwide ceasefire agreement. They are scheduled meet again in May for further drafting.

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Lotus of SoHo Comes Home

Posted: 18 Apr 2014 09:04 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, Yangon, Mo Hom, women's empowerment, fashion, style, culture, SoHo, Manhattan, Lotus Hom, Mon Précieux

Nan Mo Hom at her workshop in Yangon. (Photo: Lotus Hom)

YANGON — It was a spectacular autumn day in New York City when Lotus Hom, a boutique in the city's famed SoHo shopping district, closed its doors for the last time. It was a sad occasion, but mixed with the melancholy there was also an air of celebration, like the brilliant fall colors that marked the end of one season and the start of another.

"I was so sad that I had to leave my colleagues and partners who stood with me from the beginning, but at the same time, I was so excited and happy to think that I would soon be returning to my motherland," recalls Mo Hom, the owner of Lotus Hom, of the day she closed her designer boutique in November 2012.

"My dream of bringing New York's fashions to my country had come true, but I felt such a mixture of excitement, happiness and sadness at the time that I can hardly express it."

An ethnic Shan who graduated from Mandalay University, Mo Hom had already had a successful career in Myanmar's hotel industry, working in her early twenties as a marketing executive for the Sedona Hotel and Hotel Nikko, when she decided to pursue what she considered to be her true calling: fashion design.

At first, her family tried to discourage her from following her ambition. Her mother, a skilled seamstress, urged her to do something more "professional." Both parents wanted her to continue her studies, telling her that she should learn both English and Chinese as a way of getting ahead in the world. They said that when she was 25, she could make her own choices, but until then, she had to listen to them.

That day finally came in 2003, when she was living and working in Yangon.

"On my 25th birthday, I phoned my parents and told them I had decided to go to New York to study design. They were very surprised, and at first they tried to convince me to go to Australia, because they thought the US wasn't safe after the 9/11 terror attacks. But in the end, I won, and joined the Katherine Gibbs School to study fashion design and merchandising."

Mo Hom stayed at the school just long enough—one semester—to learn the basics of design and marketing, then switched to the New York School of Design to earn a diploma in textile design.

After gaining experience at a couple of New York's leading fashion-design companies, Mo Hom took another great leap, opening her own boutique on Mott Street in Lower Manhattan's SoHo district.

Her company, Lotus Hom LLC, is a partial translation of her name, which means "fragrant lotus" in her native Shan language. Taking traditional Myanmar culture as her inspiration, she designs high-quality fashion that is simple, chic and sexy—but not too revealing.

"You don't need to show everything to be sexy and attractive. I think most people share my fashion philosophy, because my customers say they are really satisfied with Lotus Hom products," says Mo Hom.

With a wardrobe full of high-end fashion made from the finest silk, brocade, cotton, linen, knit and lambskin leather from Italy, China and Korea, Lotus Hom quickly established itself as a well-known brand among Manhattan residents.

"My customers used to comment that our products were simple and unique, never out of date. Everything was produced in New York and labeled 'Made in New York,' so that may be another reason we were so popular."

But even as her business was thriving, Mo Hom felt that something was missing from the glamorous life she was leading.

"I was like, what am I doing here at all these parties and fashion shows? I realized that I wasn't happy because I missed my home. I thought it would be good if I could work from my country."

When the political climate started to change in Myanmar after 2011 and the country opened up to foreign investors, Mo Hom saw her chance to realize another dream: creating a proudly "Made in Myanmar" brand that she could market worldwide.

That was when she decided it was time to close her New York boutique, turn her business into an online store, and bring her vision back to Myanmar.

Creating opportunities for people in her homeland was a big part of what drew her back, she says.

"It's sad that we have to buy almost everything from foreign countries. Our country and our people have so much potential. Why can't we ship Made in Myanmar products worldwide?" she asks from her new design studio in Yangon, a world away from Lower Manhattan.

Located in a quiet five-story building in a busy part of Myanmar's commercial capital, the small but tidy studio opened in early 2013. Surrounded by colorful fabrics and raw materials from Korea, Thailand, China and Myanmar, Nan Mo Hom spends much of her time these days sketching, guiding and training her young employees.

A year after setting up shop in Yangon, she now has a new fashion line, Mon Précieux, aimed at the Myanmar market. Reasonably priced at between US$10 and $30, her designs have attracted the attention of retailers from around the country, including Yangon, Mandalay, Taunggyi, Pyin Oo Lwin and Monywa. Buyers visit her showroom to see samples and place orders, which are then sent to garment factories in North Okkalapa Township to be filled. The finished products are sold either with the Mon Précieux label or under the brand names of her customers' boutiques.

It has taken 13 months of hard work to get this far, but Mo Hom says that her efforts—driven by her desire to empower young women in her beloved country and to better understand the demands of the market—have been amply rewarded with a thriving business.

Mo Hom's label has already distinguished itself in a market dominated by inexpensive but low-quality fashion from China. "At first, people thought Mon Précieux was no different from the stuff from China, but later they fell in love with the perfect fitting, simple yet elegant, unique and attractive style of Mon Précieux," says Nan Moon Noon, the owner of a boutique in Taunggyi.

For an ambitious person like Mo Hom, succeeding in business or any other field has nothing to do with luck. The key, she says, is to enrich your life through creativity and by sharing what you've learned with others.

"I would like to teach young people here the things I learned in New York," she says. "Our country is rich with various kinds of raw materials and our people are talented. We need to upgrade our skills and we need better technology. If we work together with persistent effort, our country will surely be able to rise from poverty to prosperity."

As a mentee of the Vital Voices Global Partnership, a Washington, D.C.-based non-profit organization that seeks to foster leadership skills in women, Mo Hom can appreciate the value of others' experience. And as a female entrepreneur who has succeeded in a very competitive industry, she also believes in the strength of women.

"People think that women are weak, but really, they are smart, intelligent, caring and sharing people. If you teach a woman something, you are teaching her entire family. And by developing families, you are developing whole communities," she says.

But as much as she appreciates women's "soft power," she also knows that sometimes you have to be tough just to survive. This was a lesson she learned from her father, who taught her Shan martial arts—a skill that later led to training in kickboxing during her days in New York.

"A woman living alone in New York has to know how to protect herself, and I loved kickboxing. Women don't have to be soft all the time," says Mo Hom, who is cooperating with Akhaya, one of Myanmar's leading women's organizations, to teach martial arts to young women.

As much as she has to offer her countrywomen, however, Mo Hom believes that the key to success is already within their reach.

"We just have to follow our hearts. You have to choose the work that makes you happy, that interests you most. But you also need to think of those around you—how you can best serve your community. If you do this, and do your best, your work will be your greatest happiness."

This article first appeared in the April 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post The Lotus of SoHo Comes Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Friday, April 18, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Forgotten, but Not Gone

Posted: 17 Apr 2014 11:51 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, Mu River valley, Sagaing Region, Portuguese, ancestry, Bayingyi

U Ba Htay, 89, is from the village of Monhla, home to around 170 Bayingyi households. (Photo: Yan Pai / The Irrawaddy)

THE MU RIVER VALLEY, Sagaing Region — Myanmar has a long and complicated history, full of footnotes that could take up whole chapters. One episode that still stands out, even though precious little remains to remind us of it today, came in the early 17th century, when Portuguese adventurers held the fate of kingdoms in their hands.

The Portuguese first started arriving on Myanmar's shores some 500 years ago, but it was not until 1599, when the mercenary Filipe de Brito e Nicote wrested control of Thanlyin (Syriam) away from the powerful Taungoo dynasty, that they gained a foothold in the country.

De Brito (known in Myanmar as Nga Zinga) was subsequently named governor of this strategically important port on the Bago River opposite Yangon (then called Dagon) by the Rakhine king Min Razagyi, in whose service he had captured it. But his true loyalties soon revealed themselves when, in 1603, he claimed Thanlyin for Portugal.

Once in power, de Brito quickly earned a permanent place in Myanmar's annals of infamy by plundering Buddhist temples for their bells, which he had recast as cannons. His reign was short-lived, however: In 1613, King Anaukpetlun reclaimed Thanlyin for the Taungoo dynasty, and had de Brito impaled for desecrating Buddhist holy sites.

For most in Myanmar, that is where the story ends. What few realize, however, is that in a remote corner of Sagaing Region some 93 miles (150 km) northwest of Mandalay, the legacy of de Brito's brief foray onto the stage of Myanmar history lives on to this day.

After de Brito was executed, most of the 5,000 Portuguese soldiers who had served under him were transported to Innwa (Ava), then the Taungoo capital, as prisoners of war. Some were recruited to serve as military advisers, but the bulk, it was decided, were best resettled somewhere else, at a safe distance from the seat of power.

That is how the Bayingyi, as these former Portuguese mercenaries and their descendants are known, came to inhabit a handful of villages in the dry, inhospitable region between the Mu and Chindwin rivers.

Today, in villages like Monhla and Chanthar in the valley of the Mu River, the surviving Bayingyi eke out a modest living as farmers or traders, and are almost indistinguishable from their Buddhist neighbors apart from certain features, such as their long, straight noses and light-colored eyes.

"My parents told me that we were descended from the Portuguese, but really, we are all mixed up," says U Ba Htay, 89, from the village of Monhla, located about 14 miles (22.5 km) west of the town of Khin-U.

Despite his piercing gray eyes and tall stature, U Ba Htay is in most respects a typical man of Anyar, as this region is known: He has the distinctive sense of humor of the local people of this region, and speaks with a strong Anyar accent as he puffs away on a cheroot rolled up in a corn husk.

Monhla has around 170 Bayingyi households, and despite its modest size, is graced with an impressive Catholic church, St. Michael's, built in the Gothic style to accommodate the tombs of Barnabite priests from Italy who came to minister to the Portuguese banished to this area. Among those interred here is Father Giovanni Maria Percoto, who played a major role in bringing Western learning to pre-colonial Myanmar in the late 18th century.

These days, most of the priests serving local congregations are natives of the area. Despite this, however, many still profess loyalties to a distant land that few have ever visited.

"Many generations have passed since our ancestors came here, but I still feel that because of my heredity, I should support the Portuguese team when they're playing football," says Father Paul Thet Khing from Chanthar, a village in Ye-U Township that is home to more than 1,100 Bayingyi.

Despite their ties to a foreign land, in the centuries that followed their forced resettlement here, the Bayingyi fought bravely alongside Myanmar troops to defend the country from outsiders, helping to defeat the Chinese during the war of 1765-1769, and suffering great losses in the First Anglo-Myanmar War of 1824-1826.

Sadly, however, their unique identity has long since been erased. Apart from their religious affiliation, nothing survives of the culture of their forebears, and since the socialist era (1962-1988), they have been required to identify themselves as ethnic Bamar rather than as Bayingyi.

"After 400 years of intermarriage, there is nothing left of our Portuguese culture for us to preserve," concedes another priest, Father Alphonse U Ko Lay. "All that remains now is our faith, and the only thing we can do to keep that alive is practice our freedom of worship."

The post Forgotten, but Not Gone appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Developer’s Dream: Housing for All

Posted: 17 Apr 2014 09:39 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, low-cost housing, Yangon, Rangoon

'If the government asked me to build 20,000 units right now, I could do it,' says Taw Win Family Construction chairman U Ko Ko Htwe. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Yangon is a city abuzz with economic activity, as the world rediscovers one of the region's most promising frontier markets after decades of isolation. With this, however, comes a growing housing crisis, as the city seeks to accommodate its rapidly expanding labor force.

Government plans to build 30,000 new low-cost public housing units next year may bring some relief, but the real answer, argues Taw Win Family Construction Chairman U Ko Ko Htwe, is private-sector investment. In this interview with The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Hsu Mon, one of the country's top property developers outlines the challenges facing his industry, and discusses how the government could make it easier to turn Yangon into a city of homeowners.

Question: What are the most pressing problems for the construction sector in Yangon right now?

Answer: The biggest one is that we lack the latest technology, although that is improving. Still, we can't compare with what foreign investors have at their disposal. Besides this, we face a shortage of human resources. In the past, a lot of technicians left the country because they could make more money overseas, and even now that the country is opening up, they're in no hurry to come back. Because the demand for skilled workers outstrips the supply, the cost of labor is more than we can afford.

The price of land is also a huge problem. Prices here are almost the same as Singapore, but very few people can afford to pay them. Building materials are also expensive here, so we can't use the best quality.

Finally, I would say that there is a great deal of inefficiency here, due to the way the economy is run. We end up wasting time, wasting money and wasting materials because of this. Interest rates are also too high—I believe Myanmar's rates are the highest among the Asean countries.

Q: Why do you think interest rates are so high?

A: The problem is with the thinking of key people at the Central Bank. Even though the president has made the bank independent of the Ministry of Finance, it still has the same governor. Because he doesn't really understand the nature of business or the financial system, nothing has really changed.

Q: Local businesses have recently called on the Central Bank to reduce interest rates from their current level [13 percent] within a year. How did the bank respond?

A: We—local businessmen—made that proposal at a meeting with the president on Feb. 22. It's not just the construction sector that wants this to happen, it's almost everyone. Foreign banks are starting to come to Myanmar, and they can offer loans at much lower rates, and charge smaller transaction fees. But it's up to the Central Bank to control the country's financial situation. Unless it does, the economy will suffer.

It's important to get the country's capital in circulation. Unless the financial system is working properly, that won't happen. The Central Bank also has to manage the floating exchange rate. If the bank isn't able to do these things, and can't make flexible interest rates for us, we don't dare make a move, even though the country is opening up.

Q: Yangon's population is growing fast. How many new residential units need to be built to keep up with this growth?

A: We won't really know the population until the census is completed, and in terms of demand, these days we are seeing some people who are buying two or more properties. That makes it difficult to calculate how many new units we can build. Generally, the supply of condominiums and the demand are balanced. The problem is that while there are some people out there who can buy, there are lots of others who can't. People on lower incomes are struggling just to pay rent. That's why developers need to build more low-cost housing, as a kind of poverty reduction. I'm sure that if we built 100,000 low-cost units, we could easily sell them all.

Q: How can you be sure that they would be bought by their intended market, and not by speculators?

A: Well, last year, we sold out more than 3,000 low-cost units for 16.5 million kyats [US$16,500] each, and now they're selling for 70 million kyats [$70,000]. The trouble is we can't control the prices once we've sold the properties. Sometimes it's the consumers themselves who are playing the market. If we could build a lot more of these units, that wouldn't happen. But that would take a lot of developers building affordable housing, not just me. If the government gave us access to some of the available land—there's lots of it—we could build enough housing for 10 million people.

Q: Which areas do you have in mind?

A: You don't even have to go as far as North or South Dagon or Hlaing Tharyar to find suitable land. Within Mingaladon, Insein, Mayangone, South and North Okkalapa, Thaketa, Bahan, Hlaing and Kamaryut townships, there's lots of space left in Yangon.

Q: So you're saying that there is still a lot of space for developers to work in, within the area administered by the Yangon City Development Committee?

A: Yes, even if we work within this area, we could build enough housing for 10 million people. All we need is better city planning.

Q: Why haven't other developers shown much interest in low-cost housing? Is it because it doesn't make much of a profit?

A: With better management, the right technical resources and goodwill, it would work. If the government asked me to build 20,000 units right now, I could do it, because I already have a system for building low-cost housing. With five more people like me, we could create a lively market.

Q: So what would the government have to do to make it happen?

A: Well, the government controls a lot of vacant land, including land owned by the regional government and the army. If it freed up that land, it would benefit everyone. Even if the profit was just 300,000 kyats [$300] per unit, with 20,000 units, that would come to 6 billion kyats [$6 million]. Of that amount, about 1.5 billion kyats [$1.5 million] would go back to the government in taxes.

Q: How many units have you already built in Yangon?

A: We built 1,600 units at the first Mudita housing project in Thamine and 1,700 in Insein Township, so a total of 3,300 units. We're not sure about starting a third project, because we need a big space to build a low-cost housing project, about 30 or 40 acres. That would include a hospital, school and other facilities, too.

If the government made the land available, we could pay the normal price. We wouldn't expect to get it for nothing. I would build nine-story buildings with elevators. Each unit would be 600 square feet, with two rooms.

Q: What about the issue of squatters in Yangon? How do you think this problem can be solved?

A: As I said before, if the government gave developers access to land, we could create very low-cost housing for them. They could buy new homes on installment plans, which they could pay off in five to 10 years. We could sell them for 4.4 million kyats [$4,400] per unit. If the government offered subsidies, it could be theirs in five years if they pay just 50,000 kyats [$50] a month. If not, they can have their own home in Yangon after just 10 years.

The post A Developer's Dream: Housing for All appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Interfaith couple targeted by mob in Pegu

Posted: 18 Apr 2014 05:55 AM PDT

Four houses were burnt in an attack against an interfaith couple in Nattalin Township, Pegu Division on 16 April, according to local authorities. No one was injured and authorities said that calm has been restored.

Khin Aye, the National League for Democracy chairperson for Nattalin Township and member of a local security committee, told DVB that a mob gathered on 15 April, surrounding the house of a young Buddhist woman. The crowd demanded that her family "turn over" her Muslim partner, who was visiting the house at the time.

Khin Aye said the woman called the police, who arrived promptly and escorted the man to safety, but some villagers returned the next day and burnt down four houses, including the home of the woman's parents.

"On the evening of 15 April, the girl called the police requesting help, reporting that a mob had surrounded her house and was demanding the man be turned over. When her family refused, they threatened to burn down the house. Police arrived at the scene in time and escorted the man to safety as the mob smashed the windshields of police vehicles.

"The incident led to an argument between local monks and the girl's family. On 16 April, the mob came back and burnt down four houses, including the homes of the girl's parents and other relatives."

Local authorities said that they are taking steps to prevent further violence, however an official on duty at Nattalin police station told DVB by phone on Friday that no legal action has been taken against any of the attackers.

Similar incidents targeting Muslims broke out in Pegu's Zigon, Nattalin, Jobingauk, Minhla, Tharawaddy and Monyo townships following  the Buddhist New Year in 2013.

A controversial draft interfaith marriage law is currently being debated in parliament, which, if passed, would require non-Buddhist men to convert in order to marry a Buddhist woman. Interfaith couples would also be made to obtain written consent from the bride's parents.

Amid peace talks, health cooperation in Karen State sends positive signals

Posted: 18 Apr 2014 01:43 AM PDT

Over six decades of civil war in Eastern Burma, civilians fled en masse over the border to Thailand in search of basic necessities – physical security, food, medicine.

But now, glimmers of hope are shining through back home. A nationwide ceasefire process is underway, and the government has signed ceasefires with the vast majority of the country's ethnic armed groups. To be sure, the durability of these accords is far from assured. Conditions in some parts of the country remain violent and tense, but Karen State — where the majority of the refugees in Thailand originate — is experiencing what is perhaps the calmest period in its modern history.

Although high-level negotiations are still underway, health services for tens of thousands of people living in territories controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU) are steadily improving, a corollary of the peace process that is already palpable.

"We can conduct our activities safely, and we have more access to our communities," says Gyi Gyi, an official with the KNU's medical relief arm, the Karen Department of Health and Welfare (KDHW), who conducts cross-border relief work from his regional headquarters in Mae Sariang, Thailand. "When we met with the SPDC soldiers [in the past], they would shoot our medics. But now, according to the ceasefire process, our medics can [travel] freely."

The KDHW provides the only front-line health care available to residents of KNU-controlled areas of Karen State, and other Karen-majority territories further afield. The Burmese military classified these areas "free fire" zones when hostilities were active, rendering impossible any hope of offering permanent health services across vast swathes of the state.

Although a finalised peace accord is still elusive, the KDHW has taken steps to increase its presence in areas where fighting historically limited its ability to operate. In the past, the KDHW operated most of its brick-and-mortar clinics at a distance from populated areas likely to come under attack; the core of its operations were based around ten-man "mobile clinics" that moved from village to village, able to pack up and leave on short notice.

As perceived security has increased, the KDHW has transformed these mobile clinics into 35 "village-tract health centres," physical bases of operation from where medics can travel to more remote locations. "Some clinics that we built in remote areas, we have now moved to villages, which acts as a centre for other villages," Gyi Gyi said.

The village-tract health centres offer basic front-line health services, including immunizations, malaria treatment, nutrition programmes and trauma care, and serve populations of between 3,500 and 5,000 each. But despite the advantages inherent to not having to move around, facilities are rudimentary and health outcomes are still poor.

Poor healthcare is not unique to Karen State, but rather a nationwide phenomenon. In 2011, Naypyidaw allocated just US$2.90 per person for healthcare, less than almost any other government on earth.

But despite the government's own limited provision of health services, cooperation is on the agenda. The KDHW opened a dialogue with their counterparts in the Karen State health department one year ago, a development that would have been implausible just months before. "Now, the KDHW is still talking with the government," Gyi Gyi said. "We have talked with the state health department seven times."

The KDHW seeks official recognition as the main healthcare provider for areas outside the reach of the government in Karen State, and wants to cooperate with the government on a range of initiatives, including maternal health, malaria eradication, and infrastructure projects, such as improving access to water and sanitation. To facilitate communication, it recently opened a branch office in Hpa-An, the capital of Karen State. It is also seeking official accreditation for the KDHW's medics, who undergo much more rigorous training than do government employees.

State-level negotiations have been extremely positive, Gyi Gyi claims, but true decision-making power is out of the local government's hands. "They need to send all information to the union health level, and then if the union health level says we can proceed, we will," he said.

While the KDHW still receives the bulk of its funds from border-based organisations, it is now able to receive funds from Rangoon-based donors through the Myanmar Peace Centre, the government's one-stop clearinghouse for peace negotiations and the allocation of funds associated with it.

For the KDHW, it's a welcome change, but not one that it's entirely accustomed to yet. "When you build peace, you need to adjust many things," Gyi Gyi said. "At least, we now have channels: Even if we cannot go directly to the government, we can go through the peace centre, which coordinates between us and the government." Eventually, he believes, the KDHW will receive funds directly from the government, but "it'll be better to negotiate that after a [peace] agreement is signed."

 For all the tangible progress made on health in Karen State, the gains witnessed over the past two years could be eradicated if the peace process were to turn sour. A long-postponed third round of peace talks is set to be held in Hpa-An in May, but there can be no assurances it will go smoothly. "While we see there's no fighting, both sides, especially from the military, should sign onto a code of conduct, but that [agreement] hasn't been reached yet," Gyi Gyi said.

Yet the positive ties forged between the KDHW and the government may serve as a bellwether for the future of the peace process writ large. "We are looking forward to the next KNU meeting with the government. It's very important for us, to be able to work for our people in the future," Gyi Gyi said. "This process has progressed very far in one year, but we will see how things will be in 2015 about Burma."

US calls on Burma to intervene in Rohingya crisis

Posted: 17 Apr 2014 11:46 PM PDT

Addressing the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on Thursday, US ambassador to the UN Samantha Power called on the Burmese government to address communal tensions that have stoked nationwide violence that left more than 200 dead and 140,000 displaced.

The stateless Rohingya Muslim minority, predominantly of Burma's western Arakan State, has been subject to the worst of internecine violence and makes up the vast majority of internally displaced persons (IDP) in Sittwe and surrounds. As Arakan State’s population begins to feel effects of a critical aid shortage, the US has called on the Burmese government to ensure the delivery of aid.

Speaking after a presentation by Vijay Nambiar, the UN Secretary General’s Special Advisor on Burma, Power reportedly said that the US "continues to support Burma’s reforms, but are greatly concerned that without effective government intervention violence in Rakhine [Arakan] could worsen, lives will be lost, and the critically needed humanitarian presence will not be sustainable.”

Late last month, rioting in Sittwe forced the evacuation of hundreds of aid workers, when mobs of Arakanese Buddhists ransacked more than 30 homes and offices occupied by NGO staff. Many Arakanese believe that international aid workers are biased towards the Muslim community.

Power called on the Burmese government to intervene in the situation, which the US believes could result in more violence. The Burmese Union and Arakanese State governments have made some effort to bridge the gap left by expelled aid workers. However, according to Human Rights Watch,"the [Union] government claims it is committed to ending ethnic strife and abuse, but recent events in Arakan State demonstrate that state-sponsored persecution and discrimination persist."