Thursday, June 5, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Govt Advisors Meets Ethnic Parties to Discuss Future Political Dialogue

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 05:54 AM PDT

Myanmar peace process, Myanmar ethnic issues

MPC members (L) hold talks about a future political dialogue with political parties in Rangoon on Wednesday. (Photo: Facebook / MPC)

RANGOON — The government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) held a meeting with an alliance of ethnic and opposition parties on Wednesday to hold the first ever talks about the nature of the political dialogue that should settle Burma's long-running ethnic conflict, political party members said.

The Burmese government and ethnic rebel groups have said that a political dialogue would start within two months after the signing of a nationwide ceasefire accord. A ceasefire agreement is yet to be finalized, however.

A political dialogue would likely be a process that lasts several years and involve trying to settle the issue of political autonomy for Burma's various ethnic regions, control over natural resources in these areas, and whether Burma will have one single, federal army.

The Federal Democratic Alliance (FDA), which comprises 11 ethnic political parties and opposition parties, said it met with MPC representatives to discuss drafting a framework for the future political dialogue.

"The MPC met with eleven parties in the FDA and discussed drafting a framework for political dialogue," Dixon Tun Lin, a central executive committee member of the Karen People’s Party, told The Irrawaddy. "We were asked to draft at least three types of framework."

"The MPC explained the current peace process [and said] that 70 percent of the [nationwide ceasefire] agreement has been completed," said Toe Toe, information officer of National Democratic Force party, which is also a FDA member.

"Drafting the framework should start within two months after a nationwide ceasefire is signed," he said. "They invited us to give suggestions" about the draft framework.

Toe Toe said the parties told the MPC that future negotiations on the nationwide ceasefire should include more participants, and the parties suggested that 300 participants each from the army, Parliament, and ethnic rebels and parties take part.

During the discussion Wednesday, Aung Naing Oo, Associate Director of the MPC's Peace Dialogue Program, explained how the government planned to complete the nationwide ceasefire negotiations and how it wants to set the conditions for a comprehensive political dialogue and carry out the dialogue.

A statement by the National Democratic Force said the government advisors at the MPC had asked the parties to draft a framework for a future political dialogue.

"FDA member parties already held a workshop about the terms that should be in place for a political dialogue. The basic draft is ready," the statement said. "A complete framework will be ready after developing it during more discussions."

The FDA comprises small opposition parties, such as the National Democratic Force, the Democratic Party Myanmar and the Unity and Peace Party, and ethnic minority parties, such as Karen People's Party, Karen Democratic Party and the Chin Progressive Party.

Burma has another alliance of ethnic parties, the National Brotherhood Federation, which includes organizations such as the Shan National League for Democracy and the All Mon Region Democracy Party.

It is unclear whether this alliance or Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party is scheduled to meet with the MPC for talks about a future political dialogue with Burma's ethnic minorities.

It also remains to be seen when a nationwide ceasefire would be reached.

An alliance of 16 ethnic armed groups met with the government's peace negotiations team and Burma Army representatives in Rangoon last month, for a second round of talks on single text for the ceasefire. The sides are scheduled for another round of negotiations later this month.

Burma's reformist government has signed bilateral ceasefire agreements with more than a dozen major ethnic armed groups since taking office in 2012 and is keen to complete a nationwide ceasefire with all groups.

However, in northern Burma ethnic conflict continues to fester and the Kachin and Palaung rebels there do not have a bilateral ceasefire agreement.

The post Govt Advisors Meets Ethnic Parties to Discuss Future Political Dialogue appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Kayan Rebels Mark 50 Years Since Birth of Armed Struggle

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 04:44 AM PDT

Kayan

Kayan National Liberation Army troops hoist their guns during Kayan Revolutionary Day in Cebu village, southern Shan State, on Wednesday. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

PEKHON, Shan State — Hundreds of ethnic Kayan in Pekhon Township on Wednesday marked the golden jubilee of the founding of the Kayan National Liberation Army, a rebel militia formed 50 years ago to wage a campaign of armed resistance against Burma's central government.

The golden jubilee celebration was held in Cebu village, southern Shan State. About 200 armed soldiers from the Kayan National Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Kayan New Land Party (KNLP), marched to commemorate "Kayan Revolutionary Day."

Cebu, a rebel-controlled village located about three hours by car northwest of the Karenni State capital Loikaw, serves as the headquarters of the KNLP, which signed a ceasefire with the government in the mid-1990s.

The event was held early on Wednesday morning, with hundreds of ethnic Kayan gathering to mark the occasion, arriving to the hilltop base by foot or motorbike.

Kayan leaders addressing the crowd spoke of the need for the Kayan people to "maintain their armed revolution" until the ethnic group achieved equality and the right to self-determination.

"Our people need to maintain their armed revolution until the country has a new Constitution," said Than Soe Naing, chairman of the KNLP.

He said a new charter was needed because the 2008 Constitution—written by Burma's former junta—granted the military continued influence over the country's politics, despite reforms from the government of President Thein Sein in recent years.

The KNLP made its declaration of armed revolution on June 4, 1964, some two years after the late dictator Gen. Ne Win took power and undertook a campaign to suppress many of Burma's ethnic minority groups, including the Kayan.

Saw Lwin, a colonel from the Kayan National Liberation Army, recalled the rebel armed group's humble origins.

"Our people used homemade guns and knives—that is all they had. They fought back against the regime because our people were treated badly and unfairly," Saw Lwin said.

The colonel acknowledged that reforms had been enacted since 2011, but said members of the former military regime continued to rule the country, masked as civilian leadership.

The KNLP signed a ceasefire agreement with the central government in 1994, after three decades of fighting in which the KNLP says some 500 armed rebels lost their lives.

Nyein Maung, a senior military officer from the Kayan National Liberation Army, said relations with the Burmese Army were cordial at present, but added that the Kayan rebel group would not react passively to any government provocation.

"We have not gotten our freedom after 50 years. If we need to fight one more time, we will not be hesitant to do so. We will protect our people and pay with our lives," Nyein Maung said.

A 2006 diplomatic cable from the US Embassy in Rangoon, published by Wikileaks, described relations between the KNLP and the ruling junta of the time as "hot and cold." The cable cited as an example the Kayan group's decision to send a delegate to Burma's National Convention, which aimed to draft a new Constitution and ultimately produced the 2008 charter, while on multiple occasions denouncing the process as a sham.

Kayan leaders said on Wednesday that they would cooperate with other ethnic groups in the fight for a federal system in Burma.

"We need to have a federal system. We should have self-determination for our people," said Than Soe Naing.

Khun Hla Moe, a cofounder of the Kayan National Liberation Army, said that he had helped to form the Kayan National Liberation Army—a modest fighting force of 30 men initially—when he was just 12 years old.

With the armed group growing in strength, the Burmese Army launched a major offensive against the Kayan National Liberation Army in 1975, during which Khun Hla Moe said the regime forced civilians to serve as porters and detained civilians accused of supporting the Kayan rebels.

"I served as a porter when they [the Burmese Army] came to my village. They did not know me as a rebel. After portering, I took my gun from hiding, and shot them," Khun Hla Moe said.

The late Shwe Aye, a KNLP cofounder and longtime chairman of the group, was remembered with reverence on Wednesday.

"He was a good leader. I hid him whenever he would come to Pekhon town and the Burmese Army could not find him," said Khun Hla Moe.

Most of Burma's Kayan populations live in Loikaw and the lower reaches of neighboring Shan State. The Kayan have one legally registered ethnic political party, the Kayan National Party.

The post Kayan Rebels Mark 50 Years Since Birth of Armed Struggle appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

KNU Wants Thein Sein to Remain President After 2015

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 03:49 AM PDT

Thein Sein

President Thein Sein meets with the Karen delegation, including KNU chairman Mutu Say Poe, on Wednesday in Naypyidaw. (Photo: President's Office)

RANGOON — A delegation from the Karen National Union (KNU) and its armed group urged President Thein Sein to extend his presidency for another term, during a meeting in Naypyidaw on Wednesday.

During the meeting with high-ranking government officials, the delegation from the KNU and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) said they wanted the president to stay in office after the 2015 election because they feared a change in the government's top leader might affect negotiations with ethnic armed groups.

"Peace talks have happened under the regime of President Thein Sein, and he is the one who already understands what has happened in past years. If there's a change in president, we all will have to start the whole thing from the beginning," Mahn Nyein Maung, a member of the KNU's central executive committee, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday.

He said the president told the Karen delegation that his health was not strong enough to retain the post for another five years, but that he would do so if the people desired it.

"First we urged President Thein Sein to speed up the [peace] process and let the signing of the nationwide ceasefire and peace happen, within this year. Telling him to be president for the next five years is another option for the sake of a nationwide ceasefire and peace," the KNU member said.

The signing of a nationwide ceasefire accord between the government and ethnic armed groups across the country has been delayed several times. The KNU delegation said it would take time to reach an agreement after decades of conflict.

"It's been over 60 years, and we have lost trust. Now we are trying to build back trust through the peace process … If there are changes in the government, we have to take time to build back trust again with the new people," Mahn Nyein Maung said.

The Karen delegation, led by KNU chairman Mutu Say Poe, arrived in Naypyidaw on Monday. They met with Thein Sein, Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, and Union Parliamentary Speaker Shwe Mann on Wednesday.

According to the delegation, Thein Sein said he wanted to complete the peace process quickly to ensure national stability and development.

"Gen. Min Aung Hlaing also assured that he wants to take part in the peace process for the stability, peace and development of the country," said Mahn Nyein Maung.

"Since the general and the top leaders made these assurances, we believe there will be a countrywide ceasefire agreement very soon, which is the most important first step to achieve the long-lost nationwide peace," he added.

The post KNU Wants Thein Sein to Remain President After 2015 appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Constitution Signature Campaign Off to Strong Start in Rangoon

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 02:04 AM PDT

constitution

A woman signs a petition in support of constitutional reform. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — More than 380,000 people in Rangoon have already signed a signature campaign to amend Burma's Constitution, an NLD official says.

The countrywide signature campaign—organized by the opposition party along with the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, an activist group—is calling for amendments to Article 436, which gives the military an effective veto over constitutional reform. The campaign began last week on Tuesday and will last for two months.

"In Rangoon alone, we had 380,000 signatures as of Monday. And this is only the list from NLD offices in the districts and townships—more people have signed at 88 Generation offices and in the villages," Myint Htay, chairman of the Rangoon branch of the NLD, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.

He said government officials had not prevented anyone from adding their name to the campaign, but added that ward administrators and police officers were standing guard at some signature collection points and requesting copies of the signature lists.

Tin Htut Oo, chairman of the Mandalay branch of the NLD, said about 100,000 signatures were collected within one week in seven townships of Mandalay District.

"In one township, there are about 20 places to collect signatures. We have not counted all the lists, since the campaign is still going ahead," he said.

Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, a well-known Burmese film director, has already added his name to the campaign. He told The Irrawaddy last week that the 2008 Constitution was designed by the former military government to benefit the military.

"To become a government of the people, by the people and for the people—for which many lives have been sacrificed—the Constitution must be amended. So I signed," he said.

After the signature campaign ends on July 19, the NLD and the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society will review all entries before submitting them to Parliament's Constitution Review Committee.

The post Constitution Signature Campaign Off to Strong Start in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Myanmar’s Labyrinthine Peace Process

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 01:50 AM PDT

Myanmar peace process, Myanmar Peace Center

Ethnic rebel leaders and government officials hold talks in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, in October 2013. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy)

A deadly clash occurred between DKBA (Democratic Karen Buddhist Army) and the government's BGF (Border Guard Force) in Karen State in April 2013. This was not the first time these rival groups engaged in a firefight. There had been sporadic clashes before, but by April 2013 the MPC (Myanmar Peace Center) was established and its operations were already in full swing and ceasefires between the government and 14 of the 16 ethnic armed groups had been signed.

So we were asked to visit various stakeholders in the areas in Karen State where the clashes occurred. Dr. Min Zaw Oo, who is the Director of MPC's Ceasefire Negotiation and Implementation Program, and I went to Karen State. The purpose was to listen to all sides in the conflict.

We traveled to Sone-See-Myine, the DKBA headquarters, about one kilometer from the former All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) Camp at Thay Baw Boe where I was based in 1988-89 near the Thai-Myanmar border in Karen State. We also visited Myawaddy and another town in Hlabwe Township. And for two days and two nights, we listened to various officials from rival groups, local authorities and local commanders of the Myanmar armed forces.

By the second night of listening to these various accusations, counter-accusations, local situations and history of these local conflicts, my notebook was almost full. But most importantly, I could no longer take notes. So I just wrote one word "Tha-book-oo," which is the name of a fruit. It has a labyrinth of fabric inside so intricate that no one knows the beginning, the middle or the end.

Put differently, I thought I knew the protagonists and conflict situation in Karen State since I once worked with the Karen National Union. But my trip proved that I was wrong. Even within groups that broke away from the mainstream Karen armed movement, there were many layers of relationships, feuds, history of conflicts, friendships and camaraderie. Thus, I wrote "Tha-book-oo" to demonstrate the complexity of a localized conflict.

I can say with certain conviction that for the majority of Myanmar citizens, it will not be easy to appreciate the complexities in the conflict or the situation I described earlier. IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) and civilians living in areas of active conflict may wonder why the fighting cannot be stopped. Blame is likely to be heaped on one side or the other.

And peace and political activists cry foul when fighting erupts during peace talks. The media reports on the armed conflict and peace process are generally shallow and often focus on black-and-white descriptions of the conflict.

It is natural for them to look at the armed conflict and peace process from a simple analysis of what is perceived as right or wrong. It is equally natural for them to have hope for peace and wish that peace be restored as soon as possible.

But take a moment and try to imagine. If a localized situation in Karen State is extremely complex, how complex it can be for the whole country. Hypothetically, the DKBA-BGF conflict can be multiplied at least 16 times because the Government of Myanmar has officially recognized 16 ethnic armed groups.

How about groups that are not officially recognized by the government? How about thousands of militia groups scattered all throughout the conflict areas?

How about all of these groups with their localized situations, with their own layers of allegiances, kinships, alliances, tribal divides, broken social fabric, grievances, war economy, territorial interests and political and negotiation cultures?

This is not to mention the Government of Myanmar with its own internal politics and relationship with the armed forces and parliament which are also part and parcel of peace negotiations. Then there are political parties, groupings, civil society and the media. Likewise, there are many substantive issues such as resource-smuggling, drug trafficking, land grabs, illegal arm sales and security issues. And there is an age-old practice of taxation by ethnic armed groups of which legality has been hotly debated.

And as some of the ethnic armed groups are based on the borders, we need to pay attention to geopolitical issues and conditions. The UN Special Envoy is involved in the peace process as an observer. So is the Chinese Special Envoy when there are negotiations related to the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). The Naga, which has signed truces with the government, have their sister organization over the Indian-Myanmar border. And we take into account Myanmar's current chairing role within ASEAN, bearing in mind the larger regional issues such as the tensions in South China Sea.

And there is politics. We in the peace process have to pay attention not only to relationships among all the stakeholders but also their politics as well. We have to pay attention to what Myanmar leaders say about the peace process. We have to listen to ethnic and opposition leaders. And we must take into account what civil society says about the peace process.

Extrapolate all that I have mentioned above and what we have is an extremely complicated 'Tha-book-oo' situation of a peace process.

And this is a situation not everyone can really understand nor appreciate.

A foreign expert who has been involved in the Myanmar peace process recently visited MPC. He has worked in seven major armed conflicts around the world. He openly admitted that he was learning many new things in the Myanmar situation because the situation here is more complex than any other country he had worked on.

Armed conflict is described as a situation in which individuals, groups, issues, interests and conditions are pulling and pushing in all directions. Given my experience with the peace process, I can say the same thing with peace-making, peace-building and the peace process as a whole. They are in a 'Tha-book-oo' situation pushing and pulling in all directions.

Both situations have an element of unpredictability and uncontrollability at the same time.

The purpose here is not to encourage the readers to see a negative side of the peace process. Rather, it is to instill an appreciation among the stakeholders regarding what has been achieved so far in the peace process. It is also to invite them to participate in the process so that we can cement the achievements in an all-inclusive manner. And the purpose is also to encourage belief in our country's ability to achieve peace at long last no matter how complex and difficult the task ahead of us may be.

Aung Naing Oo is the Associate Director, Peace Dialogue Program, Myanmar Peace Center, which advises the Myanmar government.

The post Myanmar's Labyrinthine Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

KNU-Govt Talks Yield Troop Withdrawal Pledge

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 01:41 AM PDT

Karen

KNLA Commander-in-Chief Gen. Saw Johnny (left) shakes hands with Ye Htut, President Thein Sein's spokesman, during a meeting in Naypyidaw this week. (Photo: Ye Htut / Facebook)

During a series of high-level talks taking place this week in Naypyidaw, the Burmese government has agreed to withdraw some of its troops from areas close to territory controlled by ethnic Karen rebels in eastern Burma, according to a Karen National Union (KNU) official.

Leaders of the KNU and its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), are meeting top Burmese government and military officials. The talks come as relations between the Karen ethnic armed group and the Burmese government—who have been fighting a civil war for decades—appear at a high, and as talks are continuing with most of the country's rebel armies toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement.

Saw Kwe Htoo Win, general secretary of the KNU, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the purpose of the meetings this week was to have positive "tripartite dialogue" with the army, the government and Parliament.

The Karen delegation, led by KNU chairman Mutu Say Poe, met with Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of the Burmese military, and Burmese President Thein Sein on Wednesday. Parliamentary speaker Shwe Mann was set to meet the delegation Thursday.

According to Saw Kwe Htoo Win, the government side agreed to withdraw some troops from around KNU-controlled territory. Coming in response to a KNU request, it is not the first time the government has made such a pledge, and it is unclear how it will translate into action.

The two sides signed a ceasefire in 2012, but the military retains a large presence in Karen State. Local civil society groups have called for a code of conduct to be finalized and implemented to reduce human rights violations by soldiers.

Relations between government representatives and the Karen rebel leadership—which has been one of the most enthusiastic among Burma's ethnic groups about a nationwide ceasefire—appear to be friendly. Burmese presidential spokesman Ye Htut, in a post on his Facebook account, said that he was particularly pleased to see KNLA Commander-in-Chief Gen. Saw Johnny in the capital.

"Today at the meeting between President [Thein Sein] and the KNU chairman, there is a person that I wanted to see the most. He is the commander-in-chief of the KNU," Ye Htut said on Wednesday evening.

Ye Htut explained that as a low-ranking Burmese official in 1980s, he was well aware of Gen. Saw Johnny, who was then serving as a commander of a KNLA battalion and was renowned for his fighting ability.

"Because his ability was great in fighting, when we heard news about his military activities, we had to be alert, aware and keep our eyes on it," Ye Htut said in the post.

"Although, Gen. Johnny is a rival to us, as a soldier, I respected his ability in war. It is the result of peace that we now see him as a negotiation counterpart at the table, not on the battlefield."

Aside from Gen. Saw Johnny, it is reported that there are two other KNLA leaders that the Burmese government peace delegation wanted to see the most at peace talks. They are KNLA's vice commander-in-chief, Gen. Baw Kyaw Heh, who is described by some as a "hardliner" who advocates a cautious approach the peace talks with the government, and Gen. Saw Isaac, brother of KNU's vice chairwoman, Naw Zipporah Sein.

Also present at the meetings in Naypyidaw were other government officials such as President's Office Minister Aung Min, the government's key peace negotiator, and Minister of Immigration Khin Yi. The KNU delegation also includes executive committee members such as Mahn Nyein Maung, Col. Saw Roger and Col. Htoo Htoo Lay.

The meetings this week have received widespread coverage in private and state-owned media in Burma, but Karen civil society organizations voiced concerns over the lack of transparency about the content of the meetings.

A group of community-based organizations (CBOs) and civil society organizations (CSO) in a statement welcomed the talks, but said they are "concerned about the lack of transparency in the process under the guise of 'informal meetings.'"

"The talks must be open and transparent so the people are informed how they are progressing," the statement said.

"Both sides must recognize and allow the active role that CBOs and CSOs should play in the peace process as they are immediately in contact with the grassroots communities in conflict-affected areas."

The post KNU-Govt Talks Yield Troop Withdrawal Pledge appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma Home to 26 New Species Discoveries in 2012-13

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 10:51 PM PDT

WWF species

The sawtooth-necked bronzeback snake is one of 26 new species discovered in Burma in 2012-13. (Photo: World Wide Fund for Nature)

Twenty-six species in Burma are among 367 new species that were discovered by scientists in the Greater Mekong region in 2012-13, according to a new report by the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), a non-governmental organization working on wildlife conservation globally.

Michelle Owen, conservation program manager at WWF-Myanmar, told The Irrawaddy, "I hope that this report inspires people in Myanmar to go into environmental science as a profession. Scientists and communities play a crucial role in discovering new species and there is a great opportunity across the country for more species to be found."

Titled "Mysterious Mekong," the WWF report was released on Thursday, World Environment Day, "highlighting creatures both bizarre and beautiful" in the Mekong region. Among the 26 species in Burma, there were 14 plants, seven fish, four amphibians and one reptile newly discovered in 2012-13.

"Of particular interest are a new species of dragonfish with striking and complex maze-like markings on each individual scale; a species of ginger plant found in western Myanmar's Rakhine [Arakan] Yoma cloud forests above the Bay of Bengal; a catfish from a tributary of the mighty Irrawaddy River with a unique flame-shaped 'suction cup' on its throat; and a Tanintharyi stream toad with bumpy, chocolate-colored skin and long, slender limbs," according to a press release accompanying the report.

Owen said the discoveries of these new species affirmed that the Greater Mekong was one of the world's most biologically diverse regions. The discovery of 26 species in relatively unexplored Burma was testament to the need to invest in conservation and the development of a green economy in the country, added Owen.

"Our biggest concern is ensuring that areas of high biodiversity are conserved and managed so that known and unknown species are protected," Owen told The Irrawaddy. "The 26 new species discovered in Myanmar only begin to scratch the surface of what is possible, given that Myanmar's ecosystems are so rich and varied."

The conservation program manager highlighted southeastern Burma and the adjacent Kaeng Krachan National Park in Thailand as areas ripe for further new discoveries in future.

"Kaeng Krachan National Park and Tanintharyi National Park the forests across the border in Myanmar [in Tenasserim Division] are some of the least explored areas in Southeast Asia," Owen said in the WWF report.

"They are the beating heart for species recovery in Thailand and Myanmar and Kaeng Krachan is home to one of the world's most important tiger populations," added Owen.

The WWF report lists 290 plants, 24 fish, 21 amphibians, 28 reptiles, 3 mammals and 1 bird all described as new species in 2012-13 from the Greater Mekong.

Regional highlights included a giant flying squirrel, a skydiving gecko, a fish that mates head-to-head and an eyeless cave-dwelling spider. The region spans Cambodia, Laos, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam and China's southwestern Yunnan province.

The post Burma Home to 26 New Species Discoveries in 2012-13 appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

European Donors Fund Savings Co-Ops in Karen State

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 09:55 PM PDT

cooperative

Ethnic Karen traditional dancers wait to perform at a fair in Karen State Day in the state capital Hpa-an. (Photo: Brennan O'Connor / The Irrawaddy)

The European Union and the French government will put about US$1.3 million into a project to establish savings cooperatives in Karen State, in an attempt to address poor access to financial services in one of Burma's most remote and poorest ethnic states, a statement said.

The statement Wednesday said a total of 965,509 euro would be spent on the three-year project—with the European Union providing 82 percent of the money and the rest coming from Agence Française de Développement, France's international development agency.

The project, titled "Supporting Financial Access via Cooperative Upgrading and Enterprise and Farm Development in Kayin State," will be implemented by PlaNet Finance, an international microfinance development NGO, working with Burmese group the Community Development Association (CDA).

"The project will establish three savings and credit cooperatives to provide financial inclusion to at least 2,000 households in 30 villages in Hlaingbwe Township [Hpa-an District] where currently no financial service provider operates," read the statement.

"With these cooperatives in place, it is expected that farmers will have a safe place to save in order to increase income and build wealth in this post-conflict area of Myanmar."

Karen State has suffered from decades-long civil wars, due to which thousands of villagers have been displaced. Many families have less than $1 per day for food. More than 140,000 people from the state have fled into Thailand, where most have lived in nine refugee camps on Thai-Burma border for more than two decades.

A recent UN study found that very limited access to financial services across Burma, with only 4 percent of the population holding a savings account with a bank. As a result of this and other barriers to saving, the survey said, 62 percent of people in the country do not put any money aside.

This week, PlaNet Finance is holding training on how to implement the project with participants including CDA staff, officials from the Burmese government's Cooperative Department and Small-Scale Industries Department, and representatives from the Union Cooperative Syndicate of Karen State.

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‘They All Become Like My Children’

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 06:00 PM PDT

IDPs school

Daw Eainda Sar Ri holds a 3-month-old baby that her monestary cares for in Bhamo, Kachin State. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawadddy)

HO PONG, Shan State — Daw Eainda Sar Ri, 62, has lived at the Thathana Kari Monastery in Bhamo, Kachin State, since she was 9 years old. Since last year, she has helped the children of internally displaced persons (IDPs) whose schooling was disrupted by fighting in Burma's north, taking them under her wing and providing them with a monastic education. The Buddhist nun and her school are also providing accommodation and food to the IDP children.

The Irrawaddy met with Daw Eainda Sar Ri while she was attending a monastic education seminar in Ho Pong, Shan State, last week, to discuss her role in helping the girls learn amidst hardship.

Question: Who are you helping in Bhamo Township? How many students are there at your school?

Answer: Here many ethnic Palaung children are living around my school. Their parents are working in the brick-making industry. They are poor, so we're helping to educate their children. I'm providing them with stationery for their schooling. There are more than 30 IDP children, I've opened the school up to them.

Palaung children can't speak Burmese, and they have been beaten frequently by their teachers for that. Now, gradually, they have learned to read and write [in Burmese]. There are 205 primary students who are living at my school, 34 middle school students and 13 high school students, as well as two university students.

Q: How many IDP children have come to your school from conflict areas?

A: Since last year, many IDP children have come to my school. It's about a one-day trip from conflict areas to my school. There were 28 children who came here last year and 17 this year. Parents who have fled from conflict areas send their children to this school. They said that it [being displaced] is no problem for them, but that they worry for their children and want them at my school for the sake of their futures.

Q: How are you helping them? Are you also taking in orphans?

A: All are included—orphans, some have their father, some have only their mother. Most IDPs are Palaung. They came here from Nant Lwe [Man Wain Gyi] in Kachin State. Their villages have almost been destroyed due to civil war.

Q: How do you help these children—some of whom were living in active conflict zones—to regain a sense of normalcy in their lives?

A: We provide food, accommodation and clothes, all these things are our responsibility. They all become like my children. I support them in any way I can and I advise their parents not to take them back [to their former villages].

Q: How old are they?

A: Normally, they are girls from 4 years old to 13 years old. Like my school, some other schools are also accepting them.

Q: Are the IDP children and non-IDP children living together in the same compound?

A: Yes, they are living together.

Q: What difficulties do you have in caring for them under the circumstances? There must be religious and cultural differences.

A: All of them become Buddhists after they reach out to the school. They always pray three times a day, and then everything becomes easy for them.

Q: How do you manage to feed all those mouths?

A: I receive rice donations from residents every weekend. I've received some other rice bags, beans and other kitchen materials from donors. I can't even calculate how much I spend for them every day.

Q: What do you want for these children's futures?

A: I want them to receive a degree and expect them to become educated. I will support them as much as we can. If they want to become a nun, I will welcome them. If not, they can do as they like.

The post 'They All Become Like My Children' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Hindu Festival Celebrates Renovation of Pyin Oo Lwin Temple

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 05:30 PM PDT

Hindu devotees are sprinkled with holy water collected from in India during a festival to mark the renovation of the Hindu Ganesh temple in Pyin Oo Lwin. Click on the box below to see more photos. (Photo: Brennan Conner)

PYIN OO LWIN —In Pyin Oo Lwin, a former British hill station located on the western edge of the Shan Plateau, several thousand devotees gathered last week for a festival to mark the completion of a four-year-long renovation of the town's Hindu Ganesh temple.

The festival called Shree Ma Harr Kubar Auisha Jum also celebrated the temple's 105-year history in the Mandalay Division town, which in the late 19th to early 20th century served a resort for British colonial administrators looking for respite from the blistering heat in Burma.

The festival is only celebrated when a Ganesh temple is constructed, or in this case, expanded upon, and drew a huge crowd. Ganesh is the Hindu elephant head god of wisdom and learning, and the remover of obstacles.

Many of the town's Hindu residents settled in the town (then called Maymo) after they were brought from India and other parts of Burma to work in colonial administrative positions, or as farmers growing vegetables favored by the English.

As many as seven Hindu temples are said to be located in Pyin Oo Lwin alone, and still more can be found in the surrounding villages.

Although the temple's Burmese followers' ancestries are in Tamil Nadu in southern India, the festival was also attended by Burmese Hindus who trace their heritage to other parts of India.

Devotees donated contributions for the lengthy and expensive renovations that included 369 stone deities from India.

Participant Myint Thein Gi Htun described the five-day event, which was presided over by several Hindu priests, some from as far away as Malaysia, as a "once in a lifetime opportunity."

The chemistry teacher, who could be seen every day greeting visitors near the entrance of the temple, said this is only second time that a Hindu event of this scale has happened in Burma.

On the final day, holy water collected from 108 sacred areas of India was sprinkled on followers gathered in the temple grounds. This was followed by a parade led by a decorated elephant trucked in from Mandalay who greeted devotees that lined the streets offering prayers, food and donations.

The post Hindu Festival Celebrates Renovation of Pyin Oo Lwin Temple appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Feature to Open Czech Film Festival

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 05:00 PM PDT

Culture

The 49th Karlovy Vary International Film Festival will be held in Prague, Czech Republic, from July 4-12. (Photo: Facebook / Karlovy Vary Film Festival)

RANGOON — A Burmese film, "The Monk," was selected this week as the opening feature for the 49th Karlovy Vary International Film Festival, which will be held in Prague, Czech Republic, from July 4-12.

"The Monk" was one of 12 films selected from 11 countries around the world. It was directed by the Burmese filmmaker The Maw Naing.

"The film is based on an evolution of a Buddhist monk from a novice to his monkhood and his choice in life: whether he will stick to clergy life or change to lay manhood," the director told The Irrawaddy.

The Karlovy Vary IFF announced on June 3 that "The Monk" would screen in the Forum of Independents competition. The website announcement said the 93-minute long production is the first independent feature film from Burma in 50 years.

It was created with the help of Film and TV School of the Academy of Performing Arts (FAMU) in Prague, which has been working in Burma since 2005. The FAMU's Burma program in 2011 organized the first Burmese film festival, the Wathann Film Festival, and runs an informal film school in the Southeast Asian nation.

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Activists to Hold Events to Mark Start of Kachin War

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 09:48 PM PDT

war in Kachin State

A protester holds a large collage of photos relating to the Kachin State conflict during a demonstration in September 2012. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Anti-war activists in Rangoon will hold a series of events over three days starting from Saturday to mark the third anniversary of the outbreak of war in Kachin State, according to the events' organizers.

The events, which will be held both indoors and outdoors at various locations around Rangoon, will include singing, dancing, dramatic performances and art exhibitions, the organizers said.

Outdoor events will be held near Sule Pagoda in downtown Rangoon, at the People's Park near Shwedagon Pagoda in Dagon Township, and near Inya Lake in Hlaing Township.

The whole program will culminate with indoor events on June 9, exactly three years after the collapse of a 17-year ceasefire in Kachin State and the start of a war that has displaced at least 100,000 civilians.

The indoor events will include interfaith prayers for peace, speeches by keynote speakers and testimonies from civilians affected by the conflict, art exhibitions, performances by youth groups, and fundraising activities to benefit internally displaced persons.

The post Activists to Hold Events to Mark Start of Kachin War appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Junta Claims Support from Neighbors amid Western Unease

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 09:41 PM PDT

support for Thai junta

A man sings as soldiers dance at the Victory Monument during a military event in Bangkok on June 4, 2014.

BANGKOK — China and Vietnam have expressed support for Thailand's new military government, an army spokesman said on Wednesday, as pro-army supporters held a small gathering at the Australian embassy in protest against downgrading of relations after last month's coup.

Several foreign governments have voiced disapproval of the coup, which saw General Prayuth Chan-ocha take power after months of political unrest that undermined the government of Yingluck Shinawatra.

"China’s and Vietnam's ambassadors to Thailand met Supreme Commander General Thanasak Patimaprakorn yesterday and assured us that they still have a good relationship with Thailand and that they hope the situation will return to normal quickly," Yongyuth Mayalarp, a spokesman for the military’s National Council for Peace and Order, told reporters.

Meanwhile, Burma's Foreign Ministry said it also recognized Thailand's new military rulers.

"Thailand is a sovereign state and the military government has been endorsed by their king," Aung Linn, a director-general at the ministry, told Reuters on Wednesday.

"Of course we do recognize them."

China’s Foreign Ministry had no immediate response to the report.

The United States scrapped joint military programs with Thailand days after the May 22 coup, while the European Union has urged the military to free political detainees and end censorship.

Australia downgraded its ties with Thailand on Saturday, imposed a travel ban on junta leaders and cut defense cooperation, the toughest measures taken by a foreign government since the change of regime.

A handful of pro-military demonstrators gathered outside the Australian embassy on Wednesday to protest against what they see as foreign meddling in Thailand’s internal affairs. Some handed roses to police guarding the embassy.

The coup was the latest convulsion in a decade-long conflict between the Bangkok-based royalist establishment, dominated by the military, old-money families and the bureaucracy, and supporters of former Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and her brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, who are adored by the poor in the north and northeast.

'Friends Not Foes'

The army is determined to silence dissent and has summoned around 300 activists, journalists, academics and politicians since taking power two weeks ago.

Many have been detained for varying periods of time and, in order to be released, have had to sign statements that they will step away from politics and halt anti-coup activities.

The junta has deployed thousands of security forces across the country to search for weapons in a bid to crack down on armed groups on both sides of the political divide. It has ordered Thais who have "war weapons," including explosives and grenade launchers, to hand them in before June 10.

The order did not include registered handguns. On a per capita basis, Thailand has more guns than most countries in the world.

However, the country in general has remained calm since the bloodless coup. There is little military presence on the streets and resistance to military rule has so far been peaceful.

In May, Thailand's consumer confidence index hit its highest level since January on hopes the military can bring the economy back from the brink of recession. The economy shrank 2.1 percent in the first quarter as political turmoil depressed demand.

The junta lifted a curfew on Tuesday in the resorts of Pattaya, Phuket and Samui, in order to "relieve areas that are peaceful and free from political protests" and to support Thailand’s vital tourism sector.

The midnight to 4 am curfew has not been lifted in Bangkok but the junta seems determined to win over hearts and minds in the capital.

Supporters of the military are trying to hijack a gesture used by demonstrators opposed to the coup, saying the three-fingered salute signifies the ills of the deposed government, and not resistance to the takeover.

The salute, inspired by the hit film "The Hunger Games," has been flashed as a symbol of defiance at street protests in Bangkok since the weekend. The military has warned demonstrators against making the salute.

Security forces detained at least seven people who joined flash mob protests over the weekend and held up three fingers against the junta, according to the ruling National Council for Peace and Order.

"We are monitoring those who use this signal but have no plans to ban it yet," deputy army spokesman Winthai Suvaree told Reuters.

"But if there are gatherings of five people or more doing this salute, then we will make arrests in some cases."

In its latest charm offensive, the army put on a concert on Wednesday evening at Victory Monument, one of Bangkok’s busiest junctions and briefly the focus of protests after the coup.

"We want to show the public that the military is here to protect the people and will do its utmost to ensure stability," Winthai said. "Soldiers are friends not foes."

Panarat Thepgumpanat and Erik de Castro in Bangkok and Aung Hla Tun in Rangoon contributed reporting.

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Mourning, Tight Security on Tiananmen Anniversary

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 09:32 PM PDT

Tiananmen anniversary

Tens of thousands of people take part in a candlelight vigil at Hong Kong’s Victoria Park on June 4, 2014, to mark the 25th anniversary of the military crackdown on the pro-democracy movement at Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Yin Min held the ashes of her son and wept, she said, as she marked 25 years since he was killed in the crackdown by Chinese tanks and troops on protests at Tiananmen Square. Outside, guards kept a close eye on her home while police blanketed central Beijing to block any public commemoration of one of the darkest chapters in recent Chinese history.

"How has the world become like this? I don’t even have one bit of power. Why must we be controlled so strictly this year?" Yin said in a telephone interview. "I looked at his ashes, I looked at his old things, and I cried bitterly."

China allows no public discussion of the events of June 3-4, 1989, when soldiers backed by tanks and armored personnel carriers fought their way into the heart of Beijing, killing hundreds, possibly thousands, of unarmed protesters and onlookers.

On Wednesday, scores of police and paramilitary troops patrolled the vast plaza and surrounding streets in Beijing’s heart, stopping vehicles and demanding identification from passersby. Chinese censors scrubbed domestic blogs and social media websites of comments marking the crackdown.

The silence in the mainland about the anniversary of a pivotal event that shocked the world contrasted with boisterous commemorations in Hong Kong.

Large crowds gathered Wednesday night in the city’s Victoria Park for an annual candlelight vigil to remember the Tiananmen victims, holding candles aloft that turned the vast area into a sea of flickering light.

Activists laid a wreath at a makeshift memorial as the names and biographical details of people killed in the crackdown were read out. Organizers said more than 180,000 people took part, with many overflowing into the streets around the park’s main entrance.

Elsewhere, US Secretary of State John Kerry urged China to release those jailed in connection with the events. "For all people who seek freedom, Tiananmen Square still stirs our conscience," he said in a statement.

Some relatives of the crackdown’s victims in Beijing were allowed to pay their respects at cemeteries—but only with police escorts. Others did so at home under surveillance, expressing frustration at the restrictions placed on their remembrances.

"I told my son this morning, 'Your mother is powerless and helpless, after more than 20 years I don’t even have the chance to appeal for support,'" said Yin, whose 19-year-old son, Ye Weihang, was killed in the crackdown. Police have kept a round-the-clock surveillance of her home since April, she said, and the relatives' hopes of gathering and holding a public commemoration were dashed.

"You’re not only re-opening my scars, you’re spreading salt and chili powder into them," Yin said she told her minders.

The Chinese government has largely ignored the relatives' demands for an admission of wrongdoing and for a complete, formal accounting of the crackdown and the number of casualties. Beijing's verdict is that the student-led protests aimed to topple the ruling Communist Party and plunge China into chaos. Protest leaders said they were seeking broader democracy and freedom, along with an end to corruption and favoritism within the party.

Near the square in Beijing, reporters were told to leave following the daily crack-of-dawn flag-raising ceremony and there were no signs of demonstrations or public commemorations. Dozens of dissidents and other critics have already been detained by police, held under house arrest or sent out of the city in what they say is a more restrictive clampdown than usual reflecting the increasingly conservative political atmosphere under President Xi Jinping.

On normal days, the vast plaza is closely watched by surveillance cameras and plainclothes police and officers riding Segways, but most people are allowed to enter without having their IDs checked. Wednesday’s measures, including the deployment of hundreds of security and emergency services personnel, were a dramatic tightening.

Authorities allowed about a dozen relatives of four people killed in the crackdown to pay their respects at a cemetery in Beijing, but they were under police escort and were watched by several dozen plainclothes officers, according to Zhang Xianling, a member of a group that campaigns for the crackdown’s victims.

The relatives laid flowers and bowed three times as is customary in Chinese mourning, Zhang said, and one of them read from a prepared text.

"A quarter of a century has passed since the June 4, 1989, massacre. In these endless 25 years, not a moment has gone by that we didn’t miss you," said the text, provided by Zhang to the AP.

"Our tears have run dry, our voices are already hoarse," it said. "Our temples have grayed, our gaits are already faltering. With the passage of time, we will bury our sorrow deep in our hearts and strengthen our faith and determination to pursue justice."

Activist lawyer Teng Biao said the government’s repression only betrayed its frailty and fear of dissent. "Although the government appears stronger, they are more fearful, less confident and have less sense of security," Teng said from Hong Kong, where he is a visiting scholar at the city’s Chinese University.

Foreign media in Beijing have been warned not to meet with dissidents or report on issues related to the anniversary. In an unusual burst of activity, the Foreign Ministry and Cabinet office held news conferences and called in Associated Press reporters for meetings on Wednesday.

In Hong Kong, the Tiananmen protests remain a totem for political expression and Western-style civil liberties in the former British colony that retained its own liberal social and legal systems after reverting to Chinese rule in 1997.

"The reason that I’ve come here is that I want to see the sunshine of freedom," said Rany Cao, a 30-year-old mainland Chinese electronics importer based in Hong Kong who joined the Wednesday night vigil.

"I can feel that there’s something about Hong Kong that is different from China, and that is, people are striving for freedom, striving for democracy," Cao said. "I expect to learn more about the truth of what happened 25 years ago."

For the first time, a pro-Beijing group, the Voice of Loving Hong Kong, was planning a counter-rally at the park’s entrance in support of the military crackdown, in a sign of increasing polarization in the former British colony.

Along with concerns about political unrest, China has recently been shaken by violence blamed on separatists from the far northwestern region of Xinjiang, adding to the increased security measures.

Associated Press writers Christopher Bodeen and Didi Tang in Beijing and Kelvin Chan and researcher Theodora Yu in Hong Kong contributed to this report.

The post Mourning, Tight Security on Tiananmen Anniversary appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China State Media Calls for ‘Severe Punishment’ for US Tech Firms

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 09:25 PM PDT

cyber-espionage in China

A demonstrator from the pro-China "Caring Hong Kong Power" group protests over claims from former US spy agency contractor Edward Snowden that the NSA hacked computers in the Chinese territory, outside the US Consulate in Hong Kong on July 9, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Chinese state media lashed out at Google Inc, Apple Inc and other US technology companies on Wednesday, calling on Beijing "to punish severely the pawns" of the US government for monitoring China and stealing secrets.

US companies such as Yahoo Inc, Cisco Systems Inc, Microsoft Corp and Facebook Inc threaten the cyber-security of China and its Internet users, said the People’s Daily on its microblog, in comments echoed on the front page of the English-language China Daily.

It is not clear what sparked this latest round of vitriol or what information the US firms are alleged to have stolen. But Chinese media have repeatedly attacked American tech companies for aiding the US government’s cyber espionage since US National Security Agency (NSA) contractor Edward Snowden revealed widespread spying programs including PRISM.

Under PRISM, the NSA seized data from companies such as Google and Apple, according to revelations made by Snowden a year ago.

Chinese state-owned firms have since begun dispensing with the services of US companies such as IBM Corp, Oracle Corp and Cisco in favor of domestic technology. As a result, Snowden’s revelations may cost US companies billions of dollars, analysts say.

"US companies including Apple, Microsoft, Google, Facebook, etc. are all coordinating with the PRISM program to monitor China," the People’s Daily said on its official microblog.

"To resist the naked Internet hegemony, we will draw up international regulations, and strengthen technology safeguards, but we will also severely punish the pawns of the villain. The priority is strengthening penalties and punishments, and for anyone who steals our information, even though they are far away, we shall punish them!" it said.

Google has already had problems in China this week. On Monday, a China censorship watchdog said Google services were being disrupted ahead of Wednesday's 25th anniversary of the 1989 crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators around Beijing's Tiananmen Square.

"We cannot say this more clearly—the [US] government does not have access to Google servers—not directly, or via a back door, or a so-called drop box," said Google Chief Legal Officer David Drummond in an emailed statement on Wednesday. "We provide user data to governments only in accordance with the law."

Microsoft declined to provide immediate comment. Facebook, Yahoo and Cisco were not immediately available when Reuters sought comment. All of them have previously denied participating in sweeping surveillance efforts.

Apple on Wednesday referred to its previous statements on the matter.

"Much of what has been said isn’t true. There is no back door. The government doesn’t have access to our servers. They would have to cart us out in a box for that," Chief Executive Officer Tim Cook said in an April interview with ABC Television.

Rocky Time

Facebook is currently blocked by Chinese censors but said last month it may open a sales office in China to provide more support to local advertisers who use the website to reach customers overseas.

In December, Google, Microsoft, Apple, Facebook, Yahoo and other Internet companies issued an open letter to US President Barack Obama and Congress to reform and introduce restrictions on surveillance activities.

Even so, US tech companies have had a rocky time in China since the NSA revelations. Just last month, central government offices were banned from installing Windows 8, Microsoft’s latest operating system, on new computers.

But the US has responded with its own measures. In May, the US Department of Justice charged five Chinese military officers with hacking US companies to steal trade secrets.

The indictment sparked outrage in China and added urgency to Beijing's efforts to promote the development of local information technology (IT) companies.

Chinese media called the United States "a high-level hooligan" and officials accused Washington of applying "double standards" on issues of cyber spying.

After the charges were announced, China said it will investigate providers of important IT products and services to protect "national security" and "economic and social development."

The post China State Media Calls for 'Severe Punishment' for US Tech Firms appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

National News

National News


Free funeral co-founder wins Citizen of Burma prize

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:44 PM PDT

"True spirit" – that's what Daw Than Myint Aung says compelled her to get involved with Yangon's free funeral service society, before starting a HIV centre for children and a home for the aged.

No answers from Toyota on fire-plagued Probox

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:41 PM PDT

Outbreaks of fire in Toyota Probox cars are the result of poor maintenance and botched repairs, not faults in vehicle design, industry professionals say.

Activist still in prison despite completing jail term

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 12:49 PM PDT

Mandalay Region officials are keeping a political activist in jail despite his sentence having been completed, his colleagues say.

Myeik hotel bidding ends amid concern over tender

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 12:43 PM PDT

Environmental groups have expressed concern over a recent tender for an ecotourism project in the Myeik Archipelago, warning that it should only go ahead if the government can ensure the winner properly adheres to environmental standards.

Two dozen-plus new species found

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 09:01 AM PDT

Scientists have identified more than two dozen new species of plants and animals in Myanmar highlighting what they say is the need for greater conservation efforts to help protect the country's unique habitat.

Wednesday, June 4, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Mangrove planters take fight to Naypyidaw

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:47 AM PDT

Twenty-three farmers from Dedaye, Irrawaddy Division have travelled to the capital Naypyidaw, with the hopes of meeting President Thein Sein.

The farmers object to their regional government's plan to destroy a mangrove forest near Kyondat village, which they have painstakingly replanted.

Extensions to farmland have led to the destruction of hundreds of hectares of mangrove forest in the region. In response, the farmers successfully restored a 700-acre tract of forest, which is again under threat.

Tun Tun Oo of the Irrawaddy Division Human Rights Monitoring Network said the decision by the divisional government to uproot the mangrove forest is out of keeping with the Union government's conservation agenda.

"The township administration, citing orders from the Irrawaddy Regional Government, has been pressuring us to destroy the mangrove forest we replanted and to stop planting more," Tun Tun Oo said. "They warned us that they would take action otherwise."

"But the Union Government has instituted a programme to restore the mangroves in Irrawaddy Division."

Tun Tun Oo also pointed out that the lack of mangrove coverage makes the community vulnerable to extreme weather events.

"This was one of the worst hit areas during Cyclone Nargis in 2008, due to mangrove deforestation," he said. "The loss of life and destruction was devastating."

The delegation of farmers met with three officials on Tuesday, including Sin Sant, former Speaker in the Irrawaddy regional parliament, and Aye Myint, deputy minister for Environmental Conservation and Forestry.

The officials told the environmentalists that it was unlikely that the Union Government would allow them to continue to grow mangroves in the area.

"The deputy Forestry Minister Aye Myint Aung told us that the land is designated as pastureland and technically we aren’t allowed to grow trees there,” Tun Tun Oo said.

"But he said he would help us avoid punishment for growing mangroves on the pastureland, as he is aware the area was hit by a natural disaster."

According to a 2013 report compiled by the Rangoon-based Mangrove and Environmental Rehabilitation Network and the University of Singapore, mangrove coverage along the Irrawaddy Delta has declined by over 50 percent over the last 30 years, from 2,623 square kilometres to around 1,000 square km.

The report added that deforestation for farming expansion was the main cause and confirmed that the lack of mangrove coverage exacerbated the impact of Cyclone Nargis, which killed 140,000 people and made two million homeless.

Close to eight million people currently live on the Irrawaddy delta, with many relying on the natural aquaculture and rich soil for survival. Yet agrarian opportunities for locals are being slashed alongside the mangrove ecosystems, and farmers are increasingly forced into environmentally damaging practices, compounding the problem.

The Dedaye conservationists have been in Naypyidaw for four days and have set up a roadside campaign site. Despite depleting funds for the campaign, they have vowed to wait at their camp until granted a presidential audience.

 

Tavoy farmers charged with ‘disturbing’ authorities over disputed land

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:24 AM PDT

Twenty farmers were charged this week for "disturbing" local authorities in Tenasserim Division's capital of Tavoy [Dawei] after they resisted their attempts to measure out lands that have been at the centre of a longstanding dispute.

Some 300 acres of land in Tavoy's Sanchi ward, owned by 64 local farmers, was allegedly confiscated by the government in 1990. The farmers, who had been paying land taxes for decades, said that they were not aware of this until 2012 when they tried to register for land ownership.

Since then, the community has staged protests demanding return of the land, which currently houses the divisional headquarters of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party on a third of it. More construction is planned for the remainder, and the protesting farmers have faced threats of lawsuits from the private company that has leased the land from the government.

On Sunday, company representatives and government officials – accompanied by 50 police officers – tried to survey the remaining land but were stopped by the farmers, said one farmer named Shwe Zin Yu.

"They were very insistent about doing the surveying but we did not let them," Shwe Zin Yu said.

The Town Administration's director then filed charges against 20 farmers on Sunday and called them in for questioning on Tuesday, said Tavoy police superintendent Myo Myint Oo.

"The Town Administration's director has filed charges against the villagers for disturbing officials on duty on Sunday," said Myo Myint Oo. "At the moment, we are only questioning the villagers but we are not making any arrests."

Than Myam, one of the charged farmers, said they faced questioning for about an hour before they were released on bail.

This long-running case has prompted the villagers to petition the parliament's Land Grab Investigation Commission for help. Local authorities have previously offered a settlement to the farmers, but were rejected as they felt the offer was unfair.

Peace in Burma: Closer than ever but still beyond reach

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 11:37 PM PDT

Burma's ethnic armed groups and government negotiators now have less than two months to meet an August deadline for signing a nationwide ceasefire agreement, which would mark the beginning of the end to six decades of conflict. While that deadline will almost certainly prove flexible, those involved in the process agree that Burma is closer than ever to achieving peace.

"As an historian, I would like to say that this is the best chance to make peace in Burma. The government is willing. The people are willing… we should take that opportunity and try to take it in the direction we want," said Harn Yawnghwe, executive director of the Euro-Burma Office (EBO), speaking at a conference in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Friday.

For Burma, however, whose central government has a history of using divide and conquer tactics against its many ethnic insurgencies, "closer than ever" could be a considerable distance. Ethnic armies still at war with the government might need some convincing that the "direction we want" actually exists, and that the EBO has any authority to broadcast it.

Hosted by the newly-formed Pyidaungsu Institute, a five-member panel of optimistic experts convened at Chiang Mai University to try to demystify Burma's tangled path to peace. The Pyidaungsu Institute (PI), an ethnic research centre founded as an answer to the government-influenced Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC) and funded in part by the EBO, is meant to provide resources and space for community involvement in the peace process, which to date has been dominated by government forces and has appeared impenetrable and opaque to concerned communities.

The conference was initially conceived as an ambitious debut for the institute, but was markedly downscaled because of administrative pressure from the university in light of newly-instituted martial law in Thailand. Several distinguished players in the peace process showed up nonetheless, including PI founders Khunsai Jaiyen and Lian Sakhong, EBO's Yawnghwe, MPC Associate Director Nyo Ohn Myint and seasoned peace advisor Hannes Siebert.

“The government is willing. The people are willing… we should take that opportunity and try to take it in the direction we want" – Harn Yawnghwe, executive director of Euro-Burma Office

Discussion centred on the scope and trajectory of the peace process, which after much back-and-forth between the two sides at the negotiating table — the government's Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC) and the ethnic armed groups' National Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) — has prioritised the signing of a single-text nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) as its cornerstone. This document, now headed towards a third draft, synthesises proposals drafted independently by each side and will subsume state-level ceasefires.

Yawnghwe emphasised to DVB on Tuesday that, "At the moment everyone is focusing on the draft of the NCA," which, while it seems like a given now, was not the case only a few months ago.

Signing the accord is prerequisite to launching political dialogue and pursuing constitutional reform, as reiterated by Burmese President Thein Sein in his monthly radio address on Sunday. Ensuing dialogue, which many ethnic stakeholders have long demanded as a precondition for ceasefire, will be geared towards changing Burma's military-drafted 2008 Constitution to allow for federalism and political autonomy for ethnic states and regions. Hence, the postponement of the dialogue is already viewed as a major compromise on behalf of the NCCT.

It appears to many observers that the NCCT has absorbed most of the compromise, while the UPWC hasn't had to do much bargaining. It was the commander-in-chief of the Burmese armed forces who established the deadline for ceasefire, and the latest draft of the agreement, penned in late May, is "not much different" from the original document pushed forward by the UPWC in November 2013, according to a legal advisory group.

The Legal Aid Network (LAN), a non-governmental assistance programme based in Kachin State with an international oversight board, recently published a chapter-by-chapter analysis of the November draft on the premise that the newer versions are almost identical in substance to the UPWC's original, which was based on state-level pacts. Yawnghwe agreed with this assessment, adding that the NCA "is based on the individual ceasefire agreements. The difference is not in the substance but to cover those [ethnic armed groups] who have not yet signed or cannot for political reasons sign ceasefire agreements."

The LAN takes issue with several parts of the text, namely: vague and deceptive language; existing law clauses that could override parts of the agreement; and the document's apparent acceptance of the 2008 Constitution as a legitimate legal charter. Yawnghwe responded that the newest draft of the NCA leaves out existing law clauses, but there is not yet a clear plan to reconcile the agreement with the most relevant preexisting law: the Unlawful Associations Act, which criminalises all of Burma's ethnic armed groups.

“An underlying question, is how the existence and operation of the EAOs [ethnic armed organisations] can be legalized," reads LAN's report, citing the United Wa State Party (UWSP) as a cautionary symbol for other armed groups. The UWSA is Burma's most powerful ethnic army, and has been tolerated by the Burmese government since an informal, oral ceasefire agreement was reached in 1989. The LAN argues that though the government recognised them as a lawful organisation, the agreement should have made the Wa army a part of the national Armed Forces. The fact that it didn't demonstrates arbitrary and selective application of law, and could cause problems as the peace process enters a more mature phase, which will require the government to at least appear to be consistent.

Yawnghwe assured DVB that the current negotiations "call for the EAOs to be de-listed from the illegal organizations list when the NCA is signed", but no one seems to yet have an answer as to how that will be either implemented or honoured. Speaking to DVB on Tuesday, Lian Sakhong, co-founder of PI and a high-level member of the Chin National Front, remarked only that "all who sign the national ceasefire, their names should be removed from the illegal organisations list, and they should not be punished under that law… Until it is signed, there is no way we can do that."

This is an important point, considering that the Burmese military still operates with impunity in ethnic territories. The most recent example is the raid of a rebel liaison office in Kengtung, Shan State, just last month. An agreement to operate rebel army liaison offices is written into state-level ceasefire agreements. The most basic purpose of these offices is to bring insurgents out of the jungle and into the towns, where they can directly communicate with local Burmese authorities. The demonstrated consequence is that the offices turn some select rebels into sitting ducks.

It's hardly irrelevant that the EBO, which partially funds the PI, also funds the establishment of liaison offices and pays staff salaries. Both institutions have a clear stake in the success of and public support for the offices. The Kachin Independence Organisation, which does not have a state-level ceasefire and is still in active conflict with the central government, does not accept EBO assistance for their offices. The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), which has been under ceasefire since 2011, has been among the most reluctant participants in NCCT negotiations with the government. It's no coincidence, say some observers, that their offices have been subject to abuse by Burmese authorities. More curious is the fact that just one day prior to the raid, a senior Shan politician was arrested at his home without warrant and charged with unlawful association for communicating with members of the RCSS, which is still considered illegal.

Lian Sakhong maintains that "until and unless we sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement, we do not have collective action, collective responsibility." Because there is no nationwide agreement yet, he said, violation of an agreement between the RCSS and the Burmese authorities isn't really any of the NCCT's business. It seems an odd position to take, sending a message that those ethnic armed groups still resisting the agreement for the same reasons they did last year must either get on board or be left out to dry.

Arakan towns to join national grid

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:15 PM PDT

Towns in southern Arakan State are scheduled to connect to Burma's national grid as early as next week, according to energy officials.

The towns of Taungup and Sandoway [officially known as Thandwe] were previously scheduled to light up in May under the government scheme but work-related delays pushed the project back a month. Zaw Myint, an officer at Sandoway's Electricity Engineering Office, told DVB that installing transmission towers and other infrastructure took longer than expected.

"The construction of electrical pylons to Taungup and Thandwe has been completed, we just need to finish a little work at the relay stations," he said. "We expect to bring electricity to the towns by the second week of June."

He said his office is now accepting applications from locals who wish to receive power from the national grid and install electricity metre boxes in their homes. So far, about 1,000 applications have been submitted, he said.

Until now, residents in Taunggup and Sandoway have had to buy electricity from a private company, but at a much higher cost than in other areas in Burma that are connected to the grid. The fixed nationalised price in Burma is 35 kyat (US$0.04) per unit (for usage exceeding 100 units per month), but in off-grid Arakan, households were asked to pay around 450 kyat per unit.

Aung Gyi, an internet café owner in Sandoway, said that, although costly, the private electricity is reliable, and he expressed his concern at whether the government would be able to provide service at the same level.

Sandoway is the nearest town to Ngapali, Burma's most popular beach resort and the venue for many foreign tourists staying at high-end hotels, almost all of which have their own generators.

"When the power goes out, the private company immediately sends technicians to fix it," said the internet café owner. "But we are concerned that the technicians from the governmental department won't be so efficient.

"As always, when it comes to the national grid, it may take hours for the power to come back on."

The majority funding for this power project in Arakan was provided from the Union Government's budget, but the state government contributed and India also loaned funds, said State Minister of Electric Power Aung Than Tin.

He said officials expect northern Arakan State towns such as Ann, Ponnakyun, Sittwe, Mrauk-U and Kyaukphyu to be connected to the national grid by August.

Thousands of residents of the port city of Kyaukphyu are already enjoying the benefits of 24-hour electricity since being hooked up to turbines after the internationally backed Shwe Gas project began pumping natural gas to China from the port in September last year.

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Activists Face Violent Threats After Opposing Interfaith Marriage Bill

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 05:44 AM PDT

An activist's phone shows messages from an anonymous sender asking where the activist lives. (Photo courtesy of Khon Ja)

RANGOON — Burmese activists who publicly opposed a controversial interfaith marriage bill say they are receiving violent threats from anonymous callers.

At least four activists have been targeted by threats after listing their contact information in early May on a public statement backed by nearly 100 civil society groups that objected to the bill.

Since then, they have received anonymous phone calls and online messages threatening violence. One activist was forced to change her phone number after her original digits were posted on a Facebook page advertising prostitutes.

Another activist, Aung Myo Min, says he has been urged to stop fighting the interfaith marriage bill, which places restrictions on marriages between Buddhist women and men of any other faith.

"Some messages were like, 'You will regret it. Stop working for this issue. If you continue, don't blame others for the consequences,'" the director of Equality Myanmar told The Irrawaddy.

Khon Ja, a well-known women's rights activist from the Kachin Peace Network, said some anonymous callers have even used phone numbers from Thailand and Malaysia.

"They called saying, "If you dare come to Mandalay, you will be dead when we see you," she said, adding that she wondered if the Association to Protect Race and Religion, a radical monk-led group promoting the bill, knew about the threats.

Zin Mar Aung, founder of the Rainfall Gender Study Group,says she has received obscene messages on Viber, a phone application. She said one Viber group has been created with the name, "We will kill those who destroy the race."

May Sabe Phyu, senior coordinator of the Gender Equality Network, says she is reluctant to connect to the Internet on her phone due to negative messages. "Once I connect, lots of Viber messages come up instantly, with some asking to call so we can talk," she says.

Burmese civil society groups have grown increasingly concerned about the interfaith marriage bill, which is part of a package of four bills to protect race and religion. The other three bills would ban polygamy, enact population control measures and restrict religious conversion.

The interfaith marriage bill calls for Buddhist women to receive permission from parents and authorities before marrying a man of another faith, who would be forced to convert to Buddhism.

Opponents have criticized the bill as undemocratic and discriminatory. Some say it prevents women from making their own choices, while others believe it is intended specifically to prevent conversions to Islam.

Aung Myo Min of Equality Myanmar said he is taking precautions with his safety following the threats.

"If they are courageous, they need to tell us who they are and why they are doing this," he said of the callers. "It's like they are threatening us from the dark.

"Our aim is not to destroy or disrespect race and religion. We also want to protect these. But there are some aims and concepts [in the bill] that we can't accept."

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Burmese Nationalist Campaign to Call for Anti-Ooredoo Boycott

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 05:03 AM PDT

Ooredoo

The logo of telecommunications firm Ooredoo is seen at the company's head office in Doha, Qatar. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — A Burmese nationalist movement led by Buddhist monks is set to begin a campaign in calling for people to boycott Qatari mobile phone operator Ooredoo.

An abbot who supports the movement, U Parmaukha, told The Irrawaddy that a publicity campaign would begin in Rangoon on Saturday discouraging people from buying Ooredoo SIM cards, or even answering calls from phones using an Ooredoo SIM, because the company hails from a Muslim country.

U Parmaukha, from Magwe Kyaung Tike monastery in Rangoon, said a group called the Burmese Nationalist Youth will distribute pamphlets and CDs in the former capital with information about the boycott.

"The campaign is to protect the integrity of the Burmese nation and the religion because we doubt that we will have freedom when talking over their mobile network because the company is from an Islamic country," said U Parmaukha.

In support of the campaign, the abbot will open up his monastery for a press conference to launch it on Saturday. He added that similar campaigns against Ooredoo would soon be underway across the country.

Ooredoo—which is owned by the natural gas-rich Qatari government—is one of two foreign firms awarded the right to operate mobile phone services in Burma. The company said last month that it would make mobile phone and internet services available to 30 percent of the country sometime between the start of July and the end of September.

U Parmaukha said he was aware that the boycott would raise concerns about the environment for overseas businesses in Burma, which is currently seeing a massive influx of foreign investment, much of it in the nascent telecommunications sector.

"We are also concerned that the foreign investment would draw back, but we are worried that this Islamic company would threaten the integrity of the Burmese nation and the religion," said U Parmaukha.

"The government needs to think before giving permission to Islamic-related companies to run their business in the country, looking at it from A nationalistic point of view. For us, we prefer to give permission only to other companies, rather than Islamic ones."

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Craftsmen and Toymakers Struggle to Survive in Sagaing

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 04:29 AM PDT

crafts

A child looks at the papier marche toys for sale at the Kaung Mu Daw Pagoda stairway. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

SAGAING, Mandalay Division — Sagaing, known as the cultural sister city of Mandalay, is a popular tourist destination in central Burma, where visitors can climb the famous Sagaing Hill and see traditional arts such pottery and papier mâché toys.

The top of Sagaing Hill offers scenic views of pagodas and monasteries, while those who prefer to wander the shady streets of the city below can observe the workings of earthen pot studios, silversmith workshops and other craft centers.

The city appears peaceful, thanks to the Buddhist religious buildings surrounding it, but the struggles of local residents, especially the craftsmen, remain largely hidden from tourists.

The main road to Kaung Mu Daw Pagoda is lined with earthen pots, ranging from containers for drinking water to flower pots. A rhythmic rolling sound from pottery wheels can be heard from one hut along the road, a manufacturing center famous for its "Sagaing Pot," which is said to have a cooling effect on water. Tourist cars are parked outside.

Inside, potters begin to make the earthen pots by stepping over a mud mixture to create smooth dough. Nearby, women are busy molding a semi-dried pot into proper shape, lining the inside with wet sand and creating patterns on the exterior. Once fully shaped, the pots will dry under the shade and will later be transferred to the oven for baking.

Despite the pots' renowned natural cooling power, these potters in Sagaing say they struggle to sell their wares at markets in big cities because shoppers are increasingly opting for refrigerators or electric water coolers. Some potters have given up their craft to make more money by opening grocery stores or looking for jobs as migrant workers abroad.

"We still receive orders from remote areas and small villages," says potter Khine Yin Mon. "But even so, we only earn between 800 kyats and 6,000 kyats ($0.80 to $6) during tourist season," says potter Khine Yin Mon. "Sometimes we depend on tips from tourists. There are no more than a dozen potters left in the city because so many have left the business."

Not far from the pottery hut, a small silversmith workshop sits behind a showroom. Inside, about 10 young men use small hammers to carve Buddhist mythical images onto a silver bowl. In another corner, two men sweat heavily as they mold raw silver near a fireplace.

"It will take about seven months because we need to create the details, and it will cost about 20 million kyats," said the chief silversmith, Min Naing, of the silver bowl.

With no modern machinery, the silversmiths in Sagaing create intricate jewelery, souvenirs and even decorative table lamps. The creations are labor intensive, but wealthy Burmese buyers are willing to pay a high cost for ornate silverware that can be showcased at special religious ceremonies and weddings.

The silverware shops are always busy with local and foreign tourists. But a shortage of skilled laborers is a challenge for the future of business.

"A skilled labourer earns 5,000 kyats per day at minimum, but it's really hard to find them these days because youngsters are less interested in this industry and more interested in working at a company or going abroad," Min Naing says.

"We don't know how long we will last. We have fewer local buyers because of the high cost and we are becoming more dependent on foreign buyers. We believe we can manage if we stick to traditional methods, but we don't know what will happen if eventually we can't find more skilled laborers. We hope that day never comes."

Meanwhile, papier mâché toymakers in town are facing too much foreign competition.

A traditional Burmese toy known as the Tumbling Kelly as well as animal figures are mainly produced in Sagaing, but the toy market has become increasingly dominated by imported plastic toys and stuffed animals.

"Children nowadays prefer foreign toys and rarely play with these paper toys. Only few parents, who refer to them as 'ancient Burmese toys,' buy them for their children," says Tin Myint Yee as she makes a Tumbling Kelly.

There are only about five or six papier mâché toymakers left in Sagaing, and many worry they will not be able to sustain their business throughout the year, as most orders are placed once annually for pagoda festivals at the end of Buddhist lent.

"Many traditional craftsmen have changed their profession. We were also hit by the poor market, but we've managed to stand up again, like the Tumbling Kelly," Tin Myint Yee says, referring to the rounded-toy with a woman's face painted on the front, with a flattened bottom to keep it standing.

"We also need to run a grocery store to survive, but we will continue this business, which we still love, even if there is no-one to buy our creations."

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Switch to Telenor by Ex-Ambassador to Burma Provokes Criticism in Norway

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:45 AM PDT

A view of the office building of Norwegian firm Telenor in central Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The recent appointment of Katja Nordgaard, Norway's former ambassador to Burma, to Executive Vice President at the Oslo-based telecommunications firm Telenor Group has come under scrutiny in the Norwegian media, with critics questioning whether she is using her public position to gain advantages for the private sector.

As ambassador to Burma, Thailand and Cambodia from 2010 to 2013, Nordgaard oversaw the normalization of relations with Burma's reformist government and helped secure deals between the government and Norwegian firms, including for the multinational company that that she will be joining in August.

Telenor won a hotly contested bid last year for a US$500 million license that will allow it to develop telecommunications infrastructure and operate mobile phone services in Burma for 15 years.

Telenor and Norway's Minister of Foreign Affairs have said that the move by Nordgaard, who is currently Norway's ambassador to Thailand and Cambodia, does not violate any ethics policy.

However, Norway's major newspapers, Dagens Naeringsliv and Aftenposten, ran critical articles last week about her switch from diplomat to Telenor executive, saying that it blurred the line between Norway's public and private sector interests in Burma.

Audun Aagre, director of the Norwegian Burma Committee, told Dagens Naeringsliv, "Nordgaard has maintained good and close relations with Burmese authorities and has been one of their strongest defenders internationally.

"There can be little doubt that this is one of the reasons why Telenor is hiring her."

Halvor Leira, chair of the research group on foreign policy and diplomacy at the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs, told the paper, "I find this [move] a bit peculiar."

"When you are an ambassador, you represent Norway abroad. When you go from representing Norway's interests abroad to representing Telenor's interests abroad, you use the contacts that you have built up as a public person for private gain," Leira said.

Critics said Nordgaard's position as a supporter of President Thein Sein's government, and her subsequent move to a company that was granted Burmese government licenses, could damage Norway's reputation with the democratic opposition, ethnic groups and human rights activists.

Aagre said, "Our experience is that an increasing number of Burmese organizations are questioning Norway's strategy in Burma. It is important that Norwegian authorities distinguish clearly between the political goals of democracy and human rights, and the goals of Norwegian business.

"It would be sad if a mixing of roles were to undermine the trust that Norway has built up over 20 years" when it supported the democratic opposition, Aagre said.

"MFA [Ministry of Foreign Affairs] can say whatever they want, but this is about reputation, about how this will be perceived in Myanmar—this is something that MFA cannot control," Leira said.

"Norway is a country which in recent years has gone from having a close relationship with the democracy movement to a close relationship with the authorities," said Camilla Buzzi, Norwegian Church Aid's country program manager in Burma. "Katja Nordgaard has had a key role in the normalization of the relationship between Norway and Myanmar and has opened doors for Norwegian businesses wanting to enter the country.

"This creates uncertainty about Norway's motivations in Myanmar," she said.

Norway has long supported Burma's democratic opposition and the ethnic minority refugees stranded on the Thai-Burma border. When it launched the $2 million Myanmar Peace Support Initiative in 2012, however, the project drew the ire of border-based civil society groups, who said it had failed to properly consult them and was closely aligned to the Burmese government's peace process objectives.

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Film Set for Premier on 60th Anniversary of Burma’s First Hijacking

Posted: 04 Jun 2014 02:38 AM PDT

Culture, arts, history, Yangon,

Maj. Saw Kyaw Aye, who led the 1954 plane hijacking on which the new film "With the Dawn: The First Hijack in Burma" is based. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A new film based on Burma's first airplane hijacking will premier in Rangoon later this month, with the inaugural screening timed to coincide with the 60th anniversary of the real-life event.

The film, "With the Dawn: The First Hijack in Burma," tells the story of the June 25, 1954, hijack of a Rangoon-Sittwe flight by a team led by the Karen National Defense Organization's Maj. Saw Kyaw Aye.

The movie's director, Anthony, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that it will be screened for special guests and the press at the Thamada cinema in the former capital on the same date this month.

The film will then be screened elsewhere in Southeast Asia, but the Burmese public will have to wait until October for the film to go on general release in the country, he said.

"I plan to show this film in Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, other Asean countries, before showing it in Burma," he said, explaining that Rangoon's cinema's already had a backlog of movies waiting to be shown on the limited number of screens.

Anthony said the film has a running time of about two-and-a-half hours. It includes animated scenes and is produced to international standards, he said, adding that production costs ran to nearly 300 million kyat, or about US$300,000.

"I tried my best shooting this film," he said.

Anthony said the film, which is in the Burmese-language, will include English subtitles for international theaters, and he expects it to find an audience, especially among migrant Burmese communities in the region.

"I'm going to contact with the international film market soon after the press showing on June 25," he said.

The hijacking that gives the film its subject—involving a Dakota airline with 14 passengers and four airline staff on board—ended when the plane landed in Arakan State's Gwa Township. The plane did not have enough fuel on board to make it to the Karen mountains, where the three hijackers had planned to use it to access a storied weapons cache left behind by the Japanese after World War II.

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Karen Rebel Leaders Meeting Burmese President, Army Chief in Naypyidaw

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 11:52 PM PDT

Karen

The Burmese government's chief peace negotiator Aung Min (left) chats with KNU chairman Gen. Mutu Say Poe in Hpa-an in 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU) and its armed wing are this week meeting with Burmese President Thein Sein and the army's commander in chief in Naypyidaw, according to the ethnic group.

KNU Secretary Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win told The Irrawaddy that a delegation led by chairman Mutu Say Poe arrived in the capital Monday.

"The talks will include the current efforts around the nationwide ceasefire process, and how the KNU can contribute support for peace building," Kwe Htoo Win said.

The Karen National Liberation Army's chief, Gen. Johnny, is expected to meet with Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, his counterpart in the Burma Army. Similar meetings have been taking place regularly as the government attempts to cement a ceasefire agreement with all of the country's ethnic armed groups, but the two sides have not met since March 7.

"We have been busy with the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team working on the nationwide ceasefire draft and the regular meeting with the commander in chief was delayed this time," he said, adding that regular meetings were important for the peace process.

"We, both sides, exchange views, and more meetings create a platform for friendly and open discussions between us, who have responsibility for the stability and peace for the country."

The KNU chair is also accompanied by executive committee members such as Padoh Man Nyein Maung, Col. Saw Roger and Col. Htoo Htoo Lay.

The KNU and the government have been on good terms since signing a ceasefire agreement in Jan 2012. Mutu Say Poe and Min Aung Hlaing have met five times since 2013.

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Will Private-Public Partnerships Fly?

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 05:30 PM PDT

airports

An Air KBZ plane refuels at Yangon International Airport. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

YANGON — Myanmar's government is planning to offer up contracts to expand and operate some 39 regional airports in the country later this year, but some doubt whether the private sector will bring the help needed to update the country's crumbling smaller airstrips.

When a major aviation conference was held in Yangon in March, officials from the Department of Civil Aviation (DCA) told interested businesspeople that they have a plan—the details of which were sparse—that will return Myanmar to its once-proud place as a regional aviation hub.

The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) is currently working on a "survey," which will feed into a government transport master plan, but a JICA spokesperson declined to go into detail about the plan. Japan last year initiated a US$12 million project to upgrade safety at the country's six biggest airports with new communications and navigation equipment.

But in terms of tangible policy, it is clear only that Myanmar will continue offering up parts of the sector in competitive tenders. According to the DCA, as the clouds disperse at the end of the current rainy season, the latest tender will go out asking for companies to invest in improving airports and operate them as public-private partnerships.

The airports include those serving growing tourist destinations, like Heho near Inle Lake, Nyaung-U at Bagan, and Thandwe near Ngapali beach, but also planned economic hubs like Kyaukphyu and Dawei.

The aim is to modernize and improve the safety record of the large network of airports as it deals with rising passenger numbers. That should facilitate business and tourist travel across Myanmar's vast distances, which would in theory help spread economic growth around.

Henrich Dahm, a Yangon-based analyst who specializes in the tourism sector, told The Irrawaddy that developing some of the regional airports was needed for the tourism industry to handle the increasing numbers of visitors wanting to see more than just the major cities.

It was only in 2012 that Myanmar surpassed 1 million tourists per year, but President U Thein Sein has predicted that the country could get 5 million foreign visitors next year.

"The development of regional airports is important to ease the overstretched tourism infrastructure and address the lack of airport capacity in Yangon," Mr. Dahm said.

"More tourists need to [be able to] fly directly to Bagan, Inle, Mandalay, Myeik, etc., to promote new destinations in the country."

The tender follows the awarding of deals to operate the Yangon International Airport and Mandalay's airport, given to a subsidiary of Myanmar-owned company Asia World and Japan's Mitsubishi Corporation, respectively.

The model of private operators taking over airports has had success elsewhere, and has been useful for governments short on capital who wish to expand their aviation infrastructure.

However, the private sector is not always willing to stump up all the cash for such projects, as the government has discovered with the tender to build a new airport serving Yangon. A new tender had to be issued for the Hanthawaddy airport project after South Korea's Incheon and the DCA could not agree on how it would be funded. The government eventually agreed to guarantee development loans for half of the project cost—estimated at between $1.4 and $1.5 billion.

In other sectors, the government has had considerable success bringing in private money to pay for upgrades in infrastructure.

Peter Brimble, the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) principal country specialist based in Yangon, said the tender for telecommunications licenses last year was widely seen as competitive and fair and secured promises of large upfront capital investment.

The ADB has just begun a program in the energy sector to help the government develop a robust tendering process to make sure future deals get the best outcome for Myanmar. "It's not just to go through the process of tendering, it's also to think about the national needs—whether that means using a public-private partnership or the government's own money or a partnership [with donors]," said Mr. Brimble.

The government's preferred choice, though, as demonstrated by the stumbling Hanthawaddy project, has been to ask private firms to take the entire hit, in exchange for rewards later as long-term operators.

"There's a tendency to try to raise funds however you can," Mr. Brimble said.

The DCA appears confident that there is enough private-sector interest, and the department's director general U Tin Naing Tun told The Irrawaddy in April that "many" companies had come forward to register their interest.

However, he said that much of that interest was from local firms, and it is unclear whether the investment necessary to revamp the domestic aviation market will be forthcoming.

A 2012 report by Business Monitor International, looking ahead to the development of Myanmar aviation, threw cold water on the idea that the sector offered attractive investment opportunities.

"We do not see a lot of financially viable opportunities in the construction and management of airports in Myanmar over the next decade," the report said.

Noting that Myanmar already has a large number of airports in operation—69 in total—the report warned that "even though Myanmar is keen on private investment…the rewards from this sector are very uncertain for the next decade and would depend on several long-term factors such as a general rise in incomes within Myanmar and the development of a vibrant tourism sector."

Economist and country specialist Sean Turnell said the airports at tourist destinations had potential, particularly considering the growth of low-cost carriers in the region, which could take advantage of "secondary" airports that are cheaper for airlines to fly into.

"Many others will not be attractive, though—too out of the way, no viable tourist traffic and no reservoir of middle-class travelers or business activity to sustain them," Mr. Turnell said.

"The sort of returns these airports could generate would not be sufficient for the relatively high capital outlays creating a modern airport would require.

"Of course, on top of the possibility of low and variable returns, you have that fundamental problem in Myanmar of the absence of secure property rights. Investing in an airport will be a long-term proposition, with all the insecurities such decision-making may involve," Mr. Turnell added.

Kyaw Hsu Mon contributed reporting. This article first appeared in the June 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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‘The Violin Is More Than Just a Tool. It’s More Like My Voice’

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 05:00 PM PDT

violin

Burmese-born violinist San Win Htike plays during a trip to Rangoon. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burmese-born violinist San Win Htike has just completed his third year at the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music in Singapore. During a visit to his homeland in May this year, he gave a short recital of his adventures in music across China, Thailand and Singapore. In his performance, at the Legacy Music Academy in Rangoon, he showed off his skills, and his own ideas about music.

San Win Htike a.k.a Phong Phong started studying violin at the age of 5 in Ruili, on the Chinese side of the Yunnan-Shan State border. Aged 14, he enrolled in a young artists program at Yong Siew Toh. He has participated in festivals such as SAYOWE in Thailand and the Hong Kong New Music Festival in Hong Kong. He sometimes returns to Burma during the school holidays to raise people's interest in music through teaching and giving recitals in the Rangoon and Mandalay. During his recent visit, he sat down with The Irrawaddy to discuss his music, his inspiration and his instrument.

Question: What made you begin playing the violin?

Answer: I played it by accident. My mother found an advertisement that a teacher in Ruili would open a violin course. My mother went there and made enquiries. When I got home, I found a violin waiting for me! I had no idea about this tool, but I tried it. At first, I was still so young and I didn't know what I was doing. The tips of my fingers felt pain. But I found it fresh and new in the beginning. I was interested in it. With time, I felt unhappy doing it sometimes. But when I played some songs, I found it so interesting again.

Q: After you had succeeded in playing some difficult notes on the violin, did you feel you could apply the same kind of hard work to other problems?

A: Most of my friends would tell me: "It's impossible to play these songs at your level." But, for me, I had been practicing the songs without ever thinking of impossibilities. I simply practiced it. In my mind, if I try, I'll get it. If I repeat something again and again, I know I will master it. I never say to myself it is impossible to get something. If you say to yourself it is impossible, you will not get it.

Q: What is the most difficult part of playing the violin?

A: In my opinion, it's not that difficult to play the instrument. If you practice enough, you can play it. But the difficult part is: Why are you playing? You need to consider it, even though nobody asks you like that. If you play without thinking about what you are playing, it will look like a robot.

Q: At the moment, who is the most influential violinist for you?

A: In recent years, Bela Bartok is the one who influences me. He combined classical music theories and the themes from Hungarian folk songs and created his own music. I like his idea of creating something new, not deleting what's different.

Q: What is your relationship with your instrument?

A: I'd say we are partners. Sometimes, when I practice, when I cannot get something, I talk to the violin: "Why can't I get this?" "Why are you doing this to me?" Afterward, I'm sorry and I keep on practicing. After I get it, I feel sorry for blaming the violin. He's there to create songs for me. And the violin is more than just a tool, I think. It's more like my voice. I can't sing, but with the violin I can make something musical.

Q: In Burma, we have our own well-known violinists like U Tin Yi. How did you feel when you met him?

A: When I met with him about 10 years ago, he could still play and it was really fun playing with him. Everyday I'd go to his house and we'd play something together. And he started teaching me Burmese traditional folk songs and it was really enjoyable. But now…he's still healthy, but he's getting old. He cannot play as much as before.  He's really a good player. I enjoyed playing with him, 10 years ago.

Q: Do you have any intention to present Burmese traditional songs to a Western audience?

A: Yeah, someday when I'm really confident. I'm still learning.

Q: What's the best part about being a musician?

A: The best part is we don't have to wake up at 9 in the morning to go to work.

Q: What is the hardest part about being a musician?

A: Ha. We have no proper job.

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Wary China Keeps Close Watch as Tiananmen Anniversary Arrives

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:51 PM PDT

Tiananmen anniversary

Zhang Xianling, whose son Wang Nan was killed by soldiers at the Tiananmen Square in 1989, holds his picture after journalists were turned away, at the window of her home in Beijing, on April 24, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Twenty-five years ago, Wang Nan took his camera and headed out to Beijing’s Tiananmen Square, where tens of thousands of people had gathered calling for democratic reforms. The 19-year-old told a friend he wanted to record history.

Before he left his home late on June 3, 1989, he asked his mother, "Do you think the troops would open fire?" She said she did not. Around three hours later, he was shot dead by soldiers.

As his 77-year-old mother, Zhang Xianling, prepares to mark the 25th anniversary of her son’s death, she is under around-the-clock surveillance by eight police and security officers.

Zhang said the level of scrutiny this year was unprecedented. As early as April, police officers barred foreign journalists, including Reuters reporters, from visiting her home.

"I find it ridiculous, I’m an old lady," Zhang told Reuters by telephone. "What can I say [to reporters]? I don’t know any state secrets. All I can talk about is the matter concerning my son. What is there to be afraid of?"

The Chinese Communist Party’s harshest crackdown on political dissent in recent years would suggest plenty.

As Wednesday’s big anniversary of the bloody repression of pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square approached, authorities deployed hundreds of police, many armed with rifles, to patrol the area.

Rights group Amnesty International said at least 66 people have been detained in connection with the anniversary, and major Chinese internet sites censor references to the day on which hundreds, possibly thousands of unarmed civilians were killed.

For Zhang, whenever she wants to travel anywhere she is driven in a police car. Two police officers walk with her when she goes to the market.

In previous years, Zhang said she was usually guarded by three to five police officers who would appear outside her home a month before the anniversary.

Xi Takes hard Line

The extraordinary measures are explained by the fact that she is one of the co-founders of a group of families called the Tiananmen Mothers, who have long demanded justice for the victims of the massacre.

Ding Zilin, the other co-founder who was travelling in the eastern city of Wuxi, near Shanghai, was not allowed to return to Beijing, said Zhang and other rights activists.

"There is much empathy for them given they lost children in 1989," said William Nee, Amnesty International’s China researcher. "They are seen as credible and their continued fight for justice, especially given their age, has drawn much sympathy.

"The authorities are acutely aware of this and that is why we believe they are placed under such heavy surveillance this year."

Asked about the restrictions on the Tiananmen Mothers, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei said the legal rights of Chinese citizens are guaranteed, but every Chinese citizen must "consciously respect the country’s rules and laws."

Since Xi Jinping became president in March last year, his administration has taken a hard line on dissent, detaining and jailing activists, clamping down on Internet critics and tightening curbs on journalists in what rights groups call the worst suppression of free expression for several years.

Censors have scrubbed out references on Weibo, China’s version of Twitter, to "May 35th," a substitute for the date of the Tiananmen crackdown.

Tencent Holdings Ltd’s microblog censors the characters for "willow silk," which sound similar to the words "six four," a Chinese way to say June 4.

Qihoo 360 Technology Co censors "VIIIIXVIIV," the Roman numerals for "8 9 6 4" or June 4, 1989.

"The government is concerned about what they call stability maintenance," said Andrew Nathan, a professor of political science who specializes in Chinese politics at Columbia University in New York.

Nathan said Chinese leaders are concerned about the so-called "Arab Spring" uprisings and revolutions in Ukraine, and want to prevent such open acts of rebellion against the state from taking hold in China.

"So their idea of preventing it is not to take the lid off and let people hash things out, but instead try to prevent anybody from raising any of these troubling issues," he said.

'We've Left the Battlefield'

After initially tolerating the student-led demonstrations in the spring of 1989, the Communist Party sent in troops to crush a rare display of public defiance.

The government has never released a death toll from the violence, but estimates from human rights groups and witnesses range from several hundred to several thousand.

Stunned by the government’s harsh response to the Tiananmen movement that officials have termed "counter-revolutionary," and tired of decades of turmoil under Communist rule, many Chinese people now balk at the idea of mass revolution.

Instead, they chase new opportunities offered by the country’s booming economic growth.

And while the authorities have moved swiftly to squash criticism of the one-party system, people are enjoying the kind of individual freedoms never accorded them before.

They can report on corrupt officials, sue the government for pollution and miscarriages of justice, and stage protests for labor and environmental rights.

The Chinese government has also loosened the one-child policy, allowing many urban couples to have two children.

It has been effective, too, in scrubbing out memories of the 1989 protests. Many young people, indoctrinated by years of "patriotic education," have no inkling of the movement.

Beijing has forced many of the student leaders into exile in the United States, Hong Kong and Taiwan, where they are effectively neutralized, being barred from the mainland.

"Once we leave China, we’ve left the battlefield," said Wu’er Kaixi, a leading figure in the pro-democracy movement who now lives in Taiwan. "We are no longer the main actors on the stage."

Wang Dan, who was one of the most visible leaders in the movement and is also in exile in Taiwan, said he was able to hold a "democracy salon"—an open forum for intellectuals to discuss political problems—at Peking University 25 years ago.

"Everyone knows that anyone who dares to do anything like that these days will be detained. This is a clear regression from where we were back then."

Michael Gold in Taipei and Ben Blanchard and Paul Carsten in Beijing contributed reporting.

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4 Hawaii Farms Settle Thai Workers Suit for $2.4 Million

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:44 PM PDT

Thai workers in Hawaii

In this screenshot from a video by the anti-human-trafficking group 808HALT, migrant workers are shown tending crops in Hawaii. (Photo: 808HALT / Youtube)

HONOLULU — Four Hawaii farms are settling a discrimination lawsuit for a total of US$2.4 million over allegations that they exploited hundreds of Thai workers.

The US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission filed a federal lawsuit in 2011 against California-based labor contractor Global Horizons and six Hawaii farms, with allegations including subjecting workers to discrimination, uninhabitable housing, insufficient food, inadequate wages and deportation threats.

Mac Farms of Hawaii will pay $1.6 million, Kelena Farms will pay $275,000, Captain Cook Coffee Co. will pay $100,000, and Kauai Coffee Co. will pay $425,000, according to settlement agreements made public on Tuesday.

A judge recently found Global Horizons liable for the discrimination and abuse of the workers.

Del Monte Fresh Produce Inc. settled for $1.2 million, the EEOC announced last year. Global Horizons and Maui Pineapple Co., the last farm that hasn’t settled, are scheduled to go to trial in November, said Anna Park, EEOC Los Angeles regional attorney, who traveled to Honolulu with other agency staff to announce the settlement details.

All of the $3.6 million in settlement funds will go directly to the workers, Park said, in a distribution process that involves determining who worked on the various farms, for how long and the severity of the abuse workers suffered.

Likhit Yoo-on and Khamjuan Namwichai told reporters through a translator Tuesday about how they were recruited in Thailand to do agricultural work in the United States with promises of earning enough money to support their families.

Their passports were taken away. Yoo-on said he had to sleep on the floor and was forced to harvest bananas even when sick. Manwichai said he lived in a bug-infested house where 26 workers shared one bathroom.

Among the allegations in the lawsuit is that 20 Mac Farms workers were living in a Naalehu house approved for only five people, which was cited because it "lacked a functioning toilet, toilet paper, and hot water and had a buckling kitchen floor."

The lawsuit also alleges Micronesian workers at Maui Pineapple were treated better than Thai workers, whose living conditions included portable toilets and five shower heads for 70 workers. The Thai workers were forbidden from using the Micronesian workers’ bathroom, the lawsuit states.

The contractor sought impoverished Thai nationals, who they stereotyped to be docile and compliant, Park said, and charged them fees ranging from $9,500 to $26,000. The overcrowded housing was often infested with bed bugs and some workers even resorted to making "primitive slingshots to catch chickens so they could eat," Park said.

Mordechai Orian, president and chief strategic officer of now-defunct Global Horizons, said by phone Tuesday that he doesn’t believe any of the allegations.

"We’re filing motions and everything to dismiss the case," he said. "It’s a baseless case."

The Hawaii farms that settled did so out of fear and for business reasons. "It’s a strategy of any businessman: If I’m making money, I’ll pay something and move on," Orian said. "It’s cheaper than paying lawyers."

Attorneys for the farms couldn’t immediately be reached for comment.

The farms also agreed to various anti-discrimination measures, according to the consent decrees on the settlements.

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Malaysian PM Sues Online News Portal Malaysiakini

Posted: 03 Jun 2014 09:36 PM PDT

Malaysian media

Malaysian leader Najib Razak appears on the homepage of the Malaysiakini online news portal on June 4, 2014. (Photo: Malaysiakini)

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysian leader Najib Razak is suing an independent online news portal for allegedly defaming him and his ruling Malay party.

The action against Malaysiakini is believed to be the first by a Malaysian prime minister against a media organization. Rights activists called it a threat to press freedom.

The news portal said on its website that it received legal papers on Tuesday accusing it of publishing readers’ comments that defamed Najib and damaged his image. The comments were critical of Najib and questioned alleged corruption in his party.

Malaysiakini editor Steven Gan said Najib was offered a chance to reply but refused.

"We will fight the suit vigorously," Gan said.

Najib lodged the suit after Malaysiakini, known for its criticism of the government, refused to apologize and retract the comments.

Last week, Najib said his action against the news portal was not part of a media crackdown to silence critics, and stressed "there is a difference between legitimate criticism and defamation." A court hearing has been set for June 18.

Malaysiakini, the country’s first online news portal, was formed in 1999 to offer "alternative news and views of Malaysia" in response to government control of the mass media.

Online media have since expanded and played a key role in helping the opposition make unprecedented gains in the last two general elections. The government earlier pledged not to censor the Internet.

Media rights group Reporters Without Borders earlier criticized Najib’s planned legal action, saying it was a threat to press freedom, and urged him to accept criticism.

Human Rights Watch also slammed Najib’s "heavy-handed efforts," saying they showed "a fundamental disregard for press freedom."

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