The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• YCDC Shelves Dagon Township Highrise Projects
• Of Teachers and Tea Shops
• The Blind Tiger: Look No Further
• The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 7, 2015)

YCDC Shelves Dagon Township Highrise Projects Posted: 06 Feb 2015 11:34 PM PST A scale model of Dagon City 1, near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon's north. (Photo: Marga Group) RANGOON — An international development complex worth nearly US$300 million, along with four other building projects, have been suspended while authorities consider the impact of proposed building heights on the nearby Shwedagon Pagoda. Situated on land formerly owned by the military in Dagon Township, the five projects stretch over more than 71 acres of land, sold in 2013 and 2014 for the development of a five star hotel, serviced and residential apartments, and a shopping complex. Site development of the flagship 22-acre 'Dagon City 1' project, near the U Htaung Bo roundabout and within walking distance of Shwedagon, began last year. "The project was suspended a few days ago as the buildings will have more stories than what was stated in their proposal," said Toe Aung, the director of Urban Planning Department in Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC). Dagon City 1, a joint venture between the international Marga Group syndicate and local partnet Thukhayadanar, includes plans for the development of a number of eight storey residential towers, according to a press release issued in June 2014. The municipality restricts buildings in the vicinity of Shwedagon to 62 feet, or around 5-6 stories, to protect metropolitan sightlines to the national monument. It remains unclear why the YCDC has waited until this week to raise its objections to the proposal. A draft plan on zoning and land use formulated by the YCDC, which is currently the de facto framework for urban development decisions and which details restrictions on building heights near Shwedagon, was being prepared for submission to the Rangoon Division Parliament in Feb. 2014, four months before Marga Group publicly released details of its development proposal. Toe Aung told The Irrawaddy that the YCDC and Myanmar Engineering Society would reassess the projects and negotiate with developers, noting that there were other outstanding concerns that the projects would violate municipal regulations. "According to the (draft) Zoning Plan, those areas have been partially designated as green areas," he added. Local company Thukhayadanar is also the sole investor in the nearby $75 million, 7.5-acre Dagon City 2 development, itself subject to the YCDC's suspension. The identity of the other three suspended projects were not confirmed by the YCDC's Urban Planning Department. Since Burma's re-engagement with the West in 2011, Rangoon's religious and colonial-era sites have been threatened by private commercial interests seeking land for high-rise and modern developments to a city long neglected by the former military regime and shunned by international investors. The World Monuments Fund in 2013 put Burma's largest city on its watchlist of places "at risk from the forces of nature and the impact of social, political, and economic change." In December 2014, a group Burmese urban planning and heritage experts sent an open letter to President Thein Sein, requesting the suspension of construction projects planned or already underway at Rangoon's heritage sites, including the downtown grid and the area around Shwedagon. The letter warned that such developments could threaten urban landscapes and displace city dwellers. suspend construction projects planned or already under way at Rangoon's heritage sites, such as the area surrounding Shwedagon Pagoda and the historic downtown core. A PR Officer for Marga Group told The Irrawaddy that the project had already been approved by the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), and a statement would be released shortly. MIC officials were not available for comment. The post YCDC Shelves Dagon Township Highrise Projects appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Of Teachers and Tea Shops Posted: 06 Feb 2015 05:00 PM PST A tea shop in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) I thought of them often when I was in exile, and they sometimes came to my dreams. After my immediate family members, friends and teachers from my high school days were the people I missed most as the years away rolled on. Recently I was glad to be able to attend our high school reunion. I wanted to pay respects to the teachers I had not seen in more than 25 years. I was excited to go, but I wasn't sure quite what to expect. To my relief, many of the teachers who had taught me subjects like geography, math, history, economics and English were still alive. One arrived in a wheelchair. Others used walking sticks and were aided by assistants. They were in high spirits, though some shed a discreet tear. "Where have you been?" one teacher asked me. After finishing school, I had disappeared for decades. For a long time, it had seemed that I would never come home. The teachers accepted donations and presents from their former students and in return they offered us their best wishes. It was all a little emotional. In Myanmar style, there was a bit of warm commotion amid talk filled with memory and laughing. It was a time to reflect back, and to share tentative hopes. Looking around me, at a time when religious intolerance is increasingly evident, I felt grateful to have had teachers of many religious backgrounds—Christian, Buddhist and Muslim. I looked for, but did not find, an old friend from sixth grade who was a Karen, like most of our English teachers. To my surprise, the last time I bumped into him was on the Thai-Myanmar border where he had become a soldier. I believe he later moved to the United States. After we had paid our respects, the teachers, who were in their 70s and 80s, began to head home. I chased down a teacher who had taught me economics and whose classes had partly involved learning the benefits of Gen. Ne Win's socialist economic policy, even as we students could see its failures plainly outside the classroom! I remembered she had always asked certain pupils, including myself, to carry her traditional rattan basket filled with teaching materials and lunch containers. To be allowed to carry the basket had been a special honor; it meant you were one of her favorites. She was still energetic and she looked at me with a wide smile. I joked, "I became a rebel after taking your class! Thank you!" She giggled and walked on to her car. Some of the teachers seemed more guarded and weary. They seemed uncertain, even sad; I speculated whether they were perhaps missing students who had never come home after dying on the streets. Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy. One of my favorite teachers, who taught math in ninth grade, was in a wheelchair. My schoolmates told me she had often asked about me after I left Myanmar following the political turmoil in 1988. Now in her 80s, she looked at me with tears in her eyes and said, "You finally came home!" I was thrilled to see that teachers of her age were still with us, and keeping themselves strong and healthy. A former headmaster in his late 80s did not recognize me at first, but when I mentioned my grandparents' names, his jaw dropped. "They were my friends. Your grandfather and I played football together!" he said. I made sure to take his picture to show my grandmother who lives with me back home. A history teacher who followed the news closely was more forthcoming. In quiet tones she confided that she thought the current political opening in Myanmar was significant. But "we have to move gingerly, slowly," she said, as if warning me not to expect too much in the immediate future. I asked her about the history we had learned in class, particularly about the ethnic regions and civil conflict. "You know,'' she said, ''we taught what the government told us to teach." It came home to me that just as we were taught not to ask critical questions, but to obey and extend respect, our teachers were under similar pressures. A friend told me that our former physical training (PT) teacher had recently passed away. We had always enjoyed his class in which we could roam around outside in the fresh air. I remember he was tall and handsome and had sold snacks to students to earn some extra income. He was a police sergeant in active service, but he would come to school in casual wear. Some students wondered if he was a spy assigned to watch over us. But he was friendly and one of our favorites. In those days teachers were afraid to discuss political matters. Other subjects, such as sex, were also taboo—we were supposed to be polite! Of course in the school bathrooms you could find indecent writing scrawled on the walls, as well as anti-government slogans. When I reached the ninth grade, I started skipping classes in favor of sitting in tea shops where I began to catch onto other matters: mainly smoking and politics. Tea shops were a learning ground for dreamers and planners. The young me felt I was among intellectuals, people who thought big in ways that stirred the mind, people who were more imaginative and progressive than our school teachers. The tea shops were the kind of places that nurtured revolutionaries and radicals, where strategies were debated that could change the ruling order. Many of my female friends remained dutifully in the classroom, hoping to go on to become doctors or engineers. Few considered journalism as a career. But those female students were also our messengers. They would bring us gossip, as well as inform us of our teachers' reaction to our absence. Later on in Yangon I bumped into yet another former teacher, who is now in her 60s. Her husband was a well-known literature guru and a former political prisoner who spent years behind bars. "It's lucky that you are back here, but I must tell you this," she warned. "Never get involved in politics because you will always suffer. You will never win. They are not kind-hearted people and they show no humanity!'' I felt she must offer the same kind of thoughts to her older husband who was resting at home. He was a poet who taught us to be more critical, and a bit more rebellious. He encouraged us to read literature such as Dostoyevsky's "The Brothers Karamazov," John Steinbeck's "Tortilla Flat," and Jack London's "The Sea Wolf." And he steered us towards poetry, including the works of W.B. Yeats When we finally made it to college, we were exposed to other young and progressive professors and tutors who were bookworms and politically-minded. Unlike in the high school days, we shared similar thinking with these figures; namely, the view that we were governed by a bunch of uneducated dictators who were adept at manipulation, repression and guns. We felt as though we were going to hell if we didn't revolt. And then the time to say "no" came in the form of the 1988 uprising, and many of the friends and teachers I knew ended up serving long jail sentences. Those teachers, friends and mentors from school, college and the tea shops helped shape the person I have become. Today the dilapidated buildings and classrooms of my former high school in a Yangon suburb appear much the same as they did 25 years ago. But at the school, amid our reunion, I also sensed a new spirit and a feeling of anticipation. Some young students came up to me and talked and posed for pictures. They mentioned my writings and my TV programs covering political matters. And as I looked back to the 1980s, and I looked at them, I could not but hope for a more promising future. Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in- chief of The Irrawaddy. This article originally appeared in the Feb. 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy Magazine. The post Of Teachers and Tea Shops appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Blind Tiger: Look No Further Posted: 06 Feb 2015 04:31 PM PST The Blind Tiger bar. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — If you're going to go on a date at the Blind Tiger, bring someone you like. The cocktails are spicy enough that a single splash on someone's face will burn to high heaven. Skip past the Spiked Tiger on the menu and ask the Thai mixologist, Addy, to whip you up a 'Burma Strawberry.' Be sure to nod your head and wai him in anticipatory gratitude. At first, this strawberry and chili infused vodka cocktail is sweet and refreshing. It then turns punishing, with a kick strong enough to surprise but that's just shy of overdone. Not for the faint of heart—or stomach—it ranks alongside Gekko's 'Horse's Neck' for best cocktail in Rangoon. It's a great start to a night. After all, a speakeasy should have good drinks. Owner Sophie Barry was a camerawoman for most of her life and owned the Mexican-themed 'La Cantina' in Kabul from 2009 till 2011. She settled in Rangoon to be close to her sister, and quickly realized that the Yaw Min Gyi neighborhood desperately needed a good bar. When she stumbled into the old cyber café that used to sit on the ground floor of United Condo, Sophie embraced the concept of a speakeasy and set out to fully soundproof the walls. After arriving at the nondescript building that sits on the corner of Nawaday and Alain Pyar Road, visitors have to 'follow the paws' on the graffiti-filled walls of the ground floor and navigate a couple tricky hallways to then knock on the heavy wooden door marked only by the image of a tiger smoking a cigarette. The eyes of one of the many Burmese bartenders—many of whom previously worked in Dubai—will peep through the eyehole before welcoming guests inside. The venue itself is a mixture of dark and luxurious, with sparkly bead curtains and provocative art contrasting nicely with the Bordeaux walls and heavy wooden furniture. All in all, it's easy to settle in for the night and allow the music and the hours to pass you by, only to be jolted back to reality by the sudden realization that the bathroom is talking to you, in which case, don't worry: It's not the alcohol, but the speakers installed to play a looped recording about the history of speakeasies while patrons, well, take care of business. Open till 10:30pm, the kitchen at The Blind Tiger caters to all degrees of hunger, from the 'I'll just have a few dainty garlic shrimps with my ginger mojito' to the 'I'm desperate; bring me a burger large enough to feed a small family, please.' The half-burger, an upcoming addition to the menu, is still quite a mouthful, and is served in a brioche bun accompanied by a bounty of caramelized onions, bacon, and your choice of cheese (camembert, blue cheese, cheddar) and sauces, of which there are too many to choose from. It hits all the right notes and definitely stands out among other Rangoon burger offerings, though it could have been juicier. Other highlights on the menu include the meatballs—rich and flavorful—and the crab cakes. Don't leave without trying the crab cakes, which are absolutely sublime, though the portion size is a little too European. Consider yourself forewarned: with its insulated soundproofed walls that block out not only noise, but also traffic, cell reception, heat and the changing skies, The Blind Tiger lends itself to arriving early, staying for dinner, loosing track of time, and stumbling back to greet a new dawn with a fuller belly and a lighter wallet, the soul all the merrier for it. The post The Blind Tiger: Look No Further appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 7, 2015) Posted: 06 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST Development Banks Refute Claims They Will Fund Coal Power Station The Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the World Bank have denied a Burmese firm's claim that they will partly finance a coal-fired power station on the coast near Pathein. The A1 Group of Companies said it and a Japanese consortium including major corporation Mitsubishi would fund 30% of the Nga Yoke Kaung plant's development cost and the rest of the money would come from ADB and World Bank loans. "The ADB is not associated with the mentioned coal-fired power project and ADB is not considering involvement in any coal-fired power project in Myanmar [Burma]," the bank's external relations officer Alex Nyi Nyi Aung told The Irrawaddy in an emailed statement. The ADB would make no further comment on the A1 Group. "The World Bank is not and has no plans investing into coal plants in Myanmar [Burma]," the bank's communications officer Meriem Gray told The Irrawaddy. The consortium, which includes the Ministry of Electric Power, has said the plant would have a generating capacity of 300 megawatts and coal to fuel it would be imported via a purpose-built port. A power plant of that size usually costs several hundred million dollars. Local residents oppose the development plan. Mitsubishi has said it would pay for some local people to visit Japan to see how coal-fired power plants operate near Japanese residential areas in order to allay concerns. China to Spend $24bn on Yunnan Province Infrastructure Burma's economy is about to face stiff competition for investment from the neighbouring Chinese province of Yunnan, according to an industry report. Yunnan is currently the third poorest of China's 31 provinces, with per capita income of only US$4,050 in 2014, oil and petrochemicals magazine ICIS reported. The Chinese central government is spending over US$24 billion in Yunnan to improve the province's infrastructure, including 1,500 kilometers (932 miles) of new highways. The aim is to make Yunnan a key component of Beijing's plans for a so-called New Silk Road, analyst John Richardson said in an ICIS report on the province's development. "China will increasingly buy basic raw materials, such as oil and gas, from its less-developed neighbors. It will then re-export finished or semi-finished goods, such as chemicals and polymers, to these neighbouring countries," Richardson said. Yunnan's geographical position connects its borders directly with Vietnam, Laos and Burma, and via the River Mekong with Thailand and Cambodia. In addition to the twin crude oil and gas pipelines now operating from the coast of Arakan State into Yunnan, China is continuing negotiations with Naypyidaw to expand its oil transhipment port at Kyaukphyu, which it also wants to link to Yunnan by railway. New Dawei Port-Industrial Plan a Result of 'Pressure from Thailand' A leading economist specializing on Burma is "very sceptical" about the benefits to the country of a port and petrochemicals complex at Dawei on the southeast coast proposed by Thailand. A new agreement on a special economic zone at Dawei will be signed in March, Reuters quoted Thailand's Deputy Transport Minister Arkhom Termittayapaisit as saying last week, after a meeting of Bangkok and Naypyidaw government officials. Bangkok has been attempting to revive the Dawei project for two years, after construction firm Italian-Thai Development (ITD) failed to find financial partners to back a contract it obtained under Burma's former military government. "I confess to remaining very sceptical about Dawei. Pressure for it seems to come more or less exclusively from Thailand, even though the [Burma] government seems happy to play along, as an indicator perhaps of progress and investor interest," economist and professor at Australia's Macquarie University Sean Turnell told The Irrawaddy. "One gets the feeling that Japan continues to be dragged to it and to only make enough encouraging noises to keep dreams alive." ITD will partner with Rojana Industrial Park Company in a first phase Dawei development agreement to be signed in March, Reuters quoted Arkhom saying. Rojana is a Thai-Japanese joint venture firm based in Bangkok comprising Vinichbutr Group and Nippon Steel & Sumikin Bussan Corporation, a Japanese conglomerate involved in infrastructure developments, textiles and foods. Central Bank Builds Closer Ties with Singapore Singapore is seeking to further strengthen its financial links with Burma following a visit to Naypyidaw by the city-state's senior minister, Goh Chok Tong. The two countries signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on February 3 to "cooperate on banking supervision and capacity building," said Singapore's Channel News Asia (CNA). It will involve the Monetary Authority of Singapore and Burma's central bank. "The MoU reflects longstanding bilateral relations that have deepened in recent years," said a joint statement quoted by CNA. Two Singaporean banks, the Overseas Chinese Banking Corporation United Overseas Bank, are among nine foreign banks that have been given limited licenses to operate in Burma. Singaporean banks had close dealings with Burma during the military regime era and military-linked funds were often rumoured to have been deposited in Singapore. Local Firm Wins Country's 'First Helicopter Service License' Air Myanmar Aviation Services has been awarded Burma's first regular helicopter service licence by the Department of Civil Aviation (DCA), the Xinhua Chinese news agency said. "[Burma] is upgrading its aviation business in a bid to boost the air transport sector amid growing tourist arrivals in the country year-on-year," Xinhua said. The company will use two AS350 B3 helicopters providing a service "to airports and other designated heliports in the country." The Naypyidaw government has announced plans to privatise 30 airports but in January said this plan would be postponed until later this year or 2016. The DCA said the delay was due to continuing negotiations with companies bidding to manage Burma's international airports. The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 7, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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INTERIM SOLUTION: From Comprehensive Single Text Negotiation to Peace Pledge Agreement? Posted: 06 Feb 2015 06:49 PM PST Recently, two "interim solution" proposals, which is also known as interim arrangement, compromise solution, intermediate solution and temporary solution, but coined in German as "Zwischenloesung", have been making the rounds. One is the much publicized United Nationalities Federal Council's (UNFC) "Agreement Relating to the Establishment of a Federal Union" and the other, the "Peace Pledge Agreement" (PPA) proposal, which the Euro-Burma Office (EBO) is canvassing, with likely endorsement of Karen National Union (KNU) and Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA). It is not clear, however, if this is originated from Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), Union Peace-making Working Committee (UPWC) or even from EBO itself. But a reliable source indicates that it is the handiwork of EBO and KNU combined. The excerpt of the six points proposal draft are : 1. Building of a federal union, in line with Panglong spirit, according to the outcomes from political dialogue 2. To sign Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) within three months 3. Not to arrest or persecute those involved in the peace process, using association with illegal organizations act; and free all those arrested under such act 4. To form Union Peace Consultation Joint Committee (UPCJC) and necessary joint committees in one month; and within three months to formulate Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), together with political parties and appropriate individuals 5. To hold political dialogue within six months, according to the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) achieved, in all-inclusive manner 6. To strive for the betterment of all the people residing within the country According to SHAN, the United Wa State Party/Army (UWSP/UWSA) and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) warmly received the EBO, Pyidaungsu Institute (PI), KNU and RCSS delegation in Mong La, last week, by Sao Sai Luen, head of the NDAA, also known as Mong La group, but politely refused to endorse the six points PPA proposal. The reluctance of UWSP/UWSA and NDAA to endorse the PPA could be seen by the SHAN report of 29 February. The report writes: Just before we (the delegation) are leaving, it is informed by our hosts: • We (the UWSP/UWSA and NDAA) stand between the UNFC (United Nationalities Federal Council) and you (KNU and RCSS). Furthermore, governments on both sides are all ears to what's happening here. So we may need time to make correct decisions • The friendly relations between the RCSS and the UWSP is very important if peace is to be achieved • Gen N Banla , the leader of the Kachin Independence Organization/ Army (KIO/KIA) and the UNFC, has called us this morning from the Sino-Burmese border. He wants us to mediate among the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) While the UNFC proposal, aimed to be signed on the Union Day, has been widely publicized, the EBO initiated proposal is not widely known, due to its little or no media visibility of the specific issue for the reasons unknown. The UNFC proposal has also been politely pushed aside, if not roundly rejected, by U Aung Min, the President's top peace negotiator. The Irrawaddy Burmese Section, on 6 February, reported that " Their proposal, if not exceeding the framework of NCA discussion, could be agreed. But if new facts would be asked to be included, which are not in the NCA, we'll have to discuss before making the decision. I told them today that if all their proposals are within the framework of the NCA, it is possible. If exceeding the framework, it could not happen." Similar rejection was also reported. According to DVB report of 5 February, when asked whether the signing of UNFC's Union Day proposal would happen, U Aung Min replies: " You could imagine, this side has 16 organizations and when I asked (their opinions) all their 16 organizations are not not of the same opinion. On our side, we have 3 organizations (government, military and parliament) and could adjust to each other easily. Because so many organizations are involved, even if one agrees, the other could disagree and so on, having lots of difficulties. Please try to understand this." Meanwhile, RCSS led by Sao Yawd Serk have met UPWC headed by U Aung Min to discuss about Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) as an interim solution agreement,to be signed on the Union Day. It is said that U Aung Min has given a list of points which he deemed necessary for the MoU, including continued discussions on the forming of a federal union, according to the DVB report on 5 February. But the RCSS said that it needs to consult with the Central Committee, before it could decide whether to go along with the government statement or not. According to DVB, Sai La, a spokesperson for the RCSS/SSA, said the objective of the meeting was to work out and sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Shan armed group and the government – a form of preliminary agreement – as the proposed nationwide ceasefire agreement is unlikely to be signed by 12 February, Burma's Union Day, as previously projected. "We have not yet decided a title for the MoU but it is aimed at ensuring steady progress in the ceasefire talks and the peace process, and to prevent the use of military means to resolve matters prior to the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement," he said. And so the whole situation has moved back from single text negotiation level, that should pave way for comprehensive solution, to a lower level of interim compromise solution agreement, so that a semblance of interaction with each other could be maintained, given the frosty atmosphere after the stalled peace process talks in September, last year. And to make the matter worst, Burma Army's increased offensives in Kachin and northern Shan States have damaged the trust even more. The November 19, 2014, attack on the KIA cadet academy and escalated human rights violations, due to the heightened armed clashes, are also in no way conducive to the peace process as a whole. Ethnic Nationalities Affairs Center (ENAC), a think-tank close to the UNFC, Briefing Paper for February reasoned, why the NCA is out of question as follows: There are five main reasons why the NCA will not be signed on Union Day 2015: 1. The negotiations over the text have not moved forward. The September round of talks led to greater disagreement between the parties due to the Burma Army representatives revisiting previously agreed upon points. The NCCT brought proposals on most of the remaining issues to the Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC) representatives at the December Coordination Meeting, but the UPWC has still not communicated any decisions on these proposals to the NCCT. 2. Remaining points in the text are important and will take time to get right. For instance, there is still no agreement on the code of conduct or the monitoring mechanism, two pieces of the NCA that will be necessary for it to be a meaningful agreement. Disagreements remain over the roadmap for political dialogue and the wording of the basic political principles, such as federalism. 3. The negotiation process does not encourage expedited decision making. There is a limited amount of time prior toFebruary 12. The NCCT and UPWC are the negotiating organizations for the two sides, but they are not the final decision makers. The EAO leaders and UPCC will need to review and decide whether to sign any final NCA text. 4. The increased Burma Army offensives in Kachin and northern Shan States have damaged trust. The parties have still not come together to discuss the cause of the November 19, 2014, attack on the KIA cadet academy or figure out how to prevent such incidents in the future. The fighting has since escalated and involved human rights violations, weakening confidence in the army's commitment to the NCA process. 5. The government insists on limiting international observers and witnesses. To improve trust in the process, the NCCT has proposed that regional and western countries serve as witnesses to the NCA and that some members of the Peace Donor Support Group join China and the UN as observers to the negotiations. (Source: ENAC Briefing No. 4 - February 2015 It is, of course, not clear if this remedy of interim solution will lead the peace process back to the August 2014, single text agreement stage, where substantial progress were made in most sticky areas like " federal union, federal army, usage of the word resistance", among others, were being agreed for further consultation at political dialogue phase. As Union Day draws nearer, we are left with the choice of either to endorse the PPA initiated by the EBO, signing MoU initiated by UPWC and RCSS, according to each and every individual group's decision, or just wait for the seventh round of single text negotiation after the celebration of Union Day, on the 12th of February. The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Identity Hurdle Snags Tenasserim Mon’s Ethnic Affairs Minister Push
• Photo of the Week (Feb 6, 2015)
• Shell Inks Contract to Explore 3 Offshore Oil and Gas Blocks
• Low Labor Cost Ranks Burma among Top Countries for Investment
• Activists Uneasy Over Special Branch Reshuffle
• ‘Burma Has a Long Way to Go Before It Is a Really Democratic Nation’
• Me and My Language
• Burma Students Reject Govt Warning to Stop Protests
• Police Rescue Hundreds of Child Workers in Southern India
• US Lawmakers Begin Push for More Sanctions on North Korea
• Sri Lanka Backs China Port City Deal After Threat to Cancel

Identity Hurdle Snags Tenasserim Mon’s Ethnic Affairs Minister Push Posted: 06 Feb 2015 04:21 AM PST Ethnic Mon in Rangoon celebrate Mon National Day on Wednesday. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A count of the Mon population in Tenasserim Division has found that more than 62,000 people identify as a member of the ethnic minority, but with about two-thirds of that total lacking official documentation bearing out their ethnicity claim, the chance to elect a minister to represent their interests may be missed. Under Burma's Constitution, ethnic groups in the country are entitled to an ethnic affairs minister if they comprise at least 0.1 percent of the national population within a given state or division. Based on the results of the 2014 census, which put Burma's population at 51 million people, an ethnic Mon population of at least 51,000 people is required to be entitled to an ethnic affairs minister. But about two-thirds of the 62,000 self-identifying Mon in Tenasserim Division either lack national identity cards or are not identified as Mon on their ID, the committee that carried out the survey says. That includes nearly 9,000 people who said their national ID card does not reflect their true ethnicity, with the majority of these cases instead identified as a member of the majority Bamar ethnic group. "Some people cannot even speak Burmese but they were listed as Bamar on their IDs," said Ngwe Lay, a communications officer for the Mon State-based Mon Population Survey Committee. "The project aimed to get an accurate list of the Mon population living in the region and to get a Mon ethnic minister elected if we met 0.1 percent of the nationwide population." The Mon Population Survey Committee began its head count for Tenasserim Division in December 2013 and concluded in November 2014. In a report submitted to 13 government bodies including Tenasserim and Mon regional governments, both houses of Parliament and the Union Election Commission, the committee suggested that the issues be resolved by ensuring prompt issuance of national ID cards to those without such documentation, and allowing people who claim to have been misidentified on their ID card to have the document changed. The report was submitted in November, but thus far none of the government entities to which it was sent has replied to the committee. "We have asked that IDs be issued quickly, in time for the upcoming election," Ngwe Lay said. "We heard that the local immigration has started a project to make IDs in Yephyu Township after we submitted our report," Ngwe Lay said. A determination on states' and divisions' eligibility for ethnic affairs ministers will be made prior to the national election slated for late this year. Hla Maung Cho, deputy director of the Union Election Commission (UEC), said that determination would depend solely on the ethnic population figure tallied in the 2014 census. Though the Ministry of Immigration announced Burma's total population in August of last year, it has said a breakdown along ethnic lines will not be made public until May 2015. A separate Mon-led effort to count the ethnic group's population in Rangoon came to an end after one year, with organizers coming up short in their attempt to achieve the threshold required for ethnic affairs minister eligibility. A lack of funding meant the Mon Population Data Project only tallied 41,000 Mon living in Rangoon Division, though the group claims the total population stands at about 100,000. "The Rangoon immigration said if individual people want to change their ethnic ID, they will have to change it accordance with procedures. It's difficult to change it, but we do explain and encourage people to get it changed," said Nai Soe Aung of the Mon Population Data Project. "Our ethnic population in Rangoon Division, although we have enough [for an ethnic affairs minister], we weren't eligible to choose our own minister in 2010. We weren't given a chance to choose someone to represent the Mon population in Rangoon Division. So, we started to count our population with this aim," he said. In the 2010 general election, areas with sizeable Mon populations including Rangoon Division, Pegu Division and Tenasserim Division were not allotted an ethnic affairs minister seat, with the government's official population counts putting the ethnic minority below the 57,000 people that constituted 0.1 percent of the 57 million people Burma is said to have in the 2008 Constitution. There is currently only one Mon ethnic affairs minister nationwide, in Karen State. The post Identity Hurdle Snags Tenasserim Mon's Ethnic Affairs Minister Push appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Photo of the Week (Feb 6, 2015) Posted: 06 Feb 2015 03:18 AM PST The post Photo of the Week (Feb 6, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shell Inks Contract to Explore 3 Offshore Oil and Gas Blocks Posted: 06 Feb 2015 02:56 AM PST Anglo-Dutch firm Shell will explore three offshore deep-water blocks for oil and gas in Burma after signing a deal with a state-owned firm on Thursday. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Royal Dutch Shell and its Japanese partner Mitsui Oil Exploration Co., Ltd. (MOECO) signed an exploration and production sharing contract with state-owned firm Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) in Naypyidaw on Thursday for three offshore deep-water blocks. The contract allows Shell to assess the potential of deep-water blocks AD-9 and AD-11 off Arakan State and MD-5 off Tenasserim Division, according to a press release issued by the Anglo-Dutch firm. Shell is the main operator, with a 90 percent stake in each of the three blocks, while MOECO will assume a 10 percent participating interest. While global oil prices have fallen sharply since mid-2014, Shell said it was delighted to pursue the opportunity to "unlock and develop" Burma's energy resources. "The three blocks offer an exciting frontier exploration opportunity to apply the advanced deep-water technical capabilities we have built up around the world over the past three decades," Graeme Smith, VP Exploration Asia and Australia at Royal Dutch Shell, said in the statement. The potential oil and gas reserves of the three blocks, which together cover some 21,000 square km with water depths ranging from 1,800 to 2,700 meters, is not known. Zay Yar Aung, the Minister for Energy, said the oil and gas exploration was pivotal in the development of Burma's energy sector and would help spur economic growth, according to the press release. The chairman of Parami Energy Group of Companies, Pyi Wa Tun, said Shell's return to Burma was good news for the oil and gas industry, especially as some firms have been hesitant to enter the market. "The government's bidding rounds were successful for international firms," he said. "Many world famous oil and gas firms were really interested to invest in Burma." Pyi Wa Tun added that the government should ensure its energy policies offered sustainable benefits for the country. Since the current quasi-civilian government came to power in 2011, the first and second bidding rounds for onshore blocks were held in 2012 and 2013, followed by a third round of bidding last year. Burma's Ministry of Energy named nine international companies, including Russian, Italian and Canadian firms, as winners of tenders to explore onshore territory for oil and gas reserves in 2013. In March 2014, the Ministry of Energy announced the awarding of offshore exploration rights to international firms including Shell, France's Total, Italy's Eni, Norway's Statoil and ConocoPhillips from the United States. Malaysia's Petronas, Thailand's PTTEP and Total are working on deep-water blocks in Tenasserim Division, while South Korea's Daewoo International and Australia's Woodside Petroleum Ltd. jointly operate oil and gas fields off Arakan State. The post Shell Inks Contract to Explore 3 Offshore Oil and Gas Blocks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Low Labor Cost Ranks Burma among Top Countries for Investment Posted: 06 Feb 2015 02:28 AM PST Workers protesting at Thazin Biscuit Factory in Mandalay in January 2014. (Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawaddy) Burma has been named one of the five best countries in the world for cheap labor, making it much more attractive for manufacturing investment than neighbors China and Thailand. "Businesses with supply chains and operations in [Burma], Bangladesh and Cambodia are benefiting from the world's lowest labor costs," a study by analysts Verisk Maplecroft said. The business risk assessors' Labor Costs Index measured a combination of wages, employment regulations, social security contributions and labor productivity to assess the cost-competitiveness of workforces in 172 countries. Burma is ranked in the top five best places in the world for low labor costs by the index, which places China at 64th due to its rising wages. Thailand is ranked 93rd in the index, where the higher the number the better the ranking in terms of labor competitiveness. "China…has seen costs in the labor market rise rapidly in line with the country's phenomenal economic progress. By contrast, key sourcing destinations that are increasingly replacing Chinese manufacturers in global supply chains perform very well in the index with [Burma] (ranked 171), Bangladesh (170) and Cambodia (169) all ranked among the five lowest-cost economies," Verisk Maplecroft said. Burma's ranking is beaten only by the small east African country of Djibouti. The 10 highest labor-cost countries in the study are all in Europe. However, the attractiveness for investors in setting up factories in Burma, Bangladesh and Cambodia is tempered by the business reputational risk factors of "poor working conditions and high levels of child labor and trafficking," said Verisk Maplecroft. The Verisk Maplecroft study said companies need to be alert to the risks associated with operating in or sourcing from low-cost locations. "While [Burma], Bangladesh and Cambodia present low labor costs, each is rated as 'extreme risk' by Verisk Maplecroft for health and safety, working conditions, child labor and human trafficking. Countries with low levels of socioeconomic development and inadequate environmental protections present a host of additional risks and indirect costs to business, including brand damage, investor alienation, and potential lawsuits." The average wage in Burma, Bangladesh and Cambodia is less than US$100 per month compared with US$450 per month in China, the International Labor Organization said. "To a large extent there is a ‘necessary evil’ in this," economist and long-time Burma analyst Sean Turnell told The Irrawaddy. "There is as yet no other avenue toward genuinely transformational industrial development than the traditional labor-intensive, low productivity, first step. Overwhelmingly this comes in the form of the clothing and textile industry, of course." Verisk Maplecroft's senior human rights analyst, John Thompson, told The Irrawaddy that Burma's lack of a minimum wage rate for most industries makes foreign investors "vulnerable to accusations of exploitative labor practices." The lowest paid workers in Burma earn only 1,700-2,000 kyat per day (US$1.70-US$2.04). "[Burma] continues to pose some of the highest labor risks in the world," Thompson told The Irrawaddy. "As a result of generally poor working conditions, severe deficiencies in workplace inspections, and anti-union discrimination, reputational risks abound for companies sourcing from or operating in the country. "While the country has shown improvement in labor and human rights protections since 2011, important questions remain regarding [Burma's] ability to maintain its upwards trajectory. The next three years will be a critical period in terms of solidifying nascent reforms, much of which will give a clearer picture of the country's long-term trajectory," Thompson said. Turnell, a professor at Australia's Macquarie University, added: "A labor-rights adhering [Burma] has considerable comparative advantages, especially in the production of rights-sensitive consumer goods that appeal to richer consumers, mostly but not exclusively, in the United States and the West. "Good labor practices need not be more costly. They often greatly enhance labor productivity, while ensuring against unrest." The post Low Labor Cost Ranks Burma among Top Countries for Investment appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Activists Uneasy Over Special Branch Reshuffle Posted: 06 Feb 2015 02:08 AM PST Police from Special Branch watching activists who marked the 25th Anniversary of Burma's pro-democracy popular uprising. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Activists have expressed concern over a decision by Burma's Home Affairs Ministry to bring under its direct control the country's Special Branch police, an institution notorious for suppressing dissent by jailing critical voices under the former military regime. A number of politicians and activists were put behind bars over the years by Special Branch (SB), which effectively used trumped-up charges as a tool to restrict activities deemed anti-government. On Monday, an order signed by Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko announced that his ministry had brought the Special Branch of the Myanmar Police Force under its direct control as of Feb. 1, a move many politicians view as granting the unit more authority to an institution with a checkered past. Previously, Special Branch was a department within the Myanmar Police Force. Tun Kyi, from the Former Political Prisoners Association, said the move was a cause for concern among Burma's pro-democracy advocates, and could pose a threat in particular to student activists who have been out on the streets across Burma to protest a controversial National Education Law. "SB has in the past violated human rights on the pretext of [national] security," said Tun Kyi. "What they are doing is not for democratic reform, but to perpetuate their power. It is SB that has constantly arrested politicians. I see the move as a negative change," Tun Kyi told The Irrawaddy. Jimmy, a prominent member of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, said the administrative reshuffle would serve to empower Special Branch, and signaled the government's intention to better monitor political activities. "The Home Affairs Ministry will give direct instructions to SB as regards politicians," Jimmy said. President Office's Director Zaw Htay defended the move, however, saying it was simply intended to streamline the administrative apparatus by combining government departments. "It is not that SB alone is being moved," Zaw Htay told The Irrawaddy. "We'll also merge around 20 other government departments. For example, we'll merge the Road Transport Department and Road Transport Administration Department under the Rail Transport Ministry. We'll merge all the departments have the same practical function to streamline the bureaucracy," he said. Special Branch took the lead in collecting information and arresting dissenters after Burma's powerful Military Intelligence apparatus, which was headed by Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, was dissolved in 2004. Last year, Special Branch officers were dispatched to several offices of local media outlets, including The Irrawaddy, and questioned staff about editorial content and finances. Special Branch said the purpose of the inquiries was to find out how the publications had managed to stay afloat in a difficult market for print media. "It [Special Branch] is used to detaining politicians as it wishes. Now, as the position has been changed, it will be more arrogant than ever by using the [home affairs] minister's order as an excuse. I am sure it is bound to act with reckless disregard," said Tun Kyi. The post Activists Uneasy Over Special Branch Reshuffle appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Burma Has a Long Way to Go Before It Is a Really Democratic Nation’ Posted: 06 Feb 2015 01:20 AM PST Australian Liberal MP Luke Simpkins in 2013, speaking at the Waneroo War Memorial in Perth. (Photo: Supplied) Luke Simpkins, a member of Australia's incumbent Liberal-National Coalition government based in the Western Australian city of Perth, recently made an unauthorized crossing into Burma to attend Karen Resistance Day at the invitation of the Karen National Defense Organization. Prior to his election, Mr. Simpkins was an officer in the Australian Army, retiring with the rank of Major. In recent years he has raised concerns about Burma's human rights situation in parliament on more than a dozen occasions, most recently to question the Burmese government's commitment to political reforms. The Irrawaddy's Saw Yan Naing spoke to Mr. Simpkins via email on Thursday to ask about his observations in Karen State and his intentions of raising ongoing human rights abuses in Burma with his government. Question: What was the purpose of your trip to Burma on Karen Resistance Day? Answer: I have many Karen in my electorate of Cowan and I have been hearing of this ongoing conflict for many years. It is important to go beyond the usual places that Members of Parliament visit. This visit added to my understanding of the history of the conflict and the causes of it. Q: What did you learn about the KNU armed struggle? A: I saw that the Karen people were not weary of their fight for self-determination and a democratic federal system of government. Q: What made you to travel to the Karen rebel area to show your support? A: I was invited to go there and I had met Maj-Gen Ner Dah Mya in Canberra before, so I was interested to see how they operated. Q: After observing the conditions facing the Karen rebels, are there any initiatives that you intend to work on when you are back in Australia? A: I want to raise the issues of concern to the Karen and ethnic nationalities in order to demonstrate that Burma has a long way to go before it is a really democratic nation. Their military's use of land mines, rape, murder and brutality cannot be ignored and they should be accountable for their actions. Q: The Australian government's position is that Burma is in democratic transition and the Burmese government is endeavoring to make peace with ethnic armed groups, including those associated with the Karen National Union. What is your opinion after observing the situation on the ground? A: I understand, from those I spoke to, that using "ceasefire" arrangements allows the Burmese Army to advance further into the ethnic states, reinforce their military bases and I even heard the allegation that foreign aid is being used to build roads that facilitate the conduct of military operations. Q: What issues will you raise with the Australian government now that you have returned to your country? A: I will raise specific cases of abuse and brutality that have been reported to me and ask the Government to link development assistance to outcomes for a true federal democracy in Burma. The post 'Burma Has a Long Way to Go Before It Is a Really Democratic Nation' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Me and My Language Posted: 05 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST Mon adults work to learn the script at informal lessons in Yangon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) I am very comfortable talking in the Myanmar language—but don't ask me to do so with my mom. It just doesn't feel right unless we speak in Mon, which is after all, my mother tongue. When I'm in the company of my 86-year-old grandmother, there is no choice. My grandma speaks only Mon. In many ways it was she I have to thank for the rewarding if complicated feelings that I—like many speakers of minority languages—have about language today. As a very young child growing up in Thanbyuzayat, my hometown in Mon State, I spoke only Mon with my family. But by the time I reached preschool I had picked up some Myanmar from neighbors. Thanbyuzayat was originally a Mon town, but the Myanmar language was all around us. The administrative officials and school teachers were mainly ethnic Bamar, and a growing population of Myanmar-speaking migrants was arriving from the upper part of the country. Perhaps the rising use of the Myanmar language around us was one reason my grandmother arranged for me to attend summer courses at a nearby monastery to learn Mon reading and writing, which she had never learned herself. My grandma cannot read Mon and can write just a tiny bit of Myanmar script. "I want you to read me the sutras in Mon," she used to say, telling me this would help her memorize the old texts. There was always a certain atmosphere around our Mon classes. The monks told us that teaching the language was restricted, and that our classes were "unofficial," whatever that meant. We children just knew we were not supposed to talk about the classes openly. We could also see that there was barely any budget for the course and that the monks had to find the money somehow for our free textbooks. Eventually the course, and my writing instruction, ended when I was aged 10, due to lack of support from an abbot. By then I had studied just three textbooks. I had started to become interested in the Mon script, but there was no more opportunity to learn. Like most people from ethnic minorities in Myanmar, The Irrawaddy’s reporter Yen Snaing, who is ethnic Mon, has complicated feelings about her mother tongue. I had also realized very early on that I would have to focus on the Myanmar language if I wanted to communicate more widely. At school, all the teachers spoke Myanmar. I can still chant the nursery rhymes I learned there. As I grew older, I haunted the local book rental stores, devouring cartoon books, weekly journals, illustrated stories and translated stories from the West, all in the Myanmar language. I still had my fluent Mon, but even within my family, it was being used less. Some of my cousins had a Myanmar-speaking parent and Myanmar-speaking nannies. Most of them, and their children, now speak only in Myanmar. My mom says that if my siblings and I had not grown up speaking Mon as toddlers, we too would not be able to speak the language now. That seems true, and I am happy that I learned Mon from an early age—but now I am also feeling a bit ashamed that I can't read or write it. In some ways, in this Internet age, I am orphaned from my mother tongue. History Lessons As I began to make my way in adult life, for a time in Thailand and now in Yangon where I speak and work mainly in Myanmar and English (which I began to learn at around age 11), I found myself trying to fill in what increasingly looked like gaps in my knowledge. I realized that from my school textbooks I had learned about neither my culture nor my history. Mon stories did not feature in my school life—how come? I did learn that the ethnic Bamar won every war they fought with ethnicities like the Shan, the Mon, and China-based groups. And I learned about Myanmar's fight for independence from the British. But where were the Mon freedom fighters who were a part of that struggle? They were not in the books, or if they were, they were not identified as Mon. As an adult, I felt I had to unlearn much of the prejudiced or partial history I had learned from the textbooks, and teach myself from other sources. I found pride in learning that the Mon were almost certainly the first nationality in this country to believe in Buddhism and were among the first "civilizations" in Southeast Asia. You could say that Bagan would likely not be full of pagodas were it not for the Mon, and that the country today would likely not be majority Buddhist had the Thaton kingdom not existed. Scholars still debate much of our country's history and we all have a lot to learn. But today so much of old Mon culture and tradition has become blended into mainstream Bamar culture that even the Bamar don't realize it. Take Yangon's famous Sule Pagoda. In Mon, Sule is pronounced "Jule," a Mon word meaning "place of rest." The pagoda reputedly got its name after the legendary Mon King Okalappa stopped there on the way to what is now the site of the Shwedagon Pagoda, where he was bringing relics of the Buddha. There are many places with names that have a meaning in Mon but not in Myanmar. Nai Ngwe Thein, a former state education officer, told me that university students doing graduate Myanmar-language study have to study Mon in order to read the country's old stone inscriptions. "In a sense if you don't know the Mon language, you don't know all the Myanmar language," he said. Talking the Talk Living in Yangon now, I feel lucky to be a Mon speaker. Thanks to friends I have made at a Mon conversation club, I have found a space where I can practice and use the language again. I feel proud to speak Mon and wear Mon traditional dress within the Bamar-dominant society in which I now live. And I feel proud of my Mon name, which is something I have to try to live up to; it means cultured, or well-mannered. I feel there is something special about being a Mon and speaking my own language with its long history and which has meanings that don't exist in any other language. One gripe: I don't like when Bamar people make fun of Mon people speaking the Myanmar language in a Mon accent. I know that speakers of dominant languages around the world often act in this way toward those with "regional" or "country" accents or tongues. But I sometimes wonder if Bamar are not just jealous that we speak an extra language! I have never felt animosity toward Myanmar people over the imbalances that exist in relation to this country's history, languages and cultures. I don't want to accuse anyone of anything. But a bit of rebalancing and recognition would be appreciated. I am sure that people from other ethnicities feel similarly. I just think we should value the beauty, richness and historical depth of all our ethnic cultures and languages. The Future Many people in Mon State are now afraid that their children will not value the language, or be able to speak it, given the huge exposure they have to Myanmar, which many young people also see as more useful. Even my sister has to make an effort to speak Mon to her one-year-old child as they are surrounded by Myanmar-speakers. I am not sure how many Mon speakers we have within the roughly two-million population of the state. I do know we have very few people who can write the language well, and most of those are monks. Myanmar is the language of governance and official life in the state. Most signposts are in Myanmar, though there are now a few in Mon also. Public announcements are generally in Myanmar. Even when people go about on the weekly request for religious donations, fewer now use Mon. But it has been inspiring to find out that language and education experts both here and around the world have shown the great benefits of children learning first through their home language or mother tongue—and that this viewpoint is now dominant. Kimmo Kosonen, a Finnish senior language consultant at Payap University and SIL International, said educators now understand that children who do not learn in their home language often struggle to reach their full potential. U Harry Htin Zaw, a researcher with the Shalom Foundation, said children should be allowed to learn in their first language. "If we don't recognize their language, we might be giving a message to the child that 'your language is not important.' The child might feel belittled," he said. Ethnic children who have to learn in Myanmar have extra difficulties, U Htin Zaw said. "A Bamar child may struggle with a subject when she or he starts school, while an ethnic child may have subject and language difficulties." Nai Ngwe Thein, a former state education officer, told me that when he worked in Kachin State in the mid-1990s, there was a high school dropout rate due to children not understanding lessons in the Myanmar language. Myanmar's education system is now undergoing reforms, but as yet there is very little implementation of mother tongue-based multilingual education. I hope this changes soon, because I think this is one way to ensure equal treatment and opportunities for all citizens and cultures. That's my dream; in my mind's eye I see a time when every ethnic child will be able to come home from school and read their own culture's nursery rhymes, poetry and stories to their parents. I dream that I may read the Buddhist sutras in Mon to my grandma before she dies. I fear I cannot really make this happen. But even if it doesn't, I know that she and I both treasure our talks together in our own language, in what little time we have. I might speak English at the office and Myanmar on the streets, but when I want to truly express the person I really am, only Mon will do. International Mother Language Day on Feb. 21 promotes linguistic and cultural diversity and multilingualism. It was first announced by UNESCO in 1999. This story first appeared in the February 2015 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Me and My Language appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Students Reject Govt Warning to Stop Protests Posted: 05 Feb 2015 11:01 PM PST Public support has been growing for hundreds of students who on Jan. 20 began a peaceful march from Mandalay to Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — University students from across Burma on Friday rejected a government warning that they stop protesting against a new education law that they say prohibits them from engaging in political activities and curbs academic freedom. A student activist contacted by phone said they continued their march Friday and that colleagues from different universities will join forces in Rangoon. "Many of our colleagues from Ayeywarwaddy [Irrawaddy] delta and southern Myanmar [Burma] are also proceeding with their protest march and we will all meet in Yangon [Rangoon]," said Ye Yint Kyaw, a student member of the protest group. On Thursday, the government accused the students of being manipulated by groups seeking to destabilize the country. A special announcement by the Government Information Committee broadcast on state television said some political organizations were behind recent student protests, but did not identify them. It called on the public to cooperate, reminding them of past instability due to riots. Public support has been growing for hundreds of students who on Jan. 20 began a peaceful march of several hundred miles from the central city of Mandalay to Rangoon seeking to change an education law passed last year. They say the law fails to give autonomy to universities and does not allow the formation of student unions. Talks started by the government with the students this week were suspended over a disagreement about how many students could attend. The march has attracted the support of growing numbers of students and Buddhist monks. It also has many supporters from the opposition National League for Democracy party of Aung San Suu Kyi, which is expected to make a strong challenge to the military-backed government of President Thein Sein in elections set for later this year. The threat of an expanded protest is sensitive in Burma, in part because students were at the forefront of pro-democracy protests in 1988 that were brutally crushed by the military. But Ye Yint Kyaw said the protest march had been peaceful and that the students had also received support from local residents along the way. The post Burma Students Reject Govt Warning to Stop Protests appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Rescue Hundreds of Child Workers in Southern India Posted: 05 Feb 2015 10:03 PM PST More than four million children between the ages of five and 14 are employed across India. (Photo: Krishnendu Halder / Reuters) HYDERABAD, India — Police have rescued hundreds of children working in hazardous industries in a southern Indian city despite laws that ban child labor, an official said Thursday. In a series of raids on leather tanning and plastic factories in Hyderabad over the past 10 days, police said they rescued at least 350 children. Child welfare officials accompanied some of the children Thursday as they were sent in a special railway car to be reunited with their parents in Bihar, one of India’s poorest states. Nearly 200 children returned to Bihar earlier in the week, police said. Police arrested five men accused of supplying children to factory owners. A police official said the children were working long hours in deplorable conditions. "We found the children confined to their work place in inhuman conditions," said V. Satyanarayana, a top police official in Hyderabad. "They were forced to work for nearly 12 hours a day without any respite." "Many of the children were suffering from skin and other diseases as they were forced to work in unhygienic and unventilated dark rooms," Satyanarayana said. He said their employers would monitor them with video cameras and any child who stopped working would be beaten. Raids on factories to check for child workers will be carried out twice a month, a labor welfare official said. "We are taking effective measures to eradicate the mafia behind bringing children from other states to work in hazardous industries in Hyderabad," R.V. Chandravan said. India has laws aimed at fighting child labor by making education compulsory up to age 14 and prohibiting their employment in hazardous occupations. But grinding poverty still causes many children to be pushed into work, with factory agents promising their wages to their parents. The 2011 census found that about 4.35 million children between the ages of 5 and 14 were employed across India. The post Police Rescue Hundreds of Child Workers in Southern India appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US Lawmakers Begin Push for More Sanctions on North Korea Posted: 05 Feb 2015 09:41 PM PST North Korean leader Kim Jong-un delivers a New Year address in Pyongyang. (Photo: Reuters) WASHINGTON — US lawmakers introduced legislation on Thursday to broaden sanctions against North Korea by imposing stiffer punishments on international companies that do business with Pyongyang. "In the wake of the state-sponsored cyber-attack on Sony Pictures, the bipartisan legislation targets North Korea's access to the hard currency and other goods that help keep the regime in power," the bill's co-sponsor, US Republican Representative Ed Royce said. "Additionally, it presses the Administration to use all available tools to impose sanctions against North Korea and on countries and companies that assist North Korea in bolstering its nuclear weapons program," Royce, the House Foreign Affairs Committee chairman, said in a statement. Current sanctions are focused largely on Americans and US companies. The initiative responds to concern in Congress about last year's cyberattack on Sony Pictures, which was blamed on Pyongyang, as well as what lawmakers see as the international failure to rein in the reclusive state's nuclear weapons program. The measure is co-sponsored by Republicans and Democrats, including the leaders of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Royce, and Democrat Eliot Engel, which handles sanctions legislation in the chamber. A similar bill is likely in the US Senate. It is expected to enjoy strong bipartisan support in both chambers. The bill would authorize US officials to freeze assets held in the United States of those found to have direct ties to illicit North Korean activities like its nuclear program, as well as those that do business with North Korea, providing its government with hard currency. It would also target banks that facilitate North Korean proliferation, smuggling, money laundering, and human rights abuses, and target people who helped in the cyber attacks against the United States, Royce said. North Korea is already heavily sanctioned by the United States and United Nations for its arms programs and nuclear tests. President Barack Obama imposed new sanctions last year aimed at cutting the country's remaining links to the international financial system. The vast majority of North Korea's business dealings are with companies in neighboring China. The bill is intended to push the Obama administration, which contends the president already has sufficient authority to punish Pyongyang. "The activities of the Kim Regime threaten regional security through reckless pursuit of nuclear weapons, irresponsibly deploying offensive cyber capabilities, and a range of other illicit activities," Engel said. He added that effectively enforcing sanctions against North Korea "is not something that the United States can do alone—it requires our allies, our partners, and the rest of the global community to join in this effort." Sony said on Thursday that Amy Pascal would step down as co-chairman of Sony Pictures Entertainment after the hackers, angry about a movie she championed mocking North Korea's leader, exposed a raft of embarrassing emails between her and other Hollywood figures. The post US Lawmakers Begin Push for More Sanctions on North Korea appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sri Lanka Backs China Port City Deal After Threat to Cancel Posted: 05 Feb 2015 08:49 PM PST   General view of the construction site for a China Communications Construction Co. Ltd.-funded port city, in Colombo, on Dec. 4, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — Sri Lanka's cabinet said on Thursday it would allow a US$1.5 billion "port city" deal with China to go ahead, apparently dropping its earlier threats to cancel the project, approved by the last government. Cabinet spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said new President Maithripala Sirisena would however discuss with Beijing controversial arrangements over the freehold of land to be used, when he visited China in March. Sri Lanka's neighbor India has raised concern over security threats posed by Chinese ownership of the freehold of 20 hectares of land next to the main commercial port in Colombo, as India is a major user of Colombo as a transshipment port. Sri Lanka's new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, before last month's presidential vote, said he would cancel the deal if his party came to power because no Environmental Impact Assessment or feasibility test had been presented to parliament. Sirisena, backed by Wickremesinghe's party, unseated ex-president Mahinda Rajapaksa at the polls. "The prime minister said that an EIA has been done for land reclamation. However, it needs a second EIA for constructions after the land is reclaimed," Senaratne told reporters on Thursday, adding that a feasibility test also had been carried out. "He informed the cabinet that this has to be looked at with the relationship with China and to make any alterations where possible with the understanding of the Chinese government." Asked by reporters whether this meant the government would allow the port city project to go ahead, the spokesman replied: "Yes." The decision came a day ahead of a scheduled meeting between Wickremesinghe and Liu Jianchao, a special envoy of Chinese President Xi Jinping, who launched the construction project when he visited in September last year. The site is on 233 hectares of reclaimed land in the capital Colombo. Under the proposed deal, 108 hectares would be taken over by China Communications Construction Co. Ltd., including 20 hectares on an outright basis and the rest on a 99-year lease. In a full-page newspaper advertisement on Thursday, Jiang Houliang, the head of CHEC Colombo Port City (Pvt) Ltd., a subsidiary of the state-owned Chinese investor, said his firm estimated 83,000 jobs and $13 billion of foreign direct investment would come from the project in the next 10 years. The development would include shopping malls, a water sports area, golf course, hotels, apartments and marinas. Wickremesinghe's pro-business United National Party says some development deals struck by the previous government, which was heavily dependent on China for new infrastructure, did not follow appropriate tender procedures and were not transparent.   The post Sri Lanka Backs China Port City Deal After Threat to Cancel appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• MCDC meets civil societies to build ‘inclusive’ city
• Petition calls for reform at election commission
• President focuses on cooperation at green forum
• Detained lawyer launches hunger strike
• Students to step up strike as four-party talks fall through

MCDC meets civil societies to build ‘inclusive’ city Posted: 04 Feb 2015 02:34 AM PST Improved drainage and water supply were among the topics discussed at a workshop last week in Mandalay, when the city's development committee met with civil society organisations.

Petition calls for reform at election commission Posted: 04 Feb 2015 12:41 AM PST Reform of the Union Electoral Commission is vital to the holding of free and fair elections, a new political action group is claiming.

President focuses on cooperation at green forum Posted: 04 Feb 2015 12:39 AM PST Myanmar should move towards a green, sustainable, low-carbon, economy, President U Thein Sein has told an environmental forum.

Detained lawyer launches hunger strike Posted: 03 Feb 2015 11:36 PM PST Farmers' champion U Zaw Win, who has been detained for staging a solo protest against "impropriety" in the judiciary, has started a hunger strike in Mandalay's Ohbo prison after his application or bail was rejected. His wife, Daw San Ki Thar, says he is in poor health and is not receiving medical attention.

Students to step up strike as four-party talks fall through Posted: 03 Feb 2015 07:43 AM PST Student protesters are continuing their march from Mandalay to Yangon after the government postponed a planned meeting in Nay Pyi Taw to discuss the National Education Law.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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To Hopeland and Back (XI) - Day 3 Posted: 06 Feb 2015 12:45 AM PST Day Three. Friday, 30 January 2015 The first thing I notice as we enter the meeting hall is the set of flags lined up along one side of its walls: that of the NDAA, Shan State, and the Union, in that order. Zhao Guo-ang Participants include: Hsan Perh , Htein Lin, Kham Mawng, Hseng La and Sai Mao from NDAA Zhao Guo-ang,Bao Youliang, and U Aung Myint from UWSP/UWSA Htoo Htoo Lay, and Isaac from KNU Sai La from RCSS/SSA Harn Yawnghwe, EBO, and myself The meeting is opened at 08:30 Burma Standard Time by Hsan Perh, with Kham Mawng serving as interpreter. I'm an advocate of the principle of balancing between confidentiality and transparency: that is if you do not respect confidentiality, the negotiations fail (apart from yourself being kicked out of the negotiations). But if you are not transparent enough, you won't get support and cooperation from the people in whose interests you are negotiating. I therefore hope I'm truthful as well as confidential here. Bao Youliang Htoo Htoo Lay: This is my third visit. And I would like to talk about three things.  The first is about how we have been trying to resolve political issues through political means. (He goes into details). Right now the situation is such it appears there will be no political dialogue in the foreseeable future. And we have been trying to find ways to get to the next stage of the peace process without upsetting the current Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) negotiations. The second is about Karen unity. (He gives details) All in all, our efforts have been 80 percent successful. The third is about our informal meetings with Naypyitaw and KIO. We are cultivating close relationship with the government as well the parliament and the military. U Aung Myint With the military we have agreed upon a 3 plus 3 arrangement where three from each side will meet regularly to anticipate and resolve problems that may arise together. With the KIO, we accept that there are differences in our experience and outlook. And we have agreed to meet each other once a month to reconcile them. Already we have met twice, in December and January. Harn Yawnghwe As we all know, the Union came into being because of Panglong. 1963 The government sponsored peace talks, but came to nothing because what the government wanted was surrender by the armed resistance 1989 There was ceasefire because everyone wanted political dialogue. There was the National Convention (NC) but it wasn't political dialogue (PD) But since 2011, we are having a real chance which should not be let go. If we can't pull it off now, it is unthinkable the next administration will make another go for it. The proposed signing of the NCA on 12 February does not seem to be practical, since we still have several points remain to be cleared and the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team set up by the armed movements) are not ready yet. We have therefore made a draft with points that are already agreed by all to be signed so that the political dialogue can begin and we can head off further clashes. The draft has also been given to U Aung Min (Naypyitaw's principal negotiator) for consideration. Hsan Perh We have preserved the ceasefire with the government for more than 25 years and, hand in hand with the Wa, have carried out local development projects. And since this government was set up we have already signed 3 initial ceasefire agreements: 7 September 2011           state level in Kengtung 9 October 2011               Union level in Kengtung 27 December 2011         Union level in Mongla At present, we know the situation between us (Wa and Mongla) and the rest of the armed resistance movements are different. And we are still trying to understand the situation. Zhao Guo-ang The NCA at a glance is not for us as we have been enjoying the fruits of ceasefire for more than 25 years. We therefore urge every movement that has yet to conclude a ceasefire agreement to do it as soon as possible. As for the NCA we will study it thoroughly before we decide whether or not to sign it. Harn Yawnghwe At this rate, it doesn't seem like we will be able to sign the NCA even next year. Our suggestion therefore is we should start the political dialogue before the elections. If we can do that, I believe that will also help convince leaders who are still skeptical about the whole process and even help speed up the NCA negotiations. We then have a lunch break, when we talk about the Wa proposal for support to its Wa State call, and similar call from the NDAA about a Self Administered Zone status for it. (I'm going to write about it separately) After lunch the participants made an assessment of what was discussed earlier: • For Wa, Mongla, RCSS and KNU, NCA is not the issue, but Political Dialogue is • No objections on the Peace Pledge Agreement (PPA) draft Harn Yawnghwe If we are still unable to sign the PPA on 12 February it is certain other options may be explored. If the political parties think they should move on to the next stage with or without the NCA, then the armed resistance movements might lose their initiative. The day ends with a sumptuous dinner party hosted by Sao Sai Leun. The only thing I remember is that one of the leaders has brought his own drinks and smoke.

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