Monday, April 6, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Dog Lovers Outraged by Reports of Canine Meat Sales

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 05:50 AM PDT

Stray dogs at a shelter in Shwe Pyauk, near Rangoon, in 2013. (Photo: Kyaw Phyo Tha / The Irrawaddy)

Stray dogs at a shelter in Shwe Pyauk, near Rangoon, in 2013. (Photo: Kyaw Phyo Tha / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Local canine lovers and senior municipal officials are outraged at reports that dog meat is being surreptitiously sold out of a number of street restaurants in Yankin Township.

Shop owners in the vicinity of the Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Sethmu Road intersection say that the vendors are catering to laborers on a nearby construction project.

"I dare not eat it, and I don't sell it," said Ma Zar, a shop owner in the area. "Some shops are selling them, but secretly. There are some people killing dogs for meat and others taking dog corpses left from car accidents, cooking them and selling them to customers."

Pyi Hein Taw, a 17-year-old Rangoon local, told The Irrawaddy he had taken it upon himself to investigate one of the shops.

"They were usually selling in the evening and at night to construction site workers," he said. "Sometimes they sell it cooked and sometimes raw."

The Irrawaddy visited shop owners around the construction area and confirmed the sale of dog meat at a number of establishments. One seller, who declined to identify himself, said that he had been selling smoked dog meat due to a shortage in recent days from his restaurant's supplier.

"They said some of the meat came from Mingalar Taung Nyunt, and some from Pazundaung," he said.

The restaurants appear to be servicing laborers from the Hoang Anh Gia Lai Group construction near the Sedona Hotel, a US$440 million development encompassing a hotel, commercial space and luxury condominiums, slated for completion in 2016.

Rangoon has a population of stray dogs running into the thousands, with locals in many streets taking collective care of local dogs. There is a general taboo against the consumption of dog meat across much of the country. News of the sale of dog meat in Rangoon this week prompted an outcry on Facebook, with users roundly condemning the practice.

Myat Thet Mon, owner of a shelter for stray dogs in Thanlyin Township, said she was appalled that people in Rangoon had been eating canine meat.

"It's so brutal. They shouldn't be ordering dog meat from street sellers, it is not legal and the government should do something about it," she said. "I am so angry to hear this news," she said.

She expressed concern that the government will decline to take the issue seriously, given recent campaigns to poison and kill stray dogs living on the streets of Rangoon.

Khin Hlaing, a western district member of the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), said that municipal authorities has not issued and licenses for butchers to sell dog meat in Rangoon.

"They absolutely should not do it," he said. "We will take serious action if it is true. I know that the YCDC has taken action against stray dogs in the past, but this is another issue. Dogs are not for eating."

He added that the YCDC would consider taking criminal action against the vendors if it was possible.

Pe Tike Aung, the Bahan Township YCDC chairman, which borders the location of the restaurants, confirmed that his office would investigate the street vendors on Monday evening.

The post Dog Lovers Outraged by Reports of Canine Meat Sales appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thingyan Security Toughens Up in Rangoon

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 05:39 AM PDT

Police provide security during the Water Festival in 2013. (Photo: JPaing/The Irrawaddy)

Police provide security during the Water Festival in 2013. (Photo: JPaing/The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Rangoon police are gearing up to curb crime during Burma's wild Water Festival, local officials said, preparing four commanding offices to ensure public safety.

The Rangoon Division government said the central command as well as three other stations at the International Business Center on Pyay Road, Theinbyu Sportsgrounds on Kandawgyi Road and another near Mya Kyun Tha Park will be on call to handle any disputes.

Each office will be staffed with police, local administrators and relevant department personnel. Township courts will also be kept open to quickly adjudicate in the event of arrest or dispute during the New Year celebrations, which will be held from April 13 to 17.

"Because of the nature of security, I'm not allowed to disclose how many security personnel we will employ during Thingyan [the Burmese New Year festival], but we've put a special focus on security," said Col. Tin Win, Rangoon's divisional security minister.

Pandals, or stages set for dancing and water-throwing, will be screened for explosives twice daily, he said. A number of CCTV cameras will also be installed at each site, depending on their size.

Rescue teams equipped with speed boats will be on deployed on Inya and Kandawgyi lakes, he added.

Special security measures will be carried out at highway checkpoints and tollbooths, while within the city police will be especially targeting pick-pockets to avoid instances of theft.

"We'll take a tough line on pick-pocketing during Thingyan," Col. Tin Win said. "We will immediately detain those who fight, and we won't release them until the end of Thingyan."

Statistics from the Rangoon Division Police show that the past three years have averaged 150 reported crimes during the Water Festival each year.

The post Thingyan Security Toughens Up in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

White Elephant’s Capture Was Omen for Ceasefire Agreement: State Media

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 05:25 AM PDT

 State media reported in March that the Forestry Department captured

State media reported in March that the Forestry Department captured "a white elephant at about seven years old [and] is about 6 feet and 3 inches in height and 8 feet and 8 inches in body structure with pearl-colored eyes and 2 feet and seven inches long tail." (Photo: The Global New Light of Myanmar)

RANGOON — An opinion article published in state-run media on Sunday has claimed that last month's capture of a rare white elephant had foreshadowed the in-principle agreement on a nationwide ceasefire accord that was reached last week.

An author named Win Hlaing Kyaw wrote in Burmese-language newspaper The Mirror about the supposed relation between the capture of a seven-year-old albino in Irrawaddy Division in March and the government's endeavors.

"In Myanmar's history, the white elephants do not appear all the time. Only if the country is prosperous, when there is a good harvest with enough food, or when there is peace," the article said.

"Precious white elephants bring the signs of peace, so now the draft NCA agreement is being signed between the government and ethnic armed groups' leaders," it said in a line that was highlighted.

White elephants have historically been revered in Burma, Thailand, Laos and other Asian nations, where monarchs would often keep them as a symbol of their successful reign.

Burmese social media users quickly poured scorn on the article, with some viewing the practice of mixing superstition and politics as a throwback to the former military regime's propaganda. "Long live the big elephants' peace!" wrote one Facebook user in response to The Mirror's article.

Hla Maung Shwe, a government advisor at the Myanmar Peace Center, declined to comment when asked about the link between the elephant's capture and the success of the ceasefire negotiations.

"I don't want to give any comment related to the white elephant, but I can say that we tried for many years [to reach an agreement] and it is very difficult, but we tried and worked very hard," he said.

The Mirror's article harked back to the days of junta-era propaganda when the capture of eight albino elephants between 2000 and 2011 prompted Burma's superstitious regime on each occasion to declare that the pachyderms were a supernatural sign of the success of its policies.

In November 2011, President Thein Sein's then-newly installed nominally civilian government proudly announced that two white elephants had been captured. State media soon after claimed the elephants' appearance had been followed by an "improvement in the country’s foreign relations."

At the time, Burma had just been awarded the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced her first official visit.

Local historian Toe Hla said white elephants are rare and tied to Buddhist myths from India that speak of its significance as an auspicious sign.

He went on to cite his late mentor and well-known historian Than Tun, who in 2005 criticized the government's practice of celebrating the capture of an albino pachyderm as the animal "endures a lot of suffering because it cannot live freely. So how it can be glorious for the owner?"

The post White Elephant's Capture Was Omen for Ceasefire Agreement: State Media appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Political Prisoner Count Soars During Month of Arrests

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 03:32 AM PDT

Prisoners come out from Insein Prison after authorities released them, while their families wait outside in Rangoon on Jan. 3, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

Prisoners come out from Insein Prison after authorities released them, while their families wait outside in Rangoon on Jan. 3, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — The number of political prisoners in Burma has increased to nearly 470, according to a rights group, in a major backslide after a series of amnesties in recent years geared toward ridding the countries jails of prisoners conscience.

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), among Burma's most active advocates for prisoners of conscious since it was founded on the Thai-Burma border in 2000, said that 172 people are now serving prison terms for politically motivated charges, while 296 others are awaiting trial.

Those currently in prison include political and land rights activists, farmers, journalists, members of ethnic armed organizations and students, the AAPP said in its monthly bulletin. The charges include various controversial clauses such as unlawful assembly, incitement, unlawful association and rioting.

The group said that a spike in arrests over the past month indicate that there is "no sign of abating" in political imprisonments, particularly in light of the detention of more than 100 people during a crackdown on demonstrators in Letpadan, central Burma, early last month.

AAPPP Secretary Bo Kyi told The Irrawaddy that the incident proved there is "no political stability in Burma yet," urging the government to hold officers accountable for violence against and wrongful arrest of the demonstrators.

"If actions are not taken against those [police officers], it shows that this is the government's policy [to use violence against peaceful protesters]," said Bo Kyi.

The group said that individuals on the roster are identified by using criteria established by the AAPP and the Rangoon-based Former Political Prisoners Society in August 2014.

While the AAPP once participated in a government committee tasked with identifying and releasing prisoners of conscience, which made recommendations throughout a series of presidential amnesties, the committee was reconstituted early this year, controversially excluding the AAPP.

Bo Kyi described the new committee as "just for show," adding that it is ultimately under the control of Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko, a controversial figure who was recently fingered as a potential war criminal by a Harvard-based legal clinic.

During his time on the committee, the number of political prisoners dropped to just 33 by the start of 2014. President Thein Sein, however, had promised to free all political prisoners by that time, which he failed to accomplish.

The post Political Prisoner Count Soars During Month of Arrests appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Election Commission to Question Mon Party Over Joint Statement With Rebels

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 03:21 AM PDT

Mon National Party members welcomed student protestors marching through Moulmein in February. (Photo: Htaw Rot / Facebook)

Mon National Party members welcomed student protestors marching through Moulmein in February. (Photo: Htaw Rot / Facebook)

RANGOON — The Union Election Commission has called on the Mon National Party to explain why it issued a joint statement last month with the New Mon State Party (NMSP), an ethnic rebel group that has waged an armed struggle against the central government.

The election commission's branch in the Mon State capital Moulmein sent a letter to the Mon National Party on Friday ordering three party leaders to its Moulmein office for discussions on the issue.

"We would like to discuss the case of [Mon National Party] issuing a joint statement with the NMSP while [the latter] is having peace negotiations with the UWPC [Union Peacemaking Working Committee]," the letter said, without explaining whether the commission was considering taking measures against Mon National Party.

In February, the commission issued a similar letter to the Mon National Party after it joined the NMSP in endorsing the students' call for Education Law reform.

The party's joint secretary Nai Soe Myint said, "I and two other members from our party will go to talk tomorrow with the UEC. They told us in their statement that they did not like us to issue a joint statement with the NMSP."

He defended his party's decision to issue a statement on March 12, together with the NMSP, to condemn the brutal police crackdown on a student protest at Letpadan, Pegu Division, which saw security forces beat and detain dozens of protestors.

The organizations said they supported the students' call for education reform, which included a demand to allow primary schools to teach students in their native ethnic language.

"We need to work together with the NMSP as they are also Mon. We both are working together for the Mon people. There should be no problem as the NMSP is also a Mon party," said Nai Soe Myint.

Nai Kyi Win, another party leader, said he believed the election commission did not want to see the two Mon organizations unite. "There should be no problem with our two parties working together because the NMSP signed a ceasefire agreement," he added.

The NMSP is the main ethnic armed group in Mon State and has fought an insurgency against the central government for decades until it signed a bilateral ceasefire with President Thein Sein's nominally civilian government in 2012.

The NMSP is not a registered political party and as an armed group it participates in the nationwide ceasefire process.

The Mon National Party is a long-established political party from Mon State, but was only recognized as a registered party in Burma in 2013. Most of the party's leadership spent stints in prison as prisoners of conscience in the 1990s on accusations of supporting the armed struggle of the NMSP.

Under the previous military government, ethnic political parties struggled to find a balance between gaining political recognition from the government and maintaining ties with its ethnic popular base and ethnic armed groups.

The colonial-era, draconian Unlawful Associations Act was often used to lock up ethnic politicians accused of liaising with rebel groups.

The post Election Commission to Question Mon Party Over Joint Statement With Rebels appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Win Tin, Suu Kyi and the Perils of Trust

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 03:15 AM PDT

Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi walks inside the parliament building in Nyapyidaw during a break in proceedings on Apr. 3. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi walks inside the parliament building in Nyapyidaw during a break in proceedings on Apr. 3. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

The late veteran journalist and activist Win Tin, who spent almost two decades in prison, never resiled from his distrust of the current administration. As a political strategist for the National League for Democracy (NLD), he repeatedly warned Aung San Suu Kyi not to take part in the 2012 byelections. He was concerned that the opposition would be conceding too much ground to a government that came to power through rigged elections, and he didn't want Suu Kyi to fall into the trap of granting legitimacy to a dubious status quo.

If Win Tin were still alive today, he would have no doubt been bemused by Suu Kyi's comments over the weekend, during a frank and at times combative interview with Reuters in Naypyidaw.

According to the opposition leader, the government is now a "hardline regime", and President Thein Sein is "insincere".

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

"They are not interested in negotiations or in amending the constitution or taking seriously the will of the people," she said. "You could hardly say they are moderates."

Her change of tone was unmistakable, with no sign of the conciliatory language of recent years. Back in 2011, Suu Kyi declared that President Thein Sein was sincere in his desire for political reform, giving Western governments the moral cover needed to reengage with the country. She endorsed him and bolstered his reputation over the objections of many others in the opposition camp.

Between then and now she has met the president several times, seemingly without substantive achievement despite the wildly exuberant hopes and expectations raised by these confabs. It is now clear that the relationship between the pair has completely deteriorated.

The government of Burma is no longer a pariah—sanctions have been lifted, the West has embraced a parliament stacked by former regime members, aid packages and soft loans have been pledged and debt has been written off without conditions. Notable critics of the previous regime, like the United States and Norway, are now singing the praises of reforms and the ongoing peace process in Burma.

The West is no longer using leverage to press for further reform, to the degree it did before Thein Sein's presidency. In spite of serious assaults on peaceful assemblies, student protests, media freedom and land rights, along with continuing violations of the rule of law and human rights abuses in ethnic areas, the West now sees Burma as a relatively normal member of the international community.

There is virtually no prospect of constitutional changes which would allow Suu Kyi to assume the presidency. While a free and fair election later this year would almost certainly see the NLD take a sweeping majority in the lower house, any future NLD-led administration would be hamstrung by the number of ministries reserved for military appointees.

Though deeply unpopular in Burma, the current government is working to shore up its legacy by finalising a nationwide ceasefire agreement. Thein Sein has yet to rule out seeking a second presidential term, and it is not beyond the realm of possibility that the military will back him to retain the top job in the absence of another compromise candidate.

Attending the draft ceasefire agreement signing last week, the president stole the show; Suu Kyi was nowhere to be found. To many dissidents, '88-era activists and members of her own party, she is still a prisoner, this time in the isolated and often deserted parliamentary complex in Naypyidaw.

Would Suu Kyi boycott the election, as she hinted in the weekend's interview? On past form, it is hard to believe so. Instead, she has returned to the court of international public opinion to put pressure on the government, calling on Western powers to do more to push for the constitutional amendments sought by the NLD to be put to a vote before the general election.

Whether these tactics will work is another question, and recent history suggests little cause for optimism. One thing is for certain: Win Tin was right to warn of the perils of trusting a government of doubtful intentions, now reaping the benefits of its international rehabilitation and in no mind to give ground to its foes. Once again, Suu Kyi has been outmaneuvred.

The post Win Tin, Suu Kyi and the Perils of Trust appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Demarcating Disputed Land in Shan State, Locals Say

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 02:11 AM PDT

Chinese authorities erect flags marking the site of a planned bridge along the Sino-Burmese border. (Photo: Sai Bong Kham / Facebook)

Chinese authorities erect flags marking the site of a planned bridge along the Sino-Burmese border. (Photo: Sai Bong Kham / Facebook)

RANGOON — Long-standing land disputes along Burma's border with China were reignited on Friday as Chinese officials demarcated territories within Burma for a planned bridge linking the two countries, according to locals.

Farmers who live and work in Namhkam, northern Shan State, told The Irrawaddy they are concerned that they will lose about 150 acres of ancestral lands that have now been cordoned off with flags.

"It is unacceptable that China posted their flags in Burma's territory," one local, who wished to remain anonymous, told The Irrawaddy, urging the government to "seriously address the alleged encroachment.

Sai Tin Oo, a state lawmaker from Namhkam, said the area is no stranger to land disputes between local farmers and Chinese authorities. In 2014, he said, a similar case was brought to the attention of the State and Union parliaments.

"This problem has existed for a long time. This time, some authorities and armed personnel from China came and erected flags, saying it was for the construction of a bridge. This is an area place where Namhkam villagers farm," said Sai Tin Oo.

The proposed bridge would cross the Ruili River, which runs along the border of the conflict-stricken state from Muse to Namhkam.

In May of last year, government officials of the two countries erected new border posts in a number of villages in Namhkam Township, including Kongsa, Bannaung, Saekhun and Hatkin.

Shortly after the demarcation, locals staged a protest and destroyed the border posts, claiming that around 150 acres of land owned by locals had been absorbed into Chinese territory.

Shan State Chief Minister Sao Aung Myat made field visits to the area in June to assess the dispute, and locals wrote to President Thein Sein to call for intervention.

Burma's Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin vowed in August that the two governments were working toward a resolution.

Border demarcation in the area was based on a 1995 agreement between Burma and China, lawmakers said.

The post China Demarcating Disputed Land in Shan State, Locals Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Groups Consider Holding Ceasefire Conference in Wa Rebel Area

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 11:56 PM PDT

Panghsang is Shan State is the headquarters of the United Wa State Army (UWSA). (Photo: Sai Zom Hseng / The Irrawaddy)

Panghsang is Shan State is the headquarters of the United Wa State Army (UWSA). (Photo: Sai Zom Hseng / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's ethnic armed groups are considering convening at the headquarters of the powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA) in northern Shan State to discuss the potential signing of a nationwide ceasefire accord, a UWSA representative said on Monday.

"Some [ethnic] leaders told us that they will come if the meeting is held in our area, but for some leaders we are not sure yet as we do not have a chance to talk to them," said Aung Myint, a UWSA spokesperson.

"We have not sent an invitation yet to all ethnic armed groups. [But] we told them that we would welcome holding a meeting in our area of control," he told The Irrawaddy.

Aung Myint said some leaders of Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which represent 16 ethnic groups engaged in nationwide ceasefire talks with the government, had contacted the UWSA to ask whether they could hold the conference at Wa headquarters in Panghsang, a town located on the Burma-China border.

NCCT representative Lian H. Sakhong told BBC Burmese language that the ethnic groups are considering convening in either the UWSA area, the Kachin Independence Army's Laiza headquarters, or at the Karen National Union (KNU) area of control.

Last week, the NCCT and the government's Union Peacemaking Working Committee (UWPC) succeeded in negotiating an in-principle agreement on the content of a ceasefire accord text. The understanding between the sides represents a potential breakthrough if the government, the Burma Army and a significant number of ethnic armies can sign the ceasefire in coming weeks.

NCCT representatives have said they need to hold a conference with the leaders of their ethnic groups to discuss if each group can accept the content of the more than 100-point text, which has been kept under wraps.

State media have celebrated the in-principle agreement as a historic breakthrough and government negotiators have said Naypyidaw is ready sign an accord that could help end Burma's decades-old ethnic conflict.

It is understood, however, that a number of key political differences—such as disarmament of ethnic armies, federal autonomy for ethnic regions and the army's demand that the groups come under the 2008 Constitution—have been left out of the text. These issues will have to be discussed in the extended political dialogue phase that is supposed start soon after the accord's signing.

The UWSA are Burma's most powerful rebel army, with an estimated 20,000 soldiers under arms and sophisticated Chinese-supplied weapons. The Wa have had a fairly stable ceasefire with the government for more than two decades. The group controls are large swathe of territory between the Salween River and the Burma-China border called the Wa Special Region.

The UWSA have observed the ceasefire talks but are not a NCCT member.

Aung Myint said the UWSA would consider joining the nationwide ceasefire accord after it was signed, adding, "We would need to talk about it more, before we could sign."

Naypyidaw is likely to accept the Wa as a signatory to an accord, but has objected to several other groups that are considered NCCT members. It declines to recognize the Kokang rebels of the Myanmar Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Arakan Army and several other small ethnic armed groups.

Since February, the Burma Army has been engaged in fierce fighting with the MNDAA is northern Shan State, where tens of thousands of civilians have been displaced and dozens of soldiers and rebels have been killed.

The post Ethnic Groups Consider Holding Ceasefire Conference in Wa Rebel Area appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

President Thein Sein Sends Felicitations to Opposition Leader on the Occasion of Election Boycott Statements

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 11:00 PM PDT

President Thein Sein Sends Felicitations to Opposition Leader on the Occasion of Election Boycott Statements

President Thein Sein Sends Felicitations to Opposition Leader on the Occasion of Election Boycott Statements

The post President Thein Sein Sends Felicitations to Opposition Leader on the Occasion of Election Boycott Statements appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bangladesh Opposition Leader Zia Granted Bail in Graft Cases

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 10:03 PM PDT

Bangladesh Nationalist Party chairperson Khaleda Zia waves to activists as she arrives for a rally in Dhaka last year. (Photo: Andrew Biraj / Reuters)

Bangladesh Nationalist Party chairperson Khaleda Zia waves to activists as she arrives for a rally in Dhaka last year. (Photo: Andrew Biraj / Reuters)

DHAKA — Bangladesh’s former premier and main opposition leader Khaleda Zia was granted bail in two graft cases on Sunday after she appeared before a special court, a potential sign of easing tension in the politically unstable South Asian country.

Zia appeared amid tight security before a special anti-graft court in the capital, Dhaka, to request bail more than a month after warrants for her arrest were issued, her lawyers said.

Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has intensified protests this year in a bid to force Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to step down and hold a new vote under a neutral caretaker administration after a disputed 2014 poll.

The BNP refused to take part in the 2014 general election, saying it was rigged.

Zia’s lawyer, Sanaullah Miah, told reporters she had been unable to appear for previous court hearings "for health and security reasons". Her next court appearance was set for May 5.

The 69-year-old former leader has been staying in her office in Dhaka’s diplomatic enclave since she was prevented from holding a mass rally on Jan. 5, the first anniversary of the disputed election.

Zia waved to dozens of chanting supporters as she left the court to return to her home. The court’s decision to grant her bail could be a sign of easing tension.

More than 120 people have been killed and hundreds injured in political violence, most in petrol bomb attacks on vehicles, amid transport blockades and strikes by the opposition aimed at toppling the government.

Political unrest over the past three months cost at least 49 billion taka ($630 million) or 0.55 percent of the country’s gross domestic products, Centre for Policy Dialogue, a leading private think-tank, said on Sunday.

It said it had analysed 11 major sectors of the economy, including agriculture, transport, education and garments, which accounted for 80 percent of the country’s exports.

Zia is accused of embezzling $650,000 in two corruption cases involving charitable funds during her last term as prime minister, from 2001 to 2006. She and leaders of her party have denied the charges, saying they are politically motivated.

She is also facing charges of instigating the latest violence.

Bangladeshi politics have been mired for years in rivalry between Hasina and Zia. Both women are related to former national leaders, and they have alternated as prime minister for most of the past two decades.

The post Bangladesh Opposition Leader Zia Granted Bail in Graft Cases appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indonesia to Rule on Last-Ditch Appeal by Death Row Australian Drug Convicts

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 10:00 PM PDT

Indonesian President Joko Widodo, right, speaks to journalists as Indonesia's Ambassador to Brazil Toto Riyanto looks on in Jakarta on Feb. 24, 2015. (Photo: Reuters / Antara)

Indonesian President Joko Widodo, right, speaks to journalists as Indonesia's Ambassador to Brazil Toto Riyanto looks on in Jakarta on Feb. 24, 2015. (Photo: Reuters / Antara)

JAKARTA — An Indonesian court will rule on Monday on an appeal against President Joko Widodo's refusal of clemency for two Australian drug convicts who are facing execution by firing squad.

Myuran Sukumaran and Andrew Chan were convicted in 2006 as the ringleaders of a plot to smuggle heroin out of Indonesia.

The pair are among a group of 10 drug convicts due to be executed by firing squad at the prison island of Nusakambangan. Others in the group include citizens of France, Brazil, the Philippines, Ghana, Nigeria and Indonesia.

Widodo has denied clemency to the convicts despite repeated pleas from Australia, Brazil and France.

Sukumaran and Chan are challenging in an administrative court the president's blanket rejection, with their lawyers arguing that he did not give due consideration of each case.

If the court rules in their favor, Jokowi may have to reconsider their pleas for clemency. Lawyers said that if their appeal is rejected they will have exhausted all avenues of legal recourse.

The attorney general is awaiting the outcome of legal appeals by three remaining death row inmates before setting a date for executions. A spokesman in his office previously said the intention was for all executions to be carried out together but they could be conducted in batches.

Indonesia has harsh penalties for drug trafficking and resumed executions in 2013 after a five-year gap.

The post Indonesia to Rule on Last-Ditch Appeal by Death Row Australian Drug Convicts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Slave Fishermen Now Safe on Indonesian Island

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 09:33 PM PDT

Fishermen working at Muara Baru port in Jakarta. (Photo: Beawiharta / Reuters)

Fishermen working at Muara Baru port in Jakarta. (Photo: Beawiharta / Reuters)

TUAL, Indonesia — The same trawlers that had enslaved countless migrant fishermen for years carried more than 300 of them to freedom Saturday, following a dramatic rescue from a remote Indonesian island that many men believed would likely be their final resting place.

After 17 hours overnight at sea, the men, mostly from Burma, took their first steps of freedom. They filed off the boats and walked to the site of their new temporary home where they were finally safe.

They moved in an orderly, single-file line with colored ribbons tied around their wrists to identify which of the six vessels had brought them. They were tired from the long, cramped journey, but smiled and laughed while talking about the new lives they were about to start. At one point, a group sang and clapped their hands. But mostly, the fear of being beaten or killed by their captors had finally lifted.

"I’m so happy, I wanted to go home for so long," said Aung Aung, 26, who lifted his hair on the left side of his head to show a fat, jagged scar stretching from his lip to the back of his neck—the result of a machete attack by his captain’s son. "I missed home and especially after I was cut…I was afraid I would die there."

The Burmese men were among hundreds of migrant workers revealed in an Associated Press investigation to have been lured or tricked into leaving their countries to go to Thailand, where they were put on boats and brought to Indonesia. From there, they were forced to catch seafood that was shipped back to Thailand and exported to consumers around the world, including the United States. In response to the AP’s findings, an Indonesian delegation visited the island village of Benjina on Friday and offered immediate evacuation after finding brutal conditions, down to an "enforcer" paid to beat men up.

The officials from the Fisheries Ministry offered the men a chance to leave, fearing they would not be safe if they stayed on the island after speaking out about the horrendous labor abuses they endured.

About 320 men took up the offer. Even as a downpour started, some dashed through the rain. They sprinted back to their boats, jumped over the rails and threw themselves through windows. They stuffed their meager belongings into plastic bags, small suitcases and day packs, and rushed back to the dock, not wanting to be left behind.

After arriving on the island of Tual on Saturday afternoon, the men were given traditional packets of Indonesian rice wrapped in paper. Those who were sick or injured were offered medical care by paramedics inside ambulances.

The ministry has expressed some concern over how to feed so many people for an extended period of time, but a large open-air pavilion is being provided for the men to sleep under. The accommodation is crude with a concrete floor, but it has a roof to keep them dry and, most importantly, they are safe.

Officials from Burma are set to visit the islands next week and will assist with bringing the men home and locating others who are still trapped.

Friday’s unexpected rescue came after a round of interviews Indonesian officials held with the fishermen, where they confirmed the abuse reported in the AP story, which included video of eight migrants locked in a cage and a slave graveyard. The men talked of how they were beaten and shocked with Taser-like devices at sea, forced to work almost nonstop without clean water or proper food, paid little or nothing and prevented from going home.

There was essentially no way out. Benjina is in the far reaches of Indonesia and so remote, there was no phone service until a cell tower was installed last month, and it is a difficult place to reach in the best of circumstances.

Some of the men said the abuse went even further at the hands of an Indonesian man known as "the enforcer." He was deeply feared and hated by the workers, who said he was hired by their boat captains to punish them for misbehavior.

The findings documented by Indonesian officials and the AP came in stark contrast to what a Thai delegation reported from a visit to Benjina earlier this week when they searched for trafficked Thai nationals. They denied mistreatment on the boats and said the crews were all Thai, even though the AP found many migrant workers from other countries were issued fake documents with Thai names and addresses.

Thailand, the world’s third-largest seafood exporter, has been under further pressure to clean up its industry since the AP tracked a boat of slave-caught seafood by satellite from Benjina to a port outside of Bangkok. Records then linked it to the supply chains of some of America’s largest supermarkets and retailers and among the most popular brands of pet foods.

The US State Department said Friday that it is pressing Burma to quickly repatriate the men. US companies also called for action and commended Indonesian officials.

"We don’t condone human trafficking in the supply chain, and we applaud the government’s work to end this abuse. Our hearts go out to these men, and we wish them well on their journeys home," said Marilee McInnis, spokeswoman for Wal-Mart, the largest retailer in the US, which was among those the AP found with supply chains linked to tainted seafood.

The International Organization for Migration has said there could be as many as 4,000 foreign men, many trafficked or enslaved, who are stranded on islands surrounding Benjina following a fishing moratorium called by the Indonesian Fisheries Ministry to crack down on poaching. The country has some of the world’s richest fishing grounds, and the government estimates billions of dollars in seafood are stolen from its waters by foreign crews every year.

Three-quarters of the more than 320 migrant workers who left the island on Friday were Burmese. Others were also from Cambodia and Laos, and a few Thais were allowed to board the boats. However, the Indonesians said most Thai nationals could stay on Benjina more safely, since Thai captains were less likely to abuse them.

Many of the men hugged and jumped in the air when they learned they were finally leaving the island, but others worry it will be difficult to readjust to the countries they left behind.

Phong Myant Aung, 37, worked on trawler for six years and said he was constantly physically and verbally abused and not given medicine when he got sick.

His face lit up when asked how he felt as a free man. But when the question turned to what he would do when he returned to Burma, his eyes slowly filled with tears and he struggled to find words.

"I really don’t know. I have no education," he said, pausing to wipe his cheek. "My parents are old, I want to be with them."

The post Burmese Slave Fishermen Now Safe on Indonesian Island appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘I Thought It Would Be Great to Mix Traditional and Dance Music’

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Burmese musician Thxa Soe is known for fusing his native country's traditional music and electro. (Photo: Ko Sein Lin / Aroma)

Burmese musician Thxa Soe is known for fusing his native country’s traditional music and electro. (Photo: Ko Sein Lin / Aroma)

When Thxa Soe made a debut with his album "Yaw Thama Hmwe" in 2006, Burmese listeners were awed by his music. For many of them it was a revelation that traditional folk songs they had heard onstage performed by Burmese traditional troupes could be blended with Western electro music.

Due to the lively rhythms of both music forms, his songs are heartily embraced both in cities and the Burmese countryside, where local Top 10 songs are rarely popular. The 35-year-old musician spoke with The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Phyo Tha about his music, his views on piracy in the music industry in Burma and local artists' obsession with doing cover songs.

How did you get the inspiration to blend Burmese traditional folk songs and electro music?

Basically, it is all started with my indomitable spirit. I went to London to study music in 2001 and during classes I hardly found any popular original Burmese music to play as all songs I had were covers. I felt quite ashamed [for the lack of originality].

Through reading, I learned about the fact that local music had long flourished, even in the Bagan-era. I was very curious to know what kind of music they were listening or playing at the time. Luckily, I had access to the British Library in London, I found some Nat Doe, a lively Burmese traditional music with strong beats performed at Nat Pwe (traditional spiritual musical performances), there. At the time, I was studying dance music and surprisingly found that they share, in some range, the same tempo. Then, the idea popped up in my mind that it would be great to mix them. I went back to Burma in 2003, 2004 to travel upcountry, doing some more research on Nat Doe. As a result, I could release 'Yaw Thama Hmwe' (which means 'Mixed') in 2006.

In the Burmese music scene at the time, the genre you chose was quite revolutionary. What was the audience's response?

Some people liked it. But I was hugely criticized, too. I was labeled as "someone who ruined Burmese traditional music." I have never been condemned like that before. But for me, what I did was something like dressing up a Burmese girl in Western clothes. So I have kept doing that kind of music and now I have six albums under my name.

What do you think of the music you have produced so far?

I have not changed, but people's points of view have. I have earned applause from senior people from the traditional Burmese music circle. They even advised me on what song I should choose as I'm the only young musician who is interested in traditional music.

Now, I have been asked to write music for a state-level event. For example, the Minster of Immigration and Population requested me last year to write a theme song for the nationwide census gathering and for the SEA Games in 2013. Before that I was banned [from performing] and accused of 'destroying traditional music.' Haha.

You have complained a lot about pirated music albums here as you are also one of the victims. What is the current situation?

Piracy has been a cancer for the music industry here since around 2003. Even though we tried to fight against it, we still can't overcome. We reformed the Myanmar Music Association in 2011 and organized an anti-piracy team of which I'm the secretary. So far we have seen some light at the end of the tunnel. Due to the team's effort, we saw a double increase in [local] album sales in the market. Despite the government's cooperation in anti-piracy, it would be much better if they are more helpful.

If you compare with other art forms, most music here still can't gain international recognition. Why not?

Because most of the musicians here have no shame—they have been singing cover songs as if they were their own. I have been an anti-cover song artist so many people in the industry here hate me. The more Burma is exposed to the internationally community these days, they should be more careful in what they are doing.

Basically, as an artist you must have your own creation. What mostly happens here is that people either do cover songs or take some parts of music from international hits to blend them into their own. They know very well it is unethical, but they just keep doing it as it doesn't require much effort. Plus, it is easy money.

What about your international performances. How did the audiences out there respond to your music?

Last year, I performed in Vietnam where I was invited by BBC world. In 2013, I toured in Europe. I found they liked my music. For them, that kind of mixed songs between traditional and electro is not very strange as they have already experienced something like that from mixing African and electro music. But they heartily responded to my music as it is very lively and good to dance to.

Do you think the Burmese music industry could potentially one day leave cover songs behind?

I see a growing number of young artists trying to make their way with their own creation. But they still can't overcome those who make cover songs using international hits. It's very sad. But if they keep what they are doing, they could make it. The situation will be better, I think, probably in next five decades.

The post 'I Thought It Would Be Great to Mix Traditional and Dance Music' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Political prisoners, detainees near 500

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 01:34 AM PDT

Almost 470 remain imprisoned on political grounds, according to activist group AAPP, despite a government promise now nearing 2 years old.

Three-year judicial reform plan overlooks backlog of civil cases

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Despite the adoption of a three-year plan to speed up the criminal justice process, litigants in protracted civil cases can expect no such relief.

New-look Air Mandalay to resume scheduled flights

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Grounded  domestic carrier Air Mandalay has declared itself "back in business", launching a slick marketing campaign ahead of its planned relaunch on May 1.

Family in dark on missing seaman

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Almost  half of the Myanmar seamen on board a Russian trawler when it sank into freezing northern Pacific waters last week were missing and presumed dead as of yesterday, the fourth day of the search and rescue mission.

Daw Suu moves to push forward constitution talks

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to push constitutional amendment that would nullify the military veto and enable her to run for the country's top position.

Civil servants forced out of housing wait on rent payments

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Government staff moved to temporary accommodation in Mandalay say the government has failed to pay up on promised rental payments.

Suspect apprehended following Bagan pagoda thefts

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Police  have seized a masked man in the act of climbing over a gate they were guarding, in an apparent attempt to rob a pagoda in Bagan.

Lawyers to protect media freedom

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Lawyers from around Myanmar are rushing to protect nascent media freedom with a new network to provide legal counsel and, if needed, legal representation to journalists.

Lower house MPs to finalise education law

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

The  lower house of parliament is expected to vote on proposed amendments to the National Education Law this week before MPs take a break for water festival.

Cardinal hits out at ‘looting’ of resources

Posted: 05 Apr 2015 02:30 PM PDT

Cardinal  Charles Maung Bo yesterday called on all sides in Myanmar's long-running ethnic conflicts to implement a genuine ceasefire without resorting to the pillaging by "international looters and cronies" of natural resources that has marked past efforts to end decades of conflict.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Strategic Partnership, Kokang Conflict and Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 02:38 AM PDT

In his 3 April monthly radio message to the nation, President Thein Sein said he would not let Burma's  strategic  relationship  with great powers and as well, neighboring countries, go astray, because of the Kokang conflict, which erupted on 9 February, when fighting between the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and government forces were first reported. The fighting lingers on and seems it could drag on for some time to come.

Thein Sein, referring to Kokang affairs, said: "Currently, we are trying to achieve stability and peace in Kokang region as the key undertaking at this stage. Since in building a new nation, protection of the rights of indigenous and minorities is the prioritized undertaking, we have to strive step by step for the political, economic and social stability and development of the Kokang self-administered zone. At a time when it is necessary to have good relations with neighboring countries as well as superpowers in the world, impact by such conflict on our country's strategic relations with them cannot be tolerated."

This speech was delivered after Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin met with his Chinese counterpart, Mr Wang Yi, in Beijing on April 2 and expressed his apologies for the incident in Lincang, Yunnan, on the China-Myanmar border.

In a BBC discussion forum "Burma and World Issues" ("Myanmar ah yay, Kaba ah yay" ), aired on 4 April, Dr Hla Kyaw Zaw, an expert on Burma and China, based in Kunming, regarding Kokang conflict and the deteriorating Burma-China relationship, said it is deplorable  that the Thein Sein regime is portraying China as a frightful figure to win over U.S. backing and sympathy, by showing China in a bad light. Burma has already achieved quite a lot of concessions in most areas from the U.S., except only from the military, which Thein Sein regime is not yet fully satisfied. She also accused Thein Sein regime for its narrow outlook of employing the policy of racism and hatred to divert people's anger against the regime, which she labeled as not at all modern and also out-dated.

She further said that small countries like Burma should be clever and sophisticated on how to chart the political waters, where superpowers and big regional powers have their own grand strategies to implement.

She also explained the meaning of "Strategic Partnership" as a strategy that implies not only bilateral relationship, but covers Asian, regional and international cooperation. In other words, developing countries, ASEAN, United Nations and so on are involved in this concept of strategic partnership.

Accordingly, a "Joint Statement Between The Republic of the Union of Myanmar and The People's Republic of China on Establishing a Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership", was signed, on 27 May 2011, in Beijing. Of the 7 point agreement, 3 are of utmost important to the current development along the Burma-China border. They are:

The two sides will follow the principles of equality, mutual benefit, drawing upon each others' strengths and emphasizing practical results, further enhance the size and level of the economic cooperation and trade between the two countries, work to strengthen healthy, stable and sustainable business ties, make joint efforts to create a favourable environment for trade and investment cooperation, enhance the closer economic and trade exchanges between the two countries in accordance with their economic and trade policies.
The two sides will strengthen border management cooperation, conduct timely communication on border management affairs, and strive to maintain peace, tranquility and stability in border areas.
The Chinese side reaffirms its respect for Myanmar's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity and its support for Myanmar's pursuit of its development path suited to its national conditions. Myanmar reiterates that its adheres to one China policy, recognizes that the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government representing the whole of China and that Taiwan is unalienable part of the Chinese territory, will continue to support the peaceful development of cross-Strait relations and China's cause of peaceful reunification.  ( Source:  The New Light of Myanmar, 29 May 2011, page 10)
According to a research paper "China's strategic partnership diplomacy: engaging with a changing world", written by Feng Zhongping and Huang Jing:
China has established strategic partnerships with 47 countries and three international organizations, mostly since the early 2000s.
China has developed various titles and mechanisms for different strategic partnerships that reflect the distinct characteristics of each partnership and which can change over time. Though the calculations behind each strategic partnership vary, as a whole they are designed to protect China's core interests (the defensive logic) and to construct a better environment for China's rise (the assertive logic).

It is not clear, how Burma is being categorized from the point of the China's strategic partnership variables, but it is the biggest investor, with over 14 billion dollars, in some 50 projects in Burma. Thus, China's economic stake is quite sizable, if not the biggest, compare to its other investment around the world. But from Geo-strategical and its energy consumption point of view, Burma could be quite high in its strategic partnership consideration, within the region.

With this in mind, no one would entertain the scenario that China would ever dream of openly helping or betting on Peng Jiasheng and his MNDAA and abandon its vast other economic interest in the whole Burma. But this is not to say, China will come down hard on MNDAA, to please Thein Sein government, for officially, non-interference and adhering to territorial integrity are its prescribed norms.

According to Altsean March Edition, China was angered by the spillover of Burma Army (BA), also known as Tatmadaw, air strikes and following the attacks, on 14 March, the Chinese Defense Ministry warned the regime that it must apologize for the 13 March bombing, punish those responsible, and compensate victims' families

The documentation of the BA air strikes in Kokang Self-Administered Zone, Shan State, spilled over into China's Yunnan Province on four separate occasions, sparking Chinese condemnation, are as follows:
8 March: A Tatmadw fighter jet dropped four bombs in Mengding Township.
11 March: Tatmadaw troops launched air strikes on Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) forces near the China-Burma border in Laogai Township. Four bombs landed on the Chinese side.
13 March: Several Tatmadaw aircraft bombed a sugarcane field in Lincang, killing five farmers and injuring eight others.
20 March: Tatmadaw aircraft dropped bombs on Mengdui Township, with several landing in refugee camps.

Taking all the mentioned points into consideration, it could be concluded if the BA goes on with its offensives, unintended stray-bombs would fall on China's soil again, sooner or later. Given the Chinese ultimatum, the scenario that follows will be the end of strategic partnership. And since Thein Sein has explicitly said in his latest monthly speech that he won't let it go astray, the only logical approach would be to opt for negotiation with the MNDAA. Besides, the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) has also made it clear that it would only consider to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), if all 22 Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) are included in the peace process.

Meanwhile, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), which has so far been staying at arm's length concerning the ongoing peace process, will be now be hosting the EAOs meeting to discuss and made decision on the fourth NCA draft, after which they will decide whether to sign it or not. One couldn't help speculating, if the UWSA is acting on behalf of China, given that it is always been seen as China's proxy.

But in spite of all these development, the recent regime's official apology to the Chinese government is the right approach, to the whole conflict.

Under these circumstances, negotiation might be the only pragmatic way out, to get out of this deadlock and maintain the strategic partnership with China alive, which could even lead to a comprehensive political settlement, if pragmatic power-sharing and resources-sharing are implemented, leading to the making of a new nation, as Thein Sein has highlighted, where all could co-exist peacefully in harmony.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor

To Hopeland and Back (Part XII): Here comes the Second Labor of Hercules

Posted: 06 Apr 2015 12:56 AM PDT

(15 March-3 April 2015)
Day One: Sunday, 15 March 2015
Hercules was assigned to kill a creature with nine heads called Hydra. He chopped off one only to have two popped up instead. So he brought a burning brand with him with which he seared the neck as he cut each head off. In this way Hydra was unable to sprout new heads and was conquered.

Hercules_vs_The_Lernian_Hydra_by_CimmerianIllustratorHercules is far from my mind when I arrive in Tachilek where I'm catching a plane to Rangoon. He should have been closer because the ongoing Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement(NCA) negotiations which began in November 2013 has been a tough nut to crack just like the skin of the lion of Nemea which he finally was able to kill by strangling. The NCA has proven to be another Nemean lion.

My worry is that the plane won't be able to land what with the seasonal smog that has for days been choking up the sky. Several flights have been cancelled during the past few days.

There I run into a very likeable young man by the name of Lao Ta who is also waiting for a plane like us. He is Akha, known as Hani in China, and the leader of the Loi Taw Kham People's Militia Force. The village tract lies west of Tachilek and northeast of the Shan State Army stronghold Loi Kawwan.

He tells us there are some 280,000-300,000 Akha people in Shan State. And that 28 December has been designated as Akha National Day since 1977. The bulk of them appears to be in Nampan, which is part of the territory under the control of the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) based in Mongla, on the Sino-Burmese border. Hsan Perh, an Akha, is one of its vice chairmen. The other chairman is Hsang Lu, a Shan.

Luis Vas de Comoes
We are fortunate. The plane, Asia Wings, flies in  after waiting in Kengtung, 100 miles away, for two hours for the smog to be blown away by the wind.

We take off at 18:00. I take the 3 hour flight (through Mandalay) opportunity to finish Robert Kaplan's Monsoon. One interesting item about Burma, according to Portuguese poet Luis Vas de Comoes (1524- 1580), whom he quoted, is that the men wore "tinkling bells" on their genitals, which I have never heard of before. Or seen either.

At 21:00 we disembark at Rangoon's Mingladon Airport.

Saturday, April 4, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Suu Kyi Says Boycott of Burma Election an Option

Posted: 03 Apr 2015 07:57 PM PDT

Aung San Suu Kyi speaks at the 50th anniversary of the founding of Kawhmu Township in Rangoon Division. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Aung San Suu Kyi speaks at the 50th anniversary of the founding of Kawhmu Township in Rangoon Division. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

NAYPYITAW— Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said boycotting an upcoming historic election was an “option” if a military-drafted constitution that bars her from becoming president remains unchanged.

In an interview on Friday, the Nobel laureate told Reuters that her opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party was “ready to govern” but that President Thein Sein was insincere about reform and might try to postpone the election.

She also said U.S. praise for Burma's semi-civilian government, which took power in 2011 after nearly 50 years of brutal military rule, had made it “complacent” about reform.

While scathing about what she called Thein Sein’s “hardline regime”, Suu Kyi emphasised the need to reconcile with the military which detained her for 15 years until her release from house arrest in 2010.

“We don’t think that boycotting the election is the best choice,” said Suu Kyi, when asked whether her party would run with the constitution unchanged. “But we’re not ruling it out altogether. We are leaving our options open.”

However, she stressed the importance of the November general election, describing it as “the real test of whether we are on the route to democracy or not.”

The NLD won Burma's last real election in 1990 by a landslide, but the military nullified the result.

The party boycotted the 2010 poll, widely regarded as rigged, which installed Thein Sein, a former general and junta stalwart.

His government launched a series of political and economic reforms. Many people now feel the reform process has stalled, and the military – its immense power largely unchecked – again casts a shadow over the voting.

Suu Kyi said Thein Sein was “sincere” about reform during their first meeting in 2011. But now, he was not.

“Because if he had been sincere about reform, then we would be much further ahead than we are,” she said, speaking in a meeting room in Burma's sprawling parliamentary complex in the capital Naypyitaw.

She expressed concern that Thein Sein might use peace talks with ethnic rebels as a pretext to delay the election.

BURMA’S HOPE

For Suu Kyi, who turns 70 in June, this is a pivotal year.

She and 42 other NLD members entered parliament after a 2012 by-election. Since then, say critics, Suu Kyi has lent her hard-won democratic credentials to a questionable government that has given little in return.

But many more in this large, poor and ethnically diverse nation still see Suu Kyi as Burma’s best hope. Reforms have raised expectations among its 53 million population but left most people’s lives unimproved.

The constitution, drafted by the former junta, reserves a quarter of parliamentary seats for military delegates, which effectively allows them to veto any constitutional change.

It also bars presidential candidates with a foreign spouse or child. Suu Kyi’s late husband and two sons are British.

She said the presidency was still within her reach. “Why not?” she said. “Constitutions are not permanent.”

But changing it, she admitted, depended upon a government she repeatedly described in the interview as a “regime” of hardliners.

“They are not interested in negotiations or in amending the constitution or taking seriously the will of the people…you could hardly say they are moderates.”

Suu Kyi said she questioned U.S. praise of Burmese government in the hopes of encouraging further reforms.

“I would ask whether it actually encourages them to do more or it simply makes them more complacent,” she said.

“The United States and the West in general are too optimistic and a bit of healthy scepticism would help everybody a great deal.”

A U.S. official told Reuters in November, ahead of President Barack Obama’s second visit to the country, that Washington had decided not to press for changes to Burma’s constitution in a bid to maintain influence with its government.

But Suu Kyi said she did not feel abandoned by the United States and had “good friends” there.

MILITARY MANOEUVRES

One “absolute necessity” was mending relations with the military. “We can’t have a country that is split between the military and the rest of the people,” she said.

In 2012, Suu Kyi upset many supporters by saying she had a “soft spot” for the military. It was founded by her father Aung San, Burma’s independence hero, whose portrait hung on the wall behind her.

Now, she rejects criticism that she had been outmanoeuvred by Burma’s generals.

“We’ve always known that they would not give up their privileges easily,” she said. “There’s a time when we have to stand up for our principles and there’s a time when one of the principles should be national reconciliation rather than digging up the past.”

Suu Kyi also denied claims she had failed to speak up for the Rohingya Muslims, a mostly stateless people living in wretched conditions in western Burma after deadly clashes with majority Buddhists in 2012.

“When I talked about rule of law and the fact that we condemned all forms of violence, nobody was interested,” she said. “This wasn’t news.”

The post Suu Kyi Says Boycott of Burma Election an Option appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

At Kvas, a Culinary Moscow Medley

Posted: 03 Apr 2015 06:30 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

The story goes like this: Four people move to Rangoon, and after a number of years, they become friends and commiserate over the dishes from home that they all miss. There is simply no good Russian food in Burma's biggest city, so why not take matters into their own hands? None of them have any previous restaurant experience, but they're all passionate about the idea; so much so that they even recruit a chef who travels from Russia to train the staff and man the kitchen. It sounds like the making of a promising film, but is it the start of a great restaurant?

Tucked into sleepy Yanshin Road, just outside the many iterations of the foreigner-friendly Shwe Ohn Bin housing complexes, Kvas immediately stands out amid the area's 24-hour convenience stores and impersonal pastry shops. What the owners have managed to achieve with the same kind of space that neighbors have turned into uninspiring, neon-lit fashion stores is impressive.

The restaurant has an unassuming feel and the high-backed leather booths offer patrons an unexpected feeling of privacy, given the fact that the venue is small and that glass walls are all that separate indoor diners from those sitting on Kvas's popular outdoor patio. What's more, the harsh-sounding whispers and exclamations that emanate from the kitchen lend this place a distinctly Russian feel, as if you could well be sitting in some little corner joint within sight of the Red Square.

The owners also have a good, healthy sense of Russian drama. "This is my life!" explains Zoriggo Gomboev. "Not only my life," he adds, pointing to two of the co-owners who are enraptured in lively conversation involving plenty of gurgled Rs—"it's their life." Well, if Chef Timu Bovayez's life depended on it, he would serve customers one of the grilled dishes on the menu, and specifically the pork shashlik. The tender cuts of marinated pork are served above a bed of lettuce and tomato, and are topped with pickled red onions. The pork is decidedly rich and satisfyingly salty, and the cuts themselves are surrounded by generous bits of fat that add to the flavor, as well as to the heart attack potential of the dish. (If only you could walk it off by taking a stroll around the Kremlin in -8°C weather afterward.)

Not for the faint-hearted or sensitive of stomach—not to mention the lactose intolerant—the mushroom Julienne was by far the most well-balanced appetizer of the night, and this particular foodie is fighting the temptation to melt into its creamy, cheesy perfection every night until she turns into a jolly, chubby old babushka. The borscht, even if a bit heavy on the oil, subtly combines beets, carrots, tomatoes and pork with the odd bit of sharp garlic or pickled onion. It set the stage for the chef's love of tomatoes, which were in everything from the borscht to the pork shashlik, to sauce adorning a beef stroganoff that was oddly sweet and red in color.

It's surprising that such rich food, designed to warm up the heart and insulate from the cold, could be so appetizing on one of Rangoon's hottest and most humid nights. It might be due to the fact that the chef is slowly adapting traditional Russian cooking to cater to local palates; heightening the flavors so the salty is saltier, the spicy spicier and so on.

Personally, I don't believe the dishes need too much tweaking, and as long as the chef doesn't change a thing about the beautifully glazed piroshky that are baked in-house to perfection, Kvas might just turn out to be one of those gambles where everyone—the chef, the diners, the owners—come out winning.

The post At Kvas, a Culinary Moscow Medley appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

An Uneasy Alliance

Posted: 03 Apr 2015 06:00 PM PDT

President U Thein Sein shakes hands with China's President Xi Jinping during a signing ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on June 27, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

President U Thein Sein shakes hands with China's President Xi Jinping during a signing ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on June 27, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Myanmar and China have long stressed the "pauk-phaw" or "fraternal" nature of their bilateral relationship. But the comforting catchphrase belies the often uneasy reality. While at pains to maintain strong ties with its giant neighbor, successive Myanmar leaders have often viewed the country with which they share a 1,250 mile border as a potential threat.

On March 13, relations faced their latest source of tension when, according to Beijing, a Myanmar aircraft dropped a bomb on a sugarcane field in Yunnan province, killing five civilians and wounding eight others. The Myanmar military has been engaged in heavy fighting with a Kokang rebel group, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, in the town of Laukkai, close to the Chinese border, since Feb. 9.

Some observers have voiced concern that the ongoing conflict in the Kokang Special Region, right on China's doorstep, would ratchet up tensions between the two nations. This is possible, but leaders on both sides will likely seek to hose down concerns and protect their shared economic and strategic interests.

While Naypyitaw obviously remains the younger sibling in the so-called fraternal relationship, equally, China cannot afford to lose or neglect its weaker yet strategically invaluable neighbor.

Chinese economic interests in the country run deep and Beijing is acutely aware of the importance of keeping Naypyitaw on-side. Beijing-backed projects in Myanmar include the Kyaukphyu to Kunming oil and gas dual pipelines; a string of planned controversial dams; the Letpadaung copper mine project; and the now suspended Myitsone dam.

Many of these projects were signed off under the previous military regime, when Myanmar was still perceived as a villain on the world stage.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of
the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

Naypyitaw's old guard may in fact retain a sense of gratitude toward China, which continued to funnel investment into the country while the Myanmar Army was internationally ostracized for committing gross human rights violations against its population.

For its own geopolitical motives, China was one of the country's few staunch supporters and served as a shield—both economically and in international forums such as the UN Security Council—to protect the repressive military regime.

While a Western bloc led by the United States and the European Union imposed sanctions for more than two decades, China built up ties extending not only economic support but also military weapons and training. Without Beijing, the junta would have struggled to survive.

Old Ties

In December 1949, Myanmar was the first non-communist country to recognize the communist-led People's Republic of China, shortly after it was proclaimed. Under Prime Minister U Nu in the early 1950s, a few years after Myanmar regained its independence from the British, the term pauk-phaw was first used to describe the brotherly Sino-Myanmar relationship.

Behind the rhetoric, Myanmar leaders were always attuned to the pragmatic realization that the country's much larger, stronger neighbor could seek to assert its influence through threats or force. The researcher Maung Aung Myoe wrote in his book "In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar's China Policy Since 1948" that in December 1970, dictator Gen. Ne Win had remarked that "the real threat for Myanmar was China."

Maung Aung Myoe wrote that Gen. Ne Win cautioned the military to maintain a defensive posture in its military operations along the border with China and to avoid provoking any direct Chinese military intervention. The general insisted that the military should not launch any offensives near the Sino-Myanmar border.

This chronic distrust was one of the reasons that the country pursued a foreign policy of neutrality and non-alignment; it was an assurance that Myanmar would not become entangled in alliances hostile to Beijing.

Getting Closer

After 1988, relations with China entered a new, stronger phase. Respective violent crackdowns against pro-democracy demonstrators—Myanmar in 1988 and China's Tiananmen Square in 1989—brought to mind the "birds of a feather flock together" phrase. The post-1988 military regime in Myanmar tried to strengthen its position by allowing China to exploit the country's natural resources while generals reaped the profits.

But a relationship built on this kind of shared despotism left fertile grounds for anti-Chinese sentiment in Myanmar.

After President U Thein Sein's government assumed power in 2011, relations shifted again. The military-turned-civilian government began a reform process which has opened the door to the West.

U Thein Sein's decision to postpone the China-backed Myitsone dam project after facing widespread public opposition shocked Chinese leaders who, perhaps for the first time, felt they might lose a long-term partner.

Since then, China has actively tried to engage with the public as well as opposition groups to ensure its ongoing economic primacy in the country. As Myanmar courts more partners abroad, perhaps Beijing has calculated that the old ways of courtship, based primarily on economic inducements, will no longer suffice.

Despite the often fractious nature of relations, brought to light not least by the recent ongoing conflict along the Sino-Myanmar border, leaders from both sides of the political spectrum in Myanmar will endeavor to maintain pauk-phaw relations with Beijing while simultaneously reconnecting with the West.
The intersecting economic and geopolitical imperatives of both sides mean the stakes could hardly be higher.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is the editor of The Irrawaddy English edition. This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post An Uneasy Alliance appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Youth is the Force That Will Shape the Future’

Posted: 03 Apr 2015 05:23 PM PDT

Aung Zaw, founding editor of The Irrawaddy, is joined by Tin Maung Maung Aye of the Myanmar Mobile Education Project for this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Aung Zaw, founding editor of The Irrawaddy, is joined by Tin Maung Maung Aye of the Myanmar Mobile Education Project for this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, Tin Maung Maung Aye discusses his efforts to educate Burma's child laborers.

Aung Zaw: This week, I am joined by U Tin Maung Maung Aye, director of the Myanmar Mobile Education Project, will join me for discussion. I am Irrawaddy Magazine Editor Aung Zaw.

You left Myanmar after the 1988 uprising, and you lived in US for around 26 years. You missed your country and you were watching developments from there. Then you began a project—an education project for child laborers—when you came back. It is a mobile classroom for working children. The project has received accolades from the international community and labor activists since it launched. Before we discuss your work, let's touch on your homecoming. Before talking about this project, let's start with your homecoming. Why did you come back? Did you feel any culture shock?

Tin Maung Maung Aye: I lived and learned in US for more than two decades. While I was there, I always missed my country and its people. I always wanted to come back. I had to adapt with great difficulty to the situation here, as the reality on the ground was quite different from my imagination. It is like looking at a picture from a distance. You can't see color or shapes clearly. You get closer and closer to the picture and finally you get into it, and you find that the details are more complicated. The major culture shock for me was seeing so many people struggling for their livelihood every day.

AZ: Myanmar before 1988 and Myanmar after 1988. From my point of view as a returnee, Myanmar is suffering from poverty, Yangon's population has become more crowded, and cultural values have diminished a great deal. Do you feel the same?

TMMA: When I left Myanmar in 1989, there were nearly so many people and cars on the road. The environment was more friendly, people were more friendly and supportive toward each other. At that time, Yangon did not have people from so many various walks of life, various regions and various backgrounds. When I came back, I found that Yangon was very populous and there were many, many cars. Everywhere, people are struggling hard to sustain their lives. To get 4000 or 5000 kyats in their pockets when they get back home is all they are thinking about. Some families have to cook dinner when they get back home from work while others have to redeem pots from the pawnshop to cook dinner. The majority of the faces I saw were overwhelmed by worry and stress.

AZ: I feel that the faces of both young and old men here are hopeless and demoralized. Don't you think?

TMMA: Yes, that's right. The majority of people are leading a hand-to-mouth existence. A safety net and fundamental human rights are almost non-existent for them. As such, everyday, they have to struggle all the time for their day-to-day survival.

AZ: There is the problem of internal migration. People come to urban areas to find jobs and opportunities and to support their families. When we sit at teashops, we see school-aged children of around 10 working there. How did you get the idea to provide education for them?

TMMA: As we have said, it is a culture shock to see child workers working at teashops, restaurants and roadside eateries. When I left Myanmar in 1989, there were almost no working children. Then I came back and when I sat at teashops together with my friends, I saw them and wondered why there are so many children working at these places, where they come from and what they do each day. As I talked to them, to teashop owners and with my friends and families, I came to know that 80 or 90 percent of them came from rural areas, the delta and central Myanmar. They have come to big cities like Yangon and Mandalay as they were facing hardship in their home regions.

Some are called to cities by their friends, relatives and siblings. And some are brought by middlemen. They have to do whatever job is available and send back their daily wages to their parents. Child workers have to work from dawn to night at teashops, seven days a week, so they have no time to learn. Then, a thought came to me. While Myanmar is opening up—by opening up I mean higher degrees of freedom and increased rights compared to the past—and as the country has millions of youths, and if we did not play a part in their intellectual advancement and improvement of their lives, then where and what will they be in the next five to 10 years?

We don't need to ask an astrologer how much they will be able to contribute to their families, villages and the country. Every one can predict what they will be. From that, I got the idea to play a part and carry out this mobile education project to provide a practical education for them.

AZ: So, you bring the school in buses to working children, and there are donors for the buses.

TMMA: It is not that they don't have access to schools; rather they don't have time to go to school. Unlike other countries, Myanmar does not have part-time schools. So, if they are to go to school, they have to attend half the day. And they don't have that much time. The break they get is mostly two or three hours. I thought about how I could provide education to them during that short period. Then I got the idea of turning old buses into schools. I put desks and tables and also equipped the buses with solar panels so that we don't need a power source when we teach at night. As you know, electricity is always off and on in Myanmar, depending on the location. So, with this in mind I equipped the buses with solar panels, projectors and computers, and now I am preparing to bring the internet to mobile classrooms. I had to negotiate first with teashop owners before I could teach them.

AZ: The teashop owners accepted it willingly?

TMMA: In Myanmar, though shop owners fight for the survival of their businesses every day, most of them have a philanthropic spirit. What we teach is also practically useful for their shops. For example, we teach the children the English names for menu items. As Myanmar is undergoing a transition, many foreigners are coming into the country. When foreign customers come to those teashops, child workers can deal with them to a certain extent. So, it is beneficial to shop owners. Secondly, we teach them about interpersonal skills.

AZ: So you teach them skills training.

TMMA: We teach them what is practical. We teach them things like interpersonal skills, personal hygiene. They will know how diseases like dengue fever and HIV can develop. So, they can bring with them these skills and knowledge when they move to another shop or when they go back to their villages.

AZ: And they can open their own shops when they go back to their home villages?

TMMA: Yes, they can. People with good interpersonal skills will have many friends, won't they? What we teach is things for their development. We divide levels in teaching them. Level 1 is about interpersonal skills and health awareness, Level 2 is about basic computer skills and internet, as well as using Facebook and mobile phones. Level 2 also teaches them knowledge about occupations, for example from where raw materials come and how finished products are manufactured in a garment factory, what skills and experiences are needed to work at a garment factory. Again we teach spoken English for service industry businesses like hotels and restaurants. There are three levels—basic, beginner and further.

AZ: Your organization to help these children is relatively small. But then, there are international organizations that have a mandate for such projects, like UNICEF and the ILO as well as internationally well-known NGOs like Save The Children. They have huge budgets and implement big projects.

TMMA: Mine is small compared to theirs.

AZ: Last year, the media reported that UNICEF rented an ex-general's house to use as their office for US$87,000 per month. I think your budget is much smaller than that amount.

TMMA: I wish I got that amount. Then I could teach all working children effectively.

AZ: What is government the doing with regard to the issue of child labor? There are underage workers in Myanmar. According to international and local laws, children under 13 or 14 must be spared from work. But the government is not doing anything or can't do anything to ensure underage workers are not working, while shouting from the rooftops rhetoric about poverty alleviation national development. What is your opinion of the size of the issue?

TMMA: Child labor is a big issue. Not only Myanmar but also in many other countries. There are also many ways to address this. It is important that either the current government or the next government addresses it, as it is an important issue. Youth is the force that will shape the future. If we do not address these problems right now and fail to provide the education and knowledge they deserve and they are interested in, I am afraid they will not be able to play a part in rebuilding the country five to 10 years from now.

AZ: Is there a risk these children will take the wrong path?

TMMA: There is a large chance that they could, considering that they don't have knowledge and experience, and they are not taught proper ethics while living away from their parents. Often, employers will put their business first and not consider assisting and supporting the moral development, education and health of their employees. If authorities fail to make due consideration and support and assist them effectively, we would see many difficulties in our country and our society.

AZ: The director of Myanmar Mobile Education Project, Ko Tin Maung Maung Aye, joined me for discussion in this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy. We will return to the subject of child labor next week. I am Irrawaddy Magazine Editor Aung Zaw.

The post 'Youth is the Force That Will Shape the Future' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Apr. 4, 2015)

Posted: 03 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Mitsubishi's joint venture with local instant coffee maker Capital Diamond Star Group will focus on food production and distribution. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Mitsubishi's joint venture with local instant coffee maker Capital Diamond Star Group will focus on food production and distribution. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

EU Investment Deal Could Keep Garment Sector Wages Low

London-based charity ActionAid has warned that a trade deal currently being negotiated by the Burmese government and the European Union could negatively impact female garment workers in the country.

The Bilateral Investment Treaty would set terms and conditions for foreign direct investment into Burma, and provide legal protection to European companies. Critics warn that such agreements can undermine the ability of governments to regulate business practices.

Talks on the deal were conducted in February and further negotiations are expected in May.

A post on Action Aid's website compared the deal to the controversial Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, or TIPP, that would govern trade between the United States and European Union member states. The charity called for the Burmese government to ensure laws were in place to protect workers' rights as investment from overseas ramps up.

"[T]he government of Myanmar hasn't had time to put the right laws and policies in place to make sure this investment benefits its own citizens," said the post by Ruth Kelly, ActionAid's program policy manager.

"Some investors are trying to improve conditions for workers in their factories and for the local businesses they work with. Unfortunately, such investors are few and far between."

It highlighted the garment sector, where the vast majority of workers are women and are make wages that are low even relative to other popular sourcing countries. A minimum wage law has been passed, but the lower limit for salaries has not yet been agreed.

"Most investors go to Myanmar because they can pay workers low wages. If the minimum wage goes up, investor profits go down," the post said. "If the deal with the EU goes through, investors will be able to sue for compensation for the increased cost of wages."

Kelly also warned that investors have sued governments around the world for billions of dollars for breaching the terms of trade deals. In some places, democratically elected governments find themselves unable to change the law due to the risk of upsetting investors. "This is not OK," Kelly wrote.

Calls for Investment Law to Be Delayed for More Consultation

The Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB) has urged the government to delay submitting a new investment law to Parliament amid "confusion" over the law's scope.

The Investment Law is intended to combine existing legislation on foreign and local investment in order to assuage concerns over the lack of clarity in a highly complex regulatory environment governed by numerous overlapping laws.

In a letter to Burma's Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, MRCB director Vicky Bowman welcomed the agency's willingness to consult on the law demonstrated by holding an open consultation period. The consultation was originally set to close on Mar. 31 but has reportedly been extended by one month.

However, Bowman, a former UK ambassador to Burma, said that significant "further consultation and refinement"—including on regulations that will follow the law—would improve the legislation.

She said discussions on the law held in Rangoon in March had demonstrated that "there is scope for confusion about what the law does and does not seek to regulate, including specific sectoral issues as well as the interplay with other regulation."

"Further development of supporting explanatory material would help to address this," she added. "We therefore suggest that further time is taken to prepare the law and accompanying regulations before submitting it to a parliament with a fresh mandate in 2016.

"Such a timetable would be more likely to result in a law in which investors had confidence, and whose implications had been fully considered in a transparent process."

New York-based Human Rights Watch also called for more consultation on the law last week.

"During the minimal consultation that did take place with independent groups, local community members raised concerns about the government's regulation of major international investments.," the group said in a statement. "They noted that local people often have no means for redress when an investment goes wrong."

Toshiba to Provide Turbines for Shan State Hydropower Project

Japan's Toshiba has announced that a subsidiary will supply the turbines and generators for a Chinese-led hydroelectric dam in Burma's northern Shan State.

The project known as the Upper Yeywa dam is expected to begin operating in 2018, according to an Apr. 1 statement from Toshiba, which said the firm's Chinese subsidiary Toshiba Hydro Power Hangzhou Co Ltd had won the contract. The 308MW dam is being developed on the Myitnge river in Kyaukme district by Zhejiang Orient Engineering (a Chinese "state holding enterprise," according to its website.).

The firm would begin delivering four 77-megawatt hydropower turbine and generator units in Mar. 2016, it said.

"Toshiba Group previously supplied a hydraulic turbine for the 28.4MW Sedawgyi hydroelectric power plant in 1989, making this the second commission from Myanmar. Hydroelectricity is currently Myanmar’s primary source of electricity, accounting for approximately 75% of the country’s power supply," the statement said.

"There are plans to build more power plants in Myanmar to meet growing energy needs triggered by the country’s strong economic growth."

Hydropower dams are controversial in Burma and have faced opposition in the past over their social and environmental impact.

The Chinese-backed Myitsone project in Kachin State was suspended in 2011 after widespread protests over the plan to dam the Irrawaddy River. Like Kachin State, northern Shan State has been wracked by fighting between the government and ethnic armed groups in recent years, adding further concerns about large-scale development projects.

Investment, Expertise Needed in Airport Services

While ambitious expansions are underway at Burma's two busiest airports, more investment is needed in services at the country's aviation hubs, including maintenance, according to British consultancy Oxford Business Group.

In an update on Burma's airports this week, the firm highlighted the upgrade currently underway at Rangoon's airport.

Rangoon's international airport—operated by a subsidiary of local conglomerate Asia World—is expected to complete a new international terminal by the end of this year. The terminal is part of an upgrade to a "business airport" that will see annual passenger capacity increased to 6 million to handle soaring numbers of international visitors, the update said.

"Despite only being listed as having the capacity for 2.7m passengers a year, Yangon International handled 4m passengers last year, with some other airports also working above capacity," Oxford Business Group said.

In Mandalay, Japanese companies Mitsubishi and Jalux, alongside Surge Pun's Yoma Strategic Holdings, last year won the right to operate the airport for 30 years, and plan to spend $100 million on upgrades. A brand new $1.5 billion airport to serve Rangoon is also planned in Pegu Division.

However, Oxford Business Group pointed out that previously announced plans to upgrade as many as 30 domestic airports had been "put on the backburner for now."

The group also said there were calls for more investment in services at airports, citing an official at Myanmar Airlines International (MAI). The state-run airline's managing director, Si Thu, reportedly told the Oxford Business Group that the areas of freighter services, cargo and maintenance, repair and operations all needed a boost.

"We need foreign expertise and investment in these areas," Si Thu was quoted saying. "We need investment in infrastructure—new aircraft hangers and other facilities—and more importantly, capacity building to have qualified professionals in aviation."

Mitsubishi to Enter Joint Venture With Instant Coffee Maker

Japanese conglomerate Mitsubishi Corporation will enter a joint venture with local firm Capital Diamond Star Group (CDSG), which makes popular instant coffee brand Premier.

In a joint statement on Monday, the firms announced they would form a food manufacturing and distribution company in Burma named Lluvia.

The deal involves Mitsubishi taking a 30 percent stake in CDSG's existing businesses, which include producing wheat flour, tea mix, milk powder and instant coffee for the domestic market.

The new company will invest more than $200 million over the next three years, and "will leverage Mitsubishi Corporation's international network to expand aggressively in the region and aims to be one of Myanmar's first homegrown regional companies," the statement said.

Mitsubishi is one of three major Japanese corporations who between them hold a minority stake in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone near Rangoon. The statement did not say whether Lluvia would establish a plant in the zone, which is set to open this year.

"The investments Lluvia intends to make across the food value chain in Myanmar will significantly benefit the country's food and agriculture industries," the statement said.

"In the upstream activities, Lluvia intends to work closely with farmers to facilitate better access to capital and enhance their farming techniques through knowledge transfer from Mitsubishi Corporation and its network of partners.

"Lluvia will also play a role in connecting the farmers to regional and international markets. In the downstream activities, Lluvia will also contribute to better food safety through technology transfer and help reduce Myanmar's reliance on imports through local production of ingredients."

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Apr. 4, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.