Thursday, November 12, 2015

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Opposition parties accuse Burma’s Vice President of vote rigging in his own re-election

Posted: 12 Nov 2015 02:36 AM PST

The Vice President of Burma has been accused of vote rigging in Burma's general election by the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Sai Mauk Kham , Vice President of Burma
Dr. Sai Mauk Kham, the current Vice President and a candidate from the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), ran for a Lower House (Pyithu Hluttaw) seat in northern Shan State's Lashio Township in Sunday's general election.

On Monday, the day after voting took place, the SNLD and NLD opposition released a joint statement to both the public and the Union Election Commission (UEC). The "letter of objection" claimed that 11,815 advanced votes had arrived at Lashio's election commission office at midnight on November 9, almost eight hours after the polls had closed and the ballot boxes had been sealed shut.

Nearly all of these advanced votes endorsed the USDP in different constituencies within the township.

Despite these claims, on Wednesday the UEC announced an election victory for Dr. Sai Mauk Kham.
Sai Soe Myint, an SNLD candidate who was competing against Dr. Sai Mauk Kham for the same seat in Lashio, told SHAN that the SNLD and NLD contacted the UEC on the matter not due to the Vice President's victory, but because of inconsistencies with the ballots.

"We objected because the advanced voting process is not right," Sai Soe Myint said. "There should not be that many advanced votes. And when we look at the advanced voting ballots, they all are similar; the bags are the same. They are very new."

Sai Wan Leng Kham, an Upper House (Amyotha Hluttaw) candidate from SNLD in Lashio, said that after filing their complaint, the party had not received a response from the UEC.

"We heard that the (UEC) told the media that if we wanted to file a complaint, we had to do it before the ballot box was opened," Sai Wan Leng Kham said. "If the ballots are already opened and the results released, that complaint cannot be recognized."

The Election Commission in Lashio Township was scheduled to hold a press conference today in order to clarify the controversial issue, according to the UEC.

"Although a candidate has been elected as a member of parliament, we still can sue them," said Sai Soe Myint, suggesting that the opposition may be contemplating legal action.

According to a report published by The Myanmar Times on November 9, in 2010 Dr. Sai Mauk Kham allegedly won his current Upper House seat in Lashio Township with the help of over 26,000 advanced votes, placing him ahead of a candidate from the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP).

Neither Dr. Sai Mauk Kham, who has served as Vice President since 2011, nor his party—USDP—could be reached for comment at the time of reporting.

By Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)



To Hopeland and Back: Comparative Peace Processes

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 10:33 PM PST

Tuesday, 20 October 2015

Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall take flak from both sides.

(Unofficial UN motto, Robert Asporin)

Today, I attend 3 meetings:
·         U Tin Aye, Chairman, Union Election Commission
·         EAOs workshop on Military Code of Conduct (CoC), liaison offices (L.O.s) and Terms of Reference (TOR) draft for JMCs

For the first one, it has already been reported in the media and I have nothing more to add, except that the purpose of the meeting is to ask him not to cancel any constituencies within the EAOs control without consulting them first.

Most of the work on the CoC and L.O.s, thanks to the rebels' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and Union Peacemaking Working Committee (UPWC), has already been done. The rest are additions made under the guidance of the KNU's Ta Do Moo, who has become an authority on the subject.

What I would like to report here is the meeting with visiting experts on comparative peace processes:
·         Lt.-Gen. Rodolfo Garcia, on ceasefire negotiations with Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the Philippines
·         Sanjoy Hazarika, an Assamese Tai, on the Naga peace process
·         Ms. Karin Landgren, on the peace processes in Liberia and Burundi



The venue is (late UN Secretary General) U Thant's House, hosted by his grandson Dr. Thant Myint U and his energetic wife, Sofia Busch.

I'm a slow learner and pick up only a little from each of these lectures. And these are the things I have learned from them:

·         Sanjoy: The Nagas signed a ceasefire with New Delhi in 1996, but 19 years after, no political agreement  has been reached
·         Karin: There are unlimited funds for the peace process in Burundi, so no one wants to end it
·         Gen. Garcia: The MILF peace agreement was signed in March 2014. But more than a year later, it is yet to be approved by the Congress

The last one affects me, if no one else. The question that comes spontaneously is, of course, what if the present parliament (which is yet to be dissolved) does not also approve the NCA? The answer is clear, of course: Hardliners on both sides will win and all of us, except the people, will happily return to war.

We later learn that the parliament is scheduled to meet on November 16, eight days after the elections.

After the presentations wind up at 18:00, I return to the hotel with a newly retired general. Naturally we discuss politics and the upcoming polls. He tells me: like it or not, the military is the power in the country and The Lady will be well advised to come to terms with it.

I pack up my things before going to bed. As usual I have a lot of reading material to carry and the airline won't be happy letting it go without charging me.

But so far I've gotten by. I'll manage, so I say to myself before turning in.

The next day, the taxi driver skillfully navigates me through Rangoon's notorious traffic and unloads me at the airport within an hour after leaving the hotel.

At the airport, I meet people from a peace funding agency, who tell us (on the following day) that there will be no special favors given either to the signers or the non-signers.

Well, I think that's fine with me, as long as the help comes.

I have a cup of wine with my lunch on the plane and take a nap. When I open up my eyes again, we are already landing. 

By Sai Khuensai / Director of Pyidaungsu Institute and Founder of Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)


To Hopeland and Back: Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee Meets, Continued

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 10:25 PM PST

From 29-31 October, the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC) members from both sides met at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) on Shweli Lane off 4 Wisara Road, Rangoon.

My job is to render assistance and advice when the EAO's representatives—particularly those from the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S)—need it.

Friday, 30 October 2015

The best conqueror does not need to do battle.

From Dao De Jing, by Lao Zi, whose philosophy reportedly forms the basis for Sun Tzu's The Art of War



On October 15, after the NCA signing, I called on Sai Kham Leik, the Shans' celebrated songwriter, and his wife Dr Nwe Tin. We were old friends during my school days in Mandalay, 46 years ago.

He showed me the lyrics the new song he had just written in honor of the peace process. The title at once catches my eyes and conquered my heart:

"Draw equals win-win"

I wake up remembering it and make up my mind to talk about it in my planned speech.

It never comes. The two sides decide there will only be closing remarks at the end of the meeting tomorrow.

Half of the day is spent re-reading the COC draft agreed upon yesterday and straightening out the language.

Later in the day we discuss the JMC-S (State/Region level).

·         On the JMC-S for Rakhine State, it is agreed to refer the decision to the JICM meeting on 16-17 November.
·         On the JMC-Ss for the KNU/KNLA and the RCSS/SSA, the government explains that one regional commander is designated as the focal/contact point for dealing with each EAO, which has nothing to do with regrouping the EAO units inside one regional command area.

So the misunderstandings are finally cleared. All the same, it is made known that the final decision will be coming from the corresponding EAOs.

The meeting also agrees that the civilian vice-chairperson of the JMC should preferably be a woman.

The tough nut to crack is the TOR (Terms of Reference) for the JMC. While the negotiation over the CoC took only half of a day, we learn the TOR will take us more than a day—in fact, several days, which is understandable, because while the CoC deals only with "Do's and Don'ts," the TOR is dealing with "How To." 

We hold a dinner party today, not knowing whether or not we will have time to do it tomorrow.

I chat with one of the BSO (Bureau of Special Operations) chiefs, Lt-Gen Min Naung, who tells me he's three-quarters Shan from Homalin (Hom Mark Lang means "Jack Tree Shade" in Shan). He used to be the commander at the Central Eastern Region Command. He says he's a great friend to Maj Deving, the RCSS/SSA-S's liaison officer there, but a greater friend to Wanhai, the headquarters of the RCSS's brother organization, Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N).

"I had tried to meet Gen. Pang Fa (leader of the SSPP/SSA-N), but somehow he was not able to meet me," he said. "So the relationship between us has not greatly developed as it should be."

On my way back, one thing occurs or, to be precise, reoccurs to me. I ask myself why it is called "Bureau of Special Operations," whose initials are BSO, and not "Special Operations Bureau." Well, I smile to myself, the same thing must have occurred to the Burmese commanders too.

Saturday, 31 October 2015

Those who come seeking peace without a treaty are plotting.

From The Art of War by Sun Tzu

Today, a lot has been decided. Also a lot is left undecided, pending the JMC-2 on 13-14 November.



Decisions include:
·         Lt.-Gen. Ya Pyay - Chairman
Maj.-Gen. Isaac Po - Vice Chairman #1 (#2 will be a civilian)
Secretary #1  - Dr Sui Khar
Secretary #2  - Col Wunna Aung (Kokang battle veteran)

There are ten members on each side. Known NCA veterans include, on the government side: Lt.-Gen. Ye Aung, retired Lt.-Gen. Myint Soe, Dr. Min Zaw Oo and U Khin Maung Soe; and (on the EAO side) Ta Do Moo.
·         Lt.-Gen. Ye Aung is designated as an alternate chairman, when or if Lt.-Gen. Ya Pyay is unable to perform his duties.
·         Military CoC is adopted
·         There will be two civilian representatives from each side in the JMC-S (State/Region level)
·         Each JMC-S will form Verification Teams (VTs) to verify alleged violations
·         The JMC will be responsible for implementing the rehabilitation of refugees and IDPs until special committees are formed to deal with the matter

During the afternoon coffee break (tea break for me), I am given a copy of the reply from the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) to the EAOs' leader Padoh Kwe Htoo Win.

The two-page letter can be condensed to two points:

The non-signatories will not join the signatories in drafting the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) and CoC, or working together in forming the JMCs and holding political dialogue (PD), because:

1.    The signatories had held the JICM and formed the JMC and UPDJC before consulting with the non-signatories
2.    Cooperation with the signatories can be only considered at the UNFC CEC meeting

The implication seems to be quite clear: there might be no cooperation between the two camps from now on.

This comes right after the invitation by the UWSP/UWSA to the non-signatories for a meeting at its Sino-Burmese stronghold, Panghsang (officially renamed Pan Kham) on 1-3 November.

The big question mark now is: Is there going to be a new, pro-Chinese alliance?

This is followed by smaller, but not less critical, questions:

·         If so, how will the Americans react to it?
·         Will there be an anti-Chinese alliance led by Naypyitaw?
·         And how will the EAOs respond to it?
·         What's happening? Is what we are doing ostensibly for peace, but really for war?

I return to Green Hill, trying to comfort myself with the words from my teacher:

Speak or act with a pure mind
And happiness will follow you
As your shadow, unshakable

But I tell you. It's not easy.

Sunday, 1 November 2015

The task of a military operation is to accord deceptively with the intentions of the enemy.

From The Art of War by Sun Tzu

Today is the EAOs' review session, where they discuss the timeline before the JMC-2, (13-14 November, in Naypyitaw) and at least two other matters:

·         Timeline:
5-7 November EAOs' JMC meeting in Chiang Mai
8-10 November EAOs' 'summit' also in Chiang Mai
·         The role of foreign governments and international organizations which, according to Paragraph 12 (C) of the NCA, will be "involved in the ongoing peace process, either as observers, advisors or to provide necessary technical assistance at different levels of the Joint Monitoring Committee."
·         The proposal by the military to include the Security Sector Reform/Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (SSR/DDR) in the JMC's job description

All decide that the last two issues will be referred to the 'summit.'

Anyway, I'm back to Chiang Mai on the next day.

My son, who is at the airport to pick me up, later counts the reimbursements in Burmese currency for my expenses during the last four trips I have made, and say I'm now a proud millionaire.

"How much?" I ask him. He replies it's about 1.3 million kyat, the equivalent of $1,000.

So I'm a millionaire now, but not a rich man.


By Sai Khuensai / Director of Pyidaungsu Institute and Founder of Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)

Wednesday, November 11, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Jailed Students on Hunger Strike Facing Health Woes

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 04:20 AM PST

Students in handcuffs raise their arms in solidarity prior to a hearing at the Tharrawaddy courthouse on March 25. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Students in handcuffs raise their arms in solidarity prior to a hearing at the Tharrawaddy courthouse on March 25. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — A hunger strike by a group of students and supporters in protest of the continued incarceration of political prisoners in Burma is beginning to take its toll on the participants' health, with one student admitted to Rangoon General Hospital on Wednesday.

Phyo Dana, who had been staging his hunger strike for about nine days, was admitted to the hospital suffering gastrointestinal problems, such as blood in his stool, that required urgent medical care, according to family members of the detained.

Than Htike, who has asthma, and Mar Naw and Kyaw Zwa Lin, who were suffering from hematemesis or vomiting of blood, have decided to end their hunger strike due to health concerns.

"They are in such a severe condition that they decided to stop the strike and because their families are worried too. Another one, Swe Lin Tun, is also very weak and unable to maintain the strike. However, he still refuses to take medicine or food," said a friend of the students who went to the Tharrawaddy courthouse to meet the detainees on Wednesday, when they appeared on court.

Aung Hmein San, who initiated the hunger strike on Oct. 23, is maintaining his protest, along with eight others who joined him in early November. He began his strike one week after a deadline he had set for President Thein Sein to release prisoners of conscience nationwide, an ultimatum that went unheeded by the government.

"He has lost some weight but is still in good shape and has had no serious health problems yet," said Lei Lei Nwae, the wife of Aung Hmein San. "I think it is his spirit that keeps him strong."

After a brief court appearance on Wednesday, the students were sent back to the Tharrawaddy Prison hospital. Their next hearing has been set for Nov. 17.

"I wonder why the government is so silent and is neglecting the students," Lei Lei Nwae added. "If they really want to be considered a democratic country, holding an election alone is not enough, without releasing the students and [other] political prisoners."

Soe Hlaing and Si Thu Myat, two students from Myin Chan Prison in Mandalay, also joined the hunger strike in early November, in a show of solidarity with their fellow students in Tharrawaddy Prison. Their current health conditions are unknown because their families have not been allowed to meet with them since their hunger strike began.

"We are still waiting to meet with them, but the prison authorities are not allowing us. We are now so worried for them," said Yay Aye, a close family member of Soe Hlaing, on Wednesday. "If they don't allow us to meet today, we have to wait till tomorrow when they will have to appear in court."

All of the students involved in the hunger strike were jailed for their involvement in a protest movement earlier this year against a controversial new National Education Law that was broken up violently by police in Letpadan Township, which neighbors Tharrawaddy.

The post Jailed Students on Hunger Strike Facing Health Woes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Myanmar military congratulates NLD for election win

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 11:00 AM PST

The Tatmadaw has congratulated the National League for Democracy for its landslide victory in the November 8 general election.

UEC chair hits out at ‘lawless’ criticism

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 10:40 AM PST

Criticism of the Union Election Commission should stay within the law to avoid creating anarchy, commission chair U Tin Aye said yesterday.

Ex-minister’s agent denies seeking recount

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 10:02 AM PST

Pipped at the post in Pobbathiri township, Nay Pyi Taw, despite an influx of military votes, the agent of former defence minister U Wi Lwin yesterday denied demanding a recount. The seat was taken by U Ye Mon, also known as Maung Tin Thit, with a bare margin of 176 votes.

Kyaunggon township count questioned

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 08:54 AM PST

A hotly contested vote in the delta may be subject to a recount after a party representative and the township election officials came up with wildly divergent ballot tallies, leading to different winners.

President congratulates NLD, promises peaceful power transfer

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 04:59 AM PST

President U Thein Sein has congratulated the National League for Democracy on its landslide victory in the November 8 vote and promised a peaceful transfer of power, the party said.

Government accepts offer for talks

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 04:35 AM PST

The government has agreed to a request from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to meet for "national reconciliation" talks, a spokesperson said.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi invites military, president to ‘national reconciliation’ talks

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 02:49 AM PST

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has written to President U Thein Sein, Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Speaker Thura U Shwe Mann and Tatmadaw Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing requesting a meeting in the interests of "national reconciliation".

NLD looking to repeat 1990 landslide

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 01:14 AM PST

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy seems on track for a repeat of its 1990 landslide election victory, with results from about 30 percent of all seats officially declared last night.

Fighting resumes in Shan State in wake of election

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 01:12 AM PST

Government forces have resumed their offensives in central Shan State, launching aerial attacks on a base of the Shan State Progress Party following the November 8 elections, according to an armed ethnic group in the area.

Preliminary election results, Wednesday, November 11

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 01:12 AM PST

A map of preliminary national election results, as of 8:00AM, Wednesday, November 11, 2015. For the latest news and results updates, check our live blog

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Burma Army fires on known IDP site, displacing 2,000

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 02:51 AM PST

For five hours yesterday, the Burma Army fired long-range mortar shells at a high school in Kesi Township serving as a safe house for internally displaced civilians (IDPs), a local source confirmed. 

Internally displaced refugees arrive in Laikha, central Shan State. (Photo: Facebook)
The school in the village of Wan Saw had been housing 1,500 IDPs since fighting in central Shan State escalated in October. They said the attack was ongoing, from 11 a.m. until 4 p.m., and was launched by two groups within Burma Army's Military Operation Command—known as Za-Ka-Ka—Nos. 2 and 17.

"They said the soldiers shot 60 mm shells at them about 60 times," said Sai Rin, a 54-year-old who works in a Mong Hsu monastery now host to newly displaced IDPs from Wan Saw.

People hid in nearby bunkers until the firing stopped, and then fled the area, along with the 500 original Wan Saw residents, he said. With 2,000 civilians gone, the area is now nearly empty. 

A man internally displaced by fighting in central Shan State arrives in Laika. (Photo: Facebook)
The New Light of Myanmar, the government mouthpiece, reported today in its English language newspaper that, on November 9, the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N), who are based in the region, attacked them from "residential quarters" near their compound; the Burma Army has responded by "combing the area for enemy combatants."

Sai Hla, spokesperson for the SSPP/SSA-N, told SHAN yesterday that they are fighting now to defend themselves.

"We have no reason to fight Za-Ka-Ka No. 2. They are 20 miles from Wan Hai," he said.
"We want to solve the problem with peace talks," he added.

Wan Saw's recently displaced IDPs followed one of two routes to safety—to SSPP/SSA-N headquarters in Wan Hai, five miles west, en route to Kesi, or to the neighboring township of Mong Hsu, twelve miles east.

Those who arrived in Wan Hai had to flee for a third time when the Burma Army launched an attack on that area as well, as SHAN reported yesterday. 

Infographic showing the location of central Shan State's IDP crisis (S.H.A.N)
Around 400 people have now sought refuge in the village of Wan Wa, about three miles south of the SSPP/SSA-N base. Some continued on to Kesi Town, or to another central Shan State township, Laikha. For those who took the route to Mong Hsu, hundreds of Wan Saw's IDPs have taken shelter in monasteries, both in the town and on the way.

Yesterday's attack occurred two days after Burma held general elections for the first time in 25 years; voting did not take place in Kesi and Mong Hsu townships, because polling was cancelled due to ongoing conflict. 


By SIMMA FRANCIS / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)

Reporting by SAI YIPHONG / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)











Resolving constitutional crisis top priority for incoming NLD regime

Posted: 11 Nov 2015 02:11 AM PST

According to the Union Election Commission (UEC) elections' outcome announcement, starting on the 9 November, coming out intermittently, which should take for about a week or so, the likelihood of the National League for Democracy (NLD) winning with a landslide is an accepted, foregone conclusion.

On 10 November late evening, 285 candidates winner-list for the three parliaments – State/Region, Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House) and Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) –  was announced, where NLD won 249  and other parties 36 seats.

Reportedly, according to UEC, the media centres will announce election results at 9 am, 12 noon, 3 pm, 6 pm, 9 pm and 11 pm everyday, provided new information is sent from region and state election sub-commissions to the UEC.

Understandably frustrated by the slow announcement of the UEC, the NLD has made public its own tally on election figures, where it said that it has passed the mark of absolute majority.

According to AP report on 10 November, the NLD has accused the government's UEC  of intentionally delaying results, saying it wants to "maybe play a trick."

The NLD's surprising accusation added a worrying twist to what had been an amicable election, with the ruling party appearing to be taking its expected loss gracefully after the Sunday vote.

"The Union Election Commission has been delaying intentionally because maybe they want to play a trick or something," NLD spokesman Win Htein told reporters at Suu Kyi's house after a party meeting. "It doesn't make sense that they are releasing the results piece by piece. It shouldn't be like that," he said.

The NLD's election campaign team said that the party has won at least 380 seats across both houses of Parliament, which would represent a majority of total Union Parliament seats. The military allotted seats in both houses are 166.

As the election could not be held in seven townships, there are now only 433 seats in the Lower House which, when combined with 224 Upper House seats, totals 657 seats in the bicameral parliament. Therefore, to form government, the key number is 329 seats.

Thus with the absolute majority in the pocket, during the early 2016, the NLD will be able to select two presidential candidates, against one proposed by the unelected, military representatives, who occupy 25% of the parliamentary seats.

It is quite clear that the NLD will be able to have one of its presidential candidates occupying the country's top position, with far-reaching responsibilities of:

• Appointing Union Ministers including the Chief Ministers of the States and Divisions;
• Granting pardons and granting amnesty based on the recommendations of the 11 person National Defence and Security Council (NDSC);
• Appointing diplomats;
• Establishing relations with foreign countries;
• Entering into international treaties subject to the consent of the National Parliament;
• Calling special sessions of parliament;
• Issuing laws between sessions of parliament;
• Taking military action in coordination with the NDSC; and
• Declaring war with the approval of the National Parliament.

The political sequence normally should likely move along further as planned, if no untoward circumstance befall the country, during the transitional period from Thein Sein to Aung San Suu Kyi's era.

SNLD and ANP

While the NLD is sweeping all the seats in all three parliaments country-wide, the two ethnic parties, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and Arakan National Party (ANP) are said to be doing well in their home states of Shan and Arakan.

The NLD seems to win in Chin, Karenni (Kayah) and Mon States, while Karen and Kachin States are undecided, as of this writing.

The Mizzima, on 10 November, reported that SNLD spokesman Sai Leik said that within Shan State that his party is leading with the most vote and have won 25 seats in State Parliament, 12 Pyithu Hlluttaw (Lower House) and 3 seats in Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) and still waiting for more results from Kachin State and Mandalay Division (Region) to come in.

In an interview with VOA, on the same day, Sai Leik said: "From the start of the elections, we consider Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to be our main competitor. If you look at the winners now, in Shan State after the SNLD, the NLD is leading. But if you look at the acquired votes, SNLD is the top-runner. White Tiger (SNDP) captures only one seat, so far."

Reconciliation gesture

On the eve of the landslide victory, Soe Win Oo, the deputy chairman of the NLD's Rangoon election campaign team said: "We will cooperate with the military and ethnic parties. If the NLD wins the presidential position, we can form a government."

Guarded, but a bit stern and contrary to her deputy chairman, Aung San Suu Kyi, when she was asked by BBC Radio on 10 November, if her party, once in power, would prosecute former military leaders for human rights abuses, answered: "I have said that we are not going in for vengeance, and we're not going in for a series of Nurembergs or anything like that. But people must change their ways, it doesn't mean that we'll simply let people get away what they have been doing for the last 50 years."

Even then, news are making the rounds that unofficial talks are already underway between senior NLD officials and military and ruling party figures about the complicated political negotiations in coming months before the next parliament is seated next year.

Whatever the case, "peace and national reconciliation" have always been the dominant catchword for this deeply divided society, which as all the successive military-dominated government predecessors, including the quasi-civilian regime of Thein Sein, have tried in vain, without success, to come to grips. And this would be the core issues that the NLD would have to attend to.

Political pundits have time and again suggested that some sort of round table talks among the regime, military, political parties and ethnic nationalities should be the way to go. But half-hearted and pre-conceived ideas to uphold political power monopolization and group survival mentality have derailed any such meetings and proved to be just an ad hoc undertakings, without real substance, commitment or political will to strive for genuine peace and national reconciliation.

But this time around, the people of Burma has given her the mandate to fulfil the aspirations of genuine peace, human rights, self-determination and above all a genuine federalism that have been denied all these years. Of course, it is a tall order. But people are confident that she will be able to deliver and pave the way leading to the realization of those dreams.

It is important at this juncture to shed light on the father of  Aung San Suu Kyi, General Aung San's seven guiding principles, in the aftermath of Panglong Agreement and on the eve of Union of Burma constitutional drafting in 1947.

The seven guiding principles, interpreting the Panglong Agreement, to adhere to in formulating the Union of Burma Constitution are:

  1. It must be the constitution of the Union of Burma vested with freedom and sovereignty;
  2. All individual states must be vested with self-administrative power;
  3. The Union of Burma, all states and government organizations must accept (the notion) that political power derives from the people;
  4. All citizens are equal socially, economically, politically and so long as the public order is not violated, freedom of thinking, speech, belief, religion, livelihood and organization must be guaranteed in the constitution;
  5. The constitution must adequately guarantee the rights of the minorities;
  6. Guard and protect the country's perpetuation and sovereignty; and
  7. Strive for human development, prosperity and world peace together with the international community. (Source: General Aung San's seven principle guideline – 1947)

Constitutional crisis

Since 1962, after the military coup led by General Ne Win, Burma has been burdened with the constitutional crisis up to these days.

The 1974 Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and the military-drafted 2008 constitutions are also unitary in nature and don't cater to the federal form of government, in a real sense, while the 1948 Union of Burma Constitution, although federal in form is also unitary in practice. To make it short, in order to make the constitution more federal, the ethnic nationalities, spear-headed by the then Shan Government, in 1962, made a "Federal Proposal", citing Panglong Agreement and promises, which was signed by General Aung San representing Burma Proper (Ministerial Burma) in 1947.

Thus, when the ethnic nationalities said genuine federalism, they meant to say the amendment of the 1948 Union of Burma Constitution, together with the integration of 1962 "Federal Proposal". In other words, the ethnic nationalities' aspired federalism is rooted in 1948 Constitution, 1947 Panglong Agreement and 1962 Federal Proposal, perhaps with some innovation to be in tune with the modern time.

Many uninformed foreign experts and international NGOs tend to downplay the federalism knowledge and awareness of the ethnic nationalities by saying that they have no idea of what it is really all about. While it could be partly true that the new generation of activists and politicians might have not thoroughly read or studied the issue, due to the military's prohibition to even talk about it for decades, the old-hand, ethnic politicians definitely know what it is and what kind of federalism they are striving for.

In a nutshell, the Federal Proposal called for a separate Bamar state to be in line with equality with the other ethnic states, plus equitable power and resources sharing.

The people's loud and clear amendment demand of the 2008 constitution and an attempt by the parliamentarians during the present Thein Sein's regime, within the parliament, are stark reminders that the constitutional crisis is very much alive and present, which have started since 1962.

Task for the incoming regime

While the priority of the incoming NLD regime is to either amend the military-drafted constitution or completely rewrite it, so that the aspirations of all the ethnic nationalities, Bamar included, could be realized, the immediate task is to end the institutionalized war in ethnic homelands and foster reconciliation. And the best place to start is to declare a unilateral ceasefire by the government and call for a genuine peace dialogue.

In "Brainy Quote: Aung San Suu Kyi Quotes",  she rightly pointed out: " Once serious political dialogue has begun, the international community can assume that we have achieved genuine progress along the road to real democratisation."

Her position regarding the definition to peace reads: " My attitude to peace is rather based on the Burmese definition of peace - it really means removing all the negative factors that destroy peace in this world. So peace does not mean just putting an end to violence or to war, but to all other factors that threaten peace, such as discrimination, such as inequality, poverty."

Her take on the military writes: "I don't want to see the military falling. I want to see the military rising to dignified heights of professionalism and true patriotism. 

Despite being armed with all such wisdom, immediate political woes keep knocking at the door, disguised as isolated armed conflict against, with the pretext of protecting sovereignty and national unity from the part of the military, when in fact, political solution is the only way out.

Meanwhile, as people across the country are rejoicing and having a sweet revenge for decades of military heavy-handedness and repression by voting and letting the NLD to win with a landslide – a foregone conclusion that needs only to be confirmed by the UEC -, a rude awakening has disturbed the public euphoria caused by the ariel bombings and ground attacks on the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) positions, around its headquarters, by the Burma Army, just two days after the election.

No doubt, the Lady will need all the help she could muster to overcome all the woes surrounding the country and the people are confident that she could do it, and it is this that counts.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU)- Editor