Shan Herald Agency for News |
- SNLD plans five-year strategy
- To Hopeland and Back: Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), Part III
- To Hopeland and Back: Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), Continued
| Posted: 03 Dec 2015 12:08 AM PST The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) held a three-day 2015 general election review conference in northern Shan State at the end of November to explore their political role over the next five years.
Nearly 200 members attended the political party's meeting, which was held in Kyaukme Township from November 28-30. Duties and responsibilities were discussed both for winning MPs and for unelected candidates, said Sai Leik, the party spokesperson. "Youth are the power of politics," Sai Leik said, explaining that at the strategy session, the SNLD discussed the formation of a youth committee. He also added that they would like to partner with civil society and community-based organizations, and focus more on the inclusion of women. Nang Noon, an SNLD candidate from Mong Bain, told SHAN that at the meeting, the party leader, Khun Htun Oo, emphasized future cooperation with the Shan State Joint Action Committee, Committee for Shan State Unity, and the United Nationalities Alliance in an effort to partner with other ethnic groups in Shan State. The strategy meeting led to the formation of a parliamentary committee, she added, with representatives from the Upper House, Lower House and State Parliament an the central committee. In Burma's general election, held on November 8, the SNLD—known locally as the Tiger Head Party—won three Upper House three seats, twelve Lower House seats and 25 out of 160 seats in the State Parliament. By SIMMA FRANCIS and ZAAI ZAAI LAO MURNG / Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) | ||
| To Hopeland and Back: Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), Part III Posted: 02 Dec 2015 11:55 PM PST Day Ten, Monday, 23 November 2015 War is only a cowardly escape from the problems of peace. Thomas Mann Today, representatives from political parties, EAOs and the government plus technical resource agencies like Beda, EBO and Pyidaungsu Institute hold the ninth—and final—informal consultation on the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) at the Inya Lake Hotel in Yangon.  It is due to the initiative of four EAOs: Karen National Union (KNU), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) and the Karen Peace Council (KPC). Together with the government, parliament, the armed forces and 55 political parties they co-initiated and co-signed the still-controversial Deed of Commitment for Peace and Reconciliation (DoC) on February 12, Union Day. In May, they called for informal consultations to combine the existing FPD drafts, merge what is common among them, and suggest options for dealing with differences. The six-month consultations have discovered 14 common headings, which include: Agenda and Issues, Mandate, Composition for Participation and Decision-making. The purpose is to submit these to the official FPD drafting body to be formed in the wake of the NCA signing. They hoped that, in this way, the FPD drafting could be completed within the 60-day deadline. Two questions arise during this last unofficial but solemn gathering: · Whether the government or the EAOs, or both, are trying to stampede the political parties, many of which are newcomers, into accepting their FPD terms · Whether the NCA should be amended to extend the 60-day deadline to a 180-day one. "What is sacred is the substance," says a participant who has, since the beginning, been a great asset to the process. "This should not be changed. But what is not sacred is that timeline. You know the 60-day deadline is more inspirational than realistic." The first question is dealt with easily enough. Veteran participants are quick to point out that it isn't their fault that the FPD should be drafted within 60 days of the NCA signing (which is by 14 December), but that the pressure comes from the NCA itself, specifically Paragraph 21-b. The second question is more delicate, as there are those that tend to agree with the participant who has made the suggestion. However, in the end, the final conclusion is that the risk outweighs the advantages that the extension may offer. The following arguments were made against it: · The NCA has been signed under the eyes of the world only a month ago. If we rush to amend it now, who will trust us to pursue the mission to the end? · Amending it will only serve to devalue it · Amending it will hurt the mutual trust that we have managed to build within the last few years. Which appears to go in line with what "Mahogany Silver Rain" had said: Peace and trust take years to build and seconds to shatter. · The NCA is the common ground between the signatories and (most of) the non-signatories. We can win them over by implementing it, not by amending it. Or else we will have to start from scratch again. The day ends with news from the grapevine that a delegation from the embattled Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N) is meeting its government counterpart. And that the progress is such that the latter is dispatching a plane to pick up the group's deputy-in-command for further negotiations tomorrow. Well, I sincerely hope it works. The latest Burma Army offensive against the SSPP/SSA-N which has displaced more than 10,000 people, if nothing else, has only served to unite the squabbling Shans were they left to themselves. More so than the "Four Cuts" campaign against the RCSS/SSA-S that made more than 300,000 people in 11 townships homeless in 1996. Thanks to the Open Door policy of U Thein Sein government and the social media that it has allowed to thrive. Day Eleven, Tuesday, 24 November 2015 Peace is not something you wish for. It is something you make, something you are, something you do, and something you give away. Robert Fulghum
The day, despite initial and needless fears that the NLD might not play ball, ends with smiles all around from the attendees at the enlarged UPDJC No. 2 meeting. The fear is not unfounded. Some of the NLD leading members had earlier objected to the inclusion of representatives from parties that were not elected. To everyone's relief, the party's representatives, U Win Htein and U Myo Yan Naung Thein, graciously decide not to push the issue. The result is the approval of the 16 representatives of political parties (NLD-2, USDP-2, SNLD-1, ANP-1, UNA-1, FDA-1, and NBF-1 were appointed and seven others were elected three days earlier). The meeting also passes the following resolution, among others: · Election of U Thu Way (Vice Chair for political parties) Sai Kyaw Nyunt (Secretary for political parties) · Appointment of 24 drafters for the Framework for Political Dialogue Drafting Committee (FPDDC)—eight from each category: government, EAOs and political parties) · The FPD drafting will begin on 27 November I leave for Chiang Mai the next day. On the way to Mingladon Airport, I'm told that the negotiations between the SSPP/SSA-N delegation led by Maj. Gen. Kherh Tai and the government delegation led by Lt. Gen. Ya Pyae went well, and the former is returning today to hold an ad-hoc session of its Central Committee (another source gives me a contradictory view). Meanwhile, The Lady appears to have set in motion her national reconciliation programs by proposing that her upcoming administration be made up of not only members from her own party but also other winning parties too. And the response seems to be positive, if cautious. The only people who may have different views—and rightly so—will be the hundreds of thousands of people displaced by war who still cannot return to their homes. By SAI KHUENSAI / Director of Pyidaungsu Institute and Founder of Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N) All views expressed are the author's own. | ||
| To Hopeland and Back: Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), Continued Posted: 02 Dec 2015 06:27 PM PST Day Four, Tuesday, 17 November 2015 If we cannot now end our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. John F. Kennedy I'm not an official participant in the JICM. But I'm one of the three official advisers to the Restoration Council of Shan State/SSA-S (RCSS/SSA-S) participant, Col. Sai La. That's why I'm here at the meeting. The others are Col. Hsiao Harn, RCSS chief JMC representative, and Brig. Gen. Pawng Kherh, RCSS chief UPDJC representative. U Aung Min, during his opening remarks, promises to fully implement the NCA and leave a firm foundation for the next government to carry on. "We will also not leave those who are yet to sign the NCA behind," he declares. The two sides today discuss several topics, including political prisoners, NCA ratification in the parliament, and the participation of political parties in the UPDJC. § On the issue of political prisoners "The main obstacle is that the President can do nothing until the judiciary process has run its course," according to U Aung Min. "Amnesty can be granted, after the final verdict is pronounced by the judges. § On parliamentary ratification of the NCA "We will request that the President forward the EAOs' desire to the parliament," he promises. "And if the process may take too long, we will ask to place the NCA on parliamentary record, which is easier and also legally binding." (This is what I have written, after hearing him. "Take what you're given, but keep on asking what is yet to be given.") § On participation by political parties in the UPDJC a) To call a meeting of political parties to choose a 16 member UPDJC on 21 November b) To hold the tripartite UPDJC (government, EAOs and political parties) on 24 November At 17:00, we are picked up by a car which takes us to Vice President No. 1 Sai Mauk Kham's residence. For readers who have yet to read my earlier journals, I would like to inform them here that we used to be schoolmates during my pre-jungle days.
On our arrival, he hands me a sheaf of paper containing his clarification that he had won fair and square at the polls and had not cheated, as reported in the media. The documents are in three languages: Shan, Burmese and English. We spend about one hour talking about the old days. Then at 19:00, we take leave. Day Five, Wednesday, 18 November 2015 Peace is not only the journey's end. It is the way. (Anonymous) Today, the JICM signs approval for the military CoC (Code of Conduct) and the TOR (Terms of Reference) for the JMCs. It has also agreed that the TOR for the liaison offices should be drafted.  Other topics discussed and agreed include: · JMC-S (State level) for Arakan The EAOs' reasoning that refusal to give equal status to ALP/ALA would not set a good example for EAOs that are yet to sign the NCA. The government agrees to reconsider it. · Civilian representatives for JMC. Three from each side are nominated and approved. They will be appointed vice chairmen on six-month rotations. The first vice chairman is U Pyay Sone, former Minister for Economic Affairs. · Appointment of JMC officials. The appointment will be published in a press release. Publication in government gazettes will be carried out only after more EAOs have joined the NCA signing. (The press release is duly issued and published on state media two days later, without mentioning the military ranks of the EAO members. My favorite writer, Barbara Tuchman has something to say about this in her acclaimed The March of Folly: "They (the British leaders) considered them (the Americans) rabble or at best children whom it was inconceivable to treat as equals. In all their communications, the British could not bring themselves to refer to the opposite Commander-in-Chief as General Washington but only as Mister." · Invitation of non-signatories to political dialogues. The EAOs propose that they should be invited, not as observers, but as special invitees so they have the right to air their views, without seeking the services of the signatories. The government agrees to consider it. (The latest information says the government is more than likely to accept the proposition) The JICM further agrees that the JMC-S will be formed initially in the Shan State, which will be in December. The date however is yet to be fixed. Day Six, Seven, Eight and Nine, 19-22 November 2015 I have very little to say here but that I had quite a good time traveling by car to Taunggyi and that I had an enjoyable stay there with my relatives, friends and our young reporters at SHAN's branch office there. One thing, however, sticks in my mind. On the way from Kalaw to Heho (Haiwo in Shan), we saw wild sunflowers blooming in abundance on both sides of the road.  I told my fellow wayfarers that in Thailand, especially in Mae Hong Son, they mean the annual tourist season has begun. My young friends claimed that back in Burma, they have a different meaning. And what's that? I asked. They smiled and answered that the flower's name, in Burmese, is "Shans cannot be victorious." I smiled back and reminded myself, no matter how the peace process is going, I must not forget that I'm in a different world. For instance, aren't the Thais still known as "Yodaya" (Who can be defeated), a Burmese corrupt term for Ayuddhaya (who cannot be defeated), the name of their old capital? Fortunately, educational reform is one of the political dialogue topics proposed by the EAOs since 2012. I just hope it is included in the upcoming framework for political dialogue (FPD) drafting. By SAI KHUENSAI / Director of Pyidaungsu Institute and Founder of Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N) All views expressed are the author's own. |
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