Monday, February 15, 2016

National News

National News


Beach fire raises suspicions

Posted: 15 Feb 2016 02:02 AM PST

Restaurant owners and residents whose homes and businesses were destroyed by a fire are being left in the lurch as powerful connections appear to have created a zone of impunity around the incident.

Thousands fleeing, in need of aid as Shan clashes continue

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

About 5000 civilians have been displaced by heavy fighting between two ethnic armed groups in northern Shan State since last week, refugee camp records showed yesterday.

NLD, ANP and military face off over Rakhine chief minister post

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Speculation is mounting over the identity of the next chief minister of Rakhine State, one of only two states and regions in the country where the National League for Democracy does not enjoy a thumping majority. The installation of U San Kyaw Hla, a member of the Arakan National Party, as Speaker of the Rakhine State Hluttaw last week has aroused hopes – and fears – that the chief minister will also be an ANP member.

Foreign politicians to lead MP training

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Parliamentarians from Australia, Pakistan and the Philippines will be among the experts helping to train new MPs in an induction workshop this week. The training will take place in Pyidaungsu Hluttaw's Thabin Hall from February 15 to 19.

Makeshift IDP camps overflowing in northern Shan State

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Temporary shelters in government-controlled Kyaukme are overflowing with more than 2000 civilians fleeing fighting that is spreading across northern Shan State.

Lost in transition: negotiations hit a snag

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Negotiations over the transition to a National League for Democracy-led government appear to be running into trouble, according to analysts trying to decipher the president's sudden cancellation of his trip to a US-ASEAN gathering in California as well as reports that the military commander-in-chief is giving himself five more years in office.

ANP takes aim at militarised ministries

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

The Arakan National Party is taking issue with the profusion of retired military officials embedded within ministry ranks.

After death threat, NLD leader’s security upped

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been given extra security following a death threat on Facebook alluding to her presidential ambitions, officials said February 12.

Magwe locals mark Union Day

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

They left Magwe city early, when it was still cool. After walking all day and most of the next, the two arrived, on time, for a very special Union Day.

Bus upgrade offers commuters a reprieve

Posted: 14 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

What is as cool and comfortable as a taxi but almost as cheap as a bus – though a safe bus with polite conductors? The new Bus Rapid Transport system, that's what. The BRT has launched its new service to favourable reviews from Yangon's long-suffering commuters last week.

Saturday, February 13, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘It’s Fair to Say That President U Thein Sein Is Burma’s Reform Icon’

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 09:39 PM PST

 The Irrawaddy speaks with Minister of Information Ye Htut about President Thein Sein's five-year tenure and the media's role in the country. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

The Irrawaddy speaks with Minister of Information Ye Htut about President Thein Sein's five-year tenure and the media's role in the country. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. This week I will speak with the sole spokesperson for President U Thein Sein as well as Minister of Information U Ye Htut. We will talk about the successes and failures of President U Thein Sein over the past five years, and if the state-run propaganda newspapers of the Ministry of Information will be needed once the democratic government has fully come to power. We will also talk about [Ye Htut's] plans for after he retires. I'm Irrawaddy English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

The five-year term of incumbent President U Thein Sein is ending soon. What are his top three achievements out of all of his political and economic reforms?

Ye Htut: The most important achievement is that the government brought those who were outside political life and not involved in the 2010 election, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, into the political process. The second achievement is that the government initiated a process of ceasefire negotiations that could lead to political dialogue for the very first time in our country. And the third is that the government reintegrated Burma, a former pariah state, into the international community. If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is said to be Burma's democracy icon, it's fair to say that President U Thein Sein is Burma's reform icon or the icon of a Burma Spring.

KZM: One or two years after President U Thein Sein took office in 2011, he was recognized by both Burmese people and by the international community as a real reformist. But after 2012, some criticized that the reform process has slowed and even stalled. Why did this happen?

YH: It is because of high expectations. When we initially assumed power, people did not have trust in us. They had low expectations. After we saw a degree of success [with reforms], people's expectations grew. The president and our cabinet, however, have very limited capacity. First, we do not have much experience and expertise—one of our weakest points. Second, the president's mandate stated in the Constitution is limited. Under such circumstances, the government could not meet the expectations of the people. Still, looking back, it is fair to say that we have come a long way. More importantly, along the way, we were able to avoid bloodshed and transition to a relatively stable stage with few problems.

KZM: We found that U Thein Sein, as the top leader of the country, could have done more regarding constitutional reform and other important issues. But he didn't. Why?

YH: He stated both in his first and final speech that the first five years is really just the first stage of reform, and if the 2015 election could be held peacefully and freely, [the country] would be able to move on to the next stage. It is his strategic goal. You said the president could have done more. Yes, there were many things he could have done along the way to gain political popularity. But then—

KZM: For example, [the suspension of] the Myitsone Dam helped him gain popularity.

YH: Yes, there are also many other things. But when the chance to gain popularity by pleasing the crowd was at odds with the stability of the reform process, the president sacrificed the opportunity to grow in popularity for more attention to his strategic goal—to get through 2015 in a stable way. Rather than focusing on getting re-elected, he focused on holding a peaceful election in 2015 and ensuring that whoever won the election could take power peacefully. Therefore, he had to leave certain things untouched. And unfortunately, that has drawn criticism.

KZM: We recognize the international community has given credit to the reforms initiated by the president. Burmese expats have also come back home. But the results of the 2015 election strongly indicate that people do not like President U Thein Sein or his government or his party. Can this be said to be a failure or a success for the president?

YH: Firstly, the fact that people voted freely in 2015 is a success of the president's reforms. Secondly, the views of the people on the president, and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the former administrative mechanism may be different. People may like and support the president personally, but they may simply not want the old system and its procedures.

KZM: Here I would like to question how much the president understands about the will of the people. The president on his visit to Irrawaddy Division said that "we have made changes. What more change do you want? If you want more, go for communism." Doesn't this imply that he does not understand the voices and wishes of the people?

YH: It is not like that. The president was talking about the political system. He wanted to stress that the country has already adopted democracy and that there is no other system to switch to and that we need to improve this system [democracy]. But because his speech was taken out of context, it could lead to some misunderstandings. To which I say, take a look at the speeches he has given and the acts he has carried out during his term, and it is easy to see that he listens to the voices of the people. He did what he could within the current framework, striking a balance between what is possible and what should be done.

KZM: Why has the Ministry of Information still existed throughout the reform process? Why do state-run newspapers, which are widely regarded as propaganda for the government, still exist?

YH: It is because you private media outlets do not tell all the things that we want to tell the people. That's why we need to be here.

KZM: But doesn't that look like propaganda to a democratic society?

YH: Every government wants to convince its people of its policies. This has also been true for the US government. This was explicitly termed "propaganda" in the past. It was later changed to "public relations," and then to "public diplomacy." In essence, every government has to mobilize public support and has to use the media in doing so. In countries where media pluralism flourishes, [the government] uses private media outlets. In countries like ours, however, where private media don't report the things they don't want to, there must be a government-run newspaper and media, I think. That's why we exist.

KZM: But doesn't this tarnish the image of democracy in a country that's in transition?

YH: Rather than arguing about if the existence of an organization is in line with democracy or not, I would focus on whether the existence of that organization contributes to the flourishing of democracy. There are [similar] organizations in different forms under different names in different countries. In my view, the existence of the Ministry of Information does not affect the development of media or Burma's democratic transition between 2010 and 2015. Frankly, that you can talk to me now, face to face, is only because our Ministry of Information invited you and recommended you for an entry visa.

KZM: The Ministry of Information abolished pre-publication censorship in 2012, providing a great deal of press freedom. But your ministry could have granted greater press freedom. Why didn't you do that?

YH: We need to strike a balance between taking big steps and making sure each step we take is concrete. There is huge room for improvement in terms of the legal and market conditions of our media environment, and we—both state-run and private media—have yet to improve ourselves much in terms of ethics and expertise. So again, we are just trying to make sure each step is concrete. The president has said that taking fast steps will help us win credit, but if the consequences of being fast can affect the country's stability, we will sacrifice popularity to focus on what should get done.

KZM: If the incoming NLD government decides to keep the Ministry of Information and offer you the minister position, what will you do?

YH: I have written my history with U Thein Sein. I would not play on another team. Even if the NLD decides to keep the Ministry of Information, it should appoint someone who has grown with the party and knows its policies, more precisely, those of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

KZM: Should state-run newspapers like Kyemon, Myanma Alinn and the Global New Light of Myanmar continue to run under the incoming NLD government?

YH: I have trained the state-run media how to acquire the ethics and expertise, which are needed to create public service media. My staff members have improved from only being able to put out [in newspapers] the news given to them to making reports from various angles. This is what I have done for the ministry as a whole. For individuals, I have trained them to be able to work shoulder to shoulder with their peers in the world of private media, even if the Ministry of Information and state-run newspapers are abolished. I believe that my staff personnel will be able to survive in the media world whether or not the ministry continues to exist or not. And I'm proud of myself for having done this.

KZM: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD government will seemingly abolish the Ministry of Information bit by bit, and privatize the state-run newspapers. Will they be able to do it easily over a short amount of time? What is your advice to them?

YH: Firstly, I want to tell the ministers who are to take the reins of the ministries that everyone has his own expectations and has formed his own preconceived idea of the ministries they lead. When they actually assume office, however, they should forget these ideas for a while and try to understand the nature of the ministry and staff members before making changes. Otherwise, they will not be able to reach their goal smoothly.

KZM: Suppose the Ministry of Information and state-run newspapers cease to exist next year. Do you think press freedom in Burma will be much better than it is now?

YH: Whether press freedom will improve or not has nothing to do with the existence of state-run newspapers, I don't think. It depends on two things—if media pluralism can be maintained, and if the government will be able to build good relationships with private media.

KZM: You said you have no plan to work with the new government. So what have you planned to do after March 31?

YH: Firstly, I will rest for three months. Then I will do a scholarship or fellowship with an educational organization. Afterward, I'll try to write about my experiences with the reform process. I'll work together with local NGOs that are engaged in raising the political awareness of the public, if there are such NGOs.

KZM: Do you have plans to establish [an NGO] of your own?

YH: I don't. But I'll also write political reviews on my Facebook and write essays—this is an interest that I've recently taken up.

KZM: Will you continue to be a man of the media?

YH: I'll be a citizen journalist.

KZM: Referring to what you just said, what do you mean by scholarships?

YH: It is not a scholarship. It is a fellowship. If there are organizations interested in Burma's affairs and if they want, I'll give lectures on my experiences and take part in discussions and write a paper, if possible.

KZM: We heard that President U Thein Sein will continue to chair the USDP. The USDP may rise again in 2020. If that were to happen, would you have any ambitions to re-enter politics or re-engage with the administration?

YH: It is said that a week's time is pretty long in the political world. And you are asking me about the next five years. I don't know.

KZM: So it is still early?

YH: Yes, it is still early. I will be able to tell you around January 2020.

KZM: Thank you.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'It's Fair to Say That President U Thein Sein Is Burma's Reform Icon' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 13, 2016)

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 06:00 PM PST

A couple uses a mobile phone on the side of a street in Yangon, March 7, 2013. MTN Group, Africa's largest mobile phone company, is interested in a Myanmar operating licence, which it expects will cost the winning bidder $200-$500 million in licence fees. The south east Asian country has a population of about 60 million and a mobile penetration of less than 5 percent, making it an excellent opportunity, Chief Executive Sifiso Dabengwa told journalists after an earnings presentation. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun (MYANMAR - Tags: BUSINESS TELECOMS) )

A couple uses a mobile phone on the side of a street in Rangoon. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Telenor Races to 13.7 million Subscribers

Telenor now has almost 14 million subscribers in Burma but competition is ramping up, the Norwegian telecommunications firm said in its latest results announcement.

Telenor has been quickest out of the blocks of the two private competitors looking to tap into one of the world's last populations to be connected to mobile phone networks. It began a staggered rollout of services only in September 2014, shortly after Ooredoo of Qatar became the first foreign mobile phone company to offer services in the country.

The incumbent operator MPT, which has teamed up with a pair of Japanese companies to modernize its services, is still thought to be ahead in terms of subscribers, with Reuters recently putting its count at 18 million.

But Telenor's subscriber number quickly moved into eight figures, outpacing Ooredoo, which had only 4.8 million subscribers as of its latest results, which are from September last year.

Ooredoo Myanmar CEO Rene Meza said recently that the company was now taking a new approach to the Burmese market. Ooredoo was slashing its data tariffs and focusing on improving distribution in order to compete for a bigger mass market presence, Meza told Reuters.

If Telenor's latest results, published this week, are anything to go by, the sector is already getting more competitive.

The company's results for the last three months of 2015 said Telenor Myanmar had picked up an additional 1.9 million subscribers in that period, bringing its total to 13.7 million. Telenor claims that it has 37 percent of SIM cards in circulation.

That growth was slightly slower than previous quarters—Telenor put on 2.3 million subscribers in the third quarter of 2015.

Some deceleration may have been expected, considering that mobile phone penetration has exploded from below 10 percent just four years ago. But Telenor also noted a fall in the average revenue per subscription per month, or APRU, a signal of how much Telenor SIM-card holders are using the company's services.

"ARPU was MMK 5,995 [$4.87], which is 4% lower than the normalised ARPU for the third quarter," Telenor's results said.

While that's only a small drop, Telenor said competition could be part of the reason.

"The decline in ARPU was triggered by tougher competition, coupled by network expansion into low ARPU rural areas," the company said.

In a presentation of the results, Telenor also said that 52 percent of its subscribers were "active data users" suggesting that Burma is fulfilling predictions that its mobile phone users will move quickly toward smartphones.

Telenor now has 4,200 phone towers around the country. It said the network rollout was going "according to plan" and aims to eventually have 9,000 sites.

India's Tata Group Making Moves Toward Burma

In a sign that Burma may be beginning to live up to its promise for Indian investors, several different branches of the conglomerate Tata Sons are looking to enter the country, according to a report in the Mumbai-based Economic Times newspaper.

Tata Sons—India's oldest and one of its largest business empires—is the holding company for Tata Group, which has interests in sectors including aviation, autos, healthcare IT and telecoms. The report said that at least seven of the group's companies "have zeroed in on Vietnam and Myanmar as markets that need to be penetrated."

Subsidiaries Tata Power, Tata Projects, Tata Chemicals, Tata Motors, agricultural products company Rallis, trading arm Tata International and Titan—which makes watches and other luxury goods—were all "either active or are exploring opportunities in the Vietnam and Myanmar markets," a spokesman told the Economic Times.

"The demographics and the economic development stage of these countries represent a market for several products and services from the Tata group," the spokesman said.

Burma is in theory an important part of the Indian government's "Act East" policy, as it forms a gateway for Indian companies to Southeast Asia—one of the world's fastest growing regions, where integration should make cross-border business easier in the coming years.

But other Asian countries like Japan and South Korea have been more prominent in Burma since the economic reforms initiated in 2011.

Indian firms are involved in oil and gas exploration in Burma, as well as pharmaceuticals, private healthcare and shipping. But there have also been reports that the slow pace of Indian investment has frustrated the Burmese government.

The Business Standard newspaper in 2014 quoted Ye Htut, the spokesman for the government of President Thein Sein, complaining about Indian businesses' tendency to "window shop" in Burma.

"Indian businessmen understand our culture, our sensitivities and our tradition. But they are not coming as much as we expected," Ye Htut was quoted saying.

Marubeni Sets Up Fertilizer Factory at Thilawa SEZ

Marubeni Corporation has announced that it is setting up an agricultural fertilizer plant in the Japanese-government backed Thilawa Special Economic Zone close to Rangoon.

The company said in a statement last month that it would begin operations in 2017, and expected to sell 30,000 tons of fertilizer in its first year, mainly catering to the rice-growing heartland around Rangoon and the Irrawaddy Delta.

Japanese firm Marubeni "expects to expand this volume to 150,000 metric tons across Myanmar in 2020 while also increasing the number of products in accordance with domestic market growth," a recent statement said.

It said the Japanese conglomerate—which operates in a number of sectors, including energy, paper and pulp, and foodstuffs—was looking to expand its global fertilizer business.

"In Myanmar, where the improvement of income for farmers is a crucial policy issue, Marubeni is contributing to the increased productivity of major crops such as rice and corn through its sales of effective fertilizers and experimental agricultural studies," it said.

Indonesia's Pertamina Confident of Winning Fuels Tie Up

An Indonesian state-owned energy company is bidding to team up with the Ministry of Energy's Myanmar Petroleum Products Enterprise (MPPE) to sell fuel to consumers in Burma, according to the Jakarta Globe.

The newspaper said Pertamina's marketing director had expressed confidence that the firm would win a tender to work with MPPE, the result of which is expected to be announced this month.

"It’s likely that we would win the tender," Ahmad Bambang, the marketing manager, was quoted saying.

The Jakarta Globe reported that Permatina was planning to invest $33 million in the venture, which would sell co-branded fuels from 18 depots and 12 gas stations around Burma.

"The state energy company virtually controls Indonesia's retail oil fuel market, thanks to its vast distribution network across the archipelago," the newspaper said.

Air Cargo Firms Will Have to Wait for Burmese Boom, Says Trade Publication

Trade publication Air Cargo World has published an article predicting that logistics companies looking to capitalize on Burma's political and economic opening may have to wait longer than expected.

The report pointed out that Japan's Nippon Express has set up a subsidiary in Burma and will operate a warehouse at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone. Switzerland-headquartered Panalpina has also established an office in Rangoon to handle imports and exports by air and sea cargo, it said.

Kuehne + Nagel, also based in Switzerland, has had an office and warehouse in Rangoon since 2013, the report said. But it quoted that firm's local managing director, Amol Singhal, as saying that most of the foreign investment coming into Burma was in the extractive industries, which don't normally require air freight services.

Burma's agricultural and garment exports were also not of interest to air cargo operators, the report said. Firms are interested in potentially exporting Burmese seafood by air, but this is not yet a large enough market.

Air Cargo World also analyzed the infrastructure available to companies wanting to get involved in the sector in Burma. It noted that no airlines currently fly cargo-only planes into the country, and larger aircraft do not land at Burmese airports, which may anyway not have the capacity to handle them.

"Myanmar is opening up," the report concluded, "but it seems a while yet until it will be ready for business."

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 13, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, February 12, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 05:29 AM PST

Myanmar's National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi sits in meeting room after the opening of the new upper house of parliament in Naypyitaw February 3, 2016. After decades of struggle, hundreds of lawmakers from Aung San Suu Kyi's camp will form Myanmar's ruling party on Monday, with enough seats in parliament to choose the first democratically elected government since the military took power in 1962. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi sits in meeting room after the opening of the new Upper House of Parliament in Naypyidaw, February 3, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

The mood of goodwill evident in early talks between Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's military over the country's transition to democratic government has soured, as tensions rise over how to divide up power and deal with the legacy of junta rule.

The apparent stalemate has forced Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) to push back the election by Parliament of a new president to March 17, cutting close to the April 1 deadline when the new government is supposed to start its term.

While negotiations have been conducted amid tight secrecy, lawmakers say divisions emerged after the military put forward its list of demands to the incoming government last month.

The appointment of ex-general Shwe Mann, now a key Suu Kyi ally, to a powerful advisory panel has also stoked mistrust, some say, because his insider knowledge could enable Burma's new rulers to delve into the actions of the outgoing government.

"It seems like all of the members of the previous government are now panicking, so they try to use the military's weight to protect themselves," said a former senior lawmaker from the army-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Suu Kyi's NLD won a landslide in Burma's first democratic election in a quarter of a century in November, kicking off a lengthy transition from the semi-civilian government that in 2011 replaced a junta that had run the country for 49 years.

That transition began with mutual handshakes and speeches about "national reconciliation," but as the talks drag on the tone of public debate—and that of legislators speaking privately—has changed.

In recent days, the NLD and the military have bickered via the media over whether Burma's junta-drafted constitution, which bars Suu Kyi from becoming president, should be amended to let her take the highest office.

Ye Htut, the outgoing Minister of Information and presidential spokesman, said Suu Kyi should respect the military as, essentially, the country's second biggest party, and urged her administration not to dwell on the issue of the presidency, instead focusing on economic reform.

Looking Forward, or Back?

Last week the NLD appointed Shwe Mann, a former speaker of the lower house who was purged from the USDP last year, as the head of the Legal Affairs and Examination of Special Matters Commission, a powerful panel that advises on legislation.

This choice, some MPs say, could be problematic for former members of outgoing President Thein Sein's government if the NLD decided to use the commission's expertise to try to amend laws or revisit contracts approved by his administration.

The issue of not raking over the past has been crucial in efforts to establish a working relationship between Suu Kyi and her former foes in the military, which under the Constitution retains a bloc of seats in Parliament and control of key parts of the state apparatus.

When Suu Kyi met former junta leader Than Shwe in December she gave him assurances that the NLD would not focus on the past. In return, Than Shwe endorsed her as the future "leader" of the country.

Days before disbanding at the end of January, the Parliament dominated by Thein Sein's USDP passed a bill granting life-long immunity from prosecution to the president for actions taken in office, sparking protests from human rights organizations.

"That law only protects the president, but not his ministers," said the former USDP lawmaker, who is also a member of Shwe Mann's panel. He said the commission would look into recent budgets.

Military Demands

The military is demanding the positions of chief minister in Arakan, Shan and Kachin states and, crucially, Rangoon, where the bulk of foreign investment is likely to concentrate as Burma's economy grows at a rapid pace, two people briefed on the details of the talks said.

Both Shan and Kachin states are home to powerful ethnic armed groups involved in illicit activities ranging from drug production and smuggling to illegal jade mining.

Control over these states, which also include Special Regions—semi-autonomous fiefdoms with their own administrations and armies—is key for Suu Kyi, who has made a ceasefire with ethnic armed groups her top priority.

China, which has important economic and strategic interests in Burma, is also anxious to protect its influence, Win Htein, one of the top NLD leaders involved in transition talks said.

"Chinese government representatives and business associations are coming to us all the damn time to talk about the president and business deals," said Win Htein.

The post Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ILO: Current Govt ‘Reluctant Partners’ in Fight Against Forced Labor

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 04:08 AM PST

A victim of forced labor displays the scars on his shoulder in Arakan State on June 10, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

A victim of forced labor displays the scars on his shoulder in Arakan State on June 10, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Forced labor has continued across Burma at the hands of the military, despite the signing of an agreement with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to eliminate the practice by 2015, according to the ILO's in-country liaison officer.

The outgoing government, led by President Thein Sein, signed a memorandum of understanding with the UN agency in 2012, promising to ultimately end all forms of forced labor over the next three years.

According to the ILO liaison officer in Burma, Piyamal Pichaiwongse, forced labor practices vary by region. In central Burma's dry zone, the incidents are mostly related to the harvesting of crops. Pichaiwongse explained that cases of this type often occur in Magwe, Mandalay and Sagaing divisions, as well as in Arakan, Chin and Shan states.

"That adds more difficulty to the farmers' already hard lives," she told The Irrawaddy this week, adding that if the farmers do not grow the crops that the military and the authorities demand, they are often evicted from their land as punishment. In many cases, farmers return to their fields, but they are not allowed to register the land as theirs at the local administration departments without the military's approval.

"The major stakeholder in forced labor is the military, because they are the main perpetrators," said Pichaiwongse, a Thai national and former lawyer who has worked in Burma for decades. Another responsible party, she explained, is the General Administration Department (GAD), which operates local governments in every state, division and township.

"The government agreed to stop forced labor when we shared reports of cases that reached our complaints mechanism… but when farmers return to their farmland, the military says 'no, you cannot return, it is our land [now],'" she said.

In northern and eastern Burma, forced labor is frequently documented as portering for military camps. In western Burma, it commonly involves forced army recruitment and the construction of border fences.

Since the establishment of the ILO's Supplementary Understanding Complaints Mechanism in 2007, the organization has been receiving reports from people who are being subjected to forced labor across the country, but few of the cases are able to receive appropriate legal redress.

After forming a Ministry of Labor-backed working group on the issue, the ILO has collaborated with government institutions to take action to end forced labor. The group is comprised of representatives from the military, the GAD, the foreign affairs department, the attorney general's office, the Supreme Court and the Ministry of Agriculture.

But the working group lacks a willingness to resolve the problem, Pichaiwongse explained, as the current government is backed by the military.

"They are our partners, but they are reluctant," she said.

The ILO is hopeful that under a National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government, it will be possible to finally eliminate forced labor, as local NLD members have been working closely with the organization for years on land issues and ways of combating the practice.

"What I would expect to happen is that the new minister and deputy minister within the Ministry of Labor will lead the fight in a much more positive fashion, because [the NLD] understands the problem," Pichaiwongse said.

Burma initially ratified the ILO's forced labor convention in 1955, pledging to abolish the practice, but the number of cases escalated under Burma's 50-year military regime.

The post ILO: Current Govt 'Reluctant Partners' in Fight Against Forced Labor appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products ‘Unfit for Use’

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 03:33 AM PST

Two products of popular Thai brand 'Forever Young' were found to contain a potentially harmful topical steroid, Burma's health ministry announced Wednesday. (Photo: Myanmar Food and Drugs Administration Department / Facebook)

Two products of popular Thai brand 'Forever Young' were found to contain a potentially harmful topical steroid, Burma's health ministry announced Wednesday. (Photo: Myanmar Food and Drugs Administration Department / Facebook)

RANGOON — Products of a popular Thai cosmetics brand were found to be "unfit for use," according to an official announcement by Burma's Ministry of Health on Wednesday.

"Two products of 'Forever Young' cosmetics were found to contain prohibited chemical ingredients that can harm people's health and [we] announce that these two products are unfit for use," the statement read.

The two products in question are the "Facial cell boosting mask" and the "White active radiance" day cream, according to the statement, which were found to contain Clobetasol propionate, a topical steroid used to treat various skin disorders.

Clobetasol propionate, which can be found in some skin whitening products, is banned in several countries as an ingredient in cosmetics due to potentially harmful side effects.

'Forever Young' cosmetics are produced in Thailand and its local distributor took to Facebook on Wednesday to affirm that the two products hold an official certificate issued by Thailand's Food and Drug Administration, dated October 5 last year.

"An announcement that has been spread online which stated that two products of Forever Young cosmetics were found unfit for use, has no official endorsement or signature by respective authorized officials," the post reads.

However, the deputy director of Burma's Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Dr. Tun Lin Aung, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the statement was "official" and that the health ministry would soon run the announcement in state-run media.

The local distributor denied the products contained Clobetasol propionate in the Facebook post this week, and claimed the brand had a presence inside the country for three years.

Tun Lin Aung said his department had received many complaints from Forever Young's consumers and that no certificate or distribution license had been issued to the company.

In Wednesday's announcement, the health ministry ordered retailers to stop selling the products and cited Burma's 1972 Public Health Law that authorizes authorities to destroy harmful goods.

The post Burma's Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products 'Unfit for Use' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 01:09 AM PST

Ethnic Karen communities in Rangoon welcomed the Karen New year on January 12, 2013, as hundreds of revelers, many of them in Karen dress, celebrated the event with traditional ceremonies. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy)

Ethnic Karen communities in Rangoon welcomed the Karen New year on January 12, 2013, as hundreds of revelers, many of them in Karen dress, celebrated the event with traditional ceremonies. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Rangoon Division authorities have prohibited events marking the respective national days of ethnic Karen and Chin, according to leaders from both communities.

In a statement issued on February 3, divisional authorities claimed that the organizations who had applied for permission to host the national day events—ethnic literature and culture associations—were illegal.

The letter was signed on behalf of the chief minister of Rangoon Division and sent to township authorities, as well as Karen and Chin literature and culture committees.

The Karen typically celebrate their national day annually on February 11, and the Chin on February 20.

"Today is our Karen national day, but we could not celebrate it," said Saw Kyaw Zwa, a leader of the Karen Literature and Culture Committee, on Thursday.

The ban came as a shock, particularly since members of the Karen National Union (KNU), one of eight ethnic armed groups to sign a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with the government last year, had participated in the Karen National Day working committee in Rangoon. After decades of armed struggle, the signing of the NCA removed the KNU from Burma's list of unlawful organizations in October.

"If one Karen minister had gone to apply for permission, we may have gotten it. But we did not do it properly, and I think that's why [the government] did not give us permission," he said.

"There were politics behind their reason for not giving permission," the leader added.

Chin community leaders said they would still mark their 68th national day in Rangoon next week even though the Rangoon Division government had denied approval for their proposed events.

"It is hard to understand why they did not give permission. This was meaningless. We celebrate our national day every year," said Salai Isaac Khen, who has acted as moderator for the Chin political parties and as an advisor to the Chin Literature and Culture Committee.

"Whatever they do, we will celebrate it," he said.

Ethnic groups in Burma typically commemorate their national days by hosting traditional dance and music performances, presenting talks by political leaders, and reserving a venue in which people can meet and share in a celebration of their culture and history.

The post Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi’s Military Challenge

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 12:03 AM PST

A homeless woman lies on her bed insider her temporary shelter beside a street in Yangon February 4, 2016. To match story MYANMAR-EVICTIONS/    REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

A homeless woman lies on her bed insider her temporary shelter beside a street in Rangoon, February 4, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Days before democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi led her lawmakers into Parliament as Burma's government-in-waiting, Ei Than watched bulldozers sent by the military destroy her house in a slum on the outskirts of Rangoon.

Ei Than was one of around 2,500 people thrown off military-owned land at Mingaladon in a mass eviction that gives a glimpse into the challenges Suu Kyi faces in sharing power with the armed forces after nearly 50 years of iron-fisted junta rule.

The land, on the edge of the commercial capital, is owned by Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), a sprawling military-owned conglomerate that entrenches the armed forces' grip over swathes of one of Southeast Asia's fastest-growing economies.

Suu Kyi's party won a resounding election victory last November, but must still work with the military because of its continued hold over key cogs of the government machinery.

During the 20 years Ei Than had lived on the land, she had no idea it was owned by the military: like many migrants to the country's biggest city, she built her house on vacant land.

"It was just scrub and bushes when we moved here," she said, breastfeeding an infant in a flimsy shelter covered in plastic sheeting that was erected nearby after the eviction.

Colonel Tin Aung Tun, minister of security and border affairs for the Rangoon Division government, said he did not know what the land, surrounded by an industrial park housing many military-owned manufacturing plants, would be used for.

"These lands belong to the government," said the colonel, who, as the senior military official responsible for the area, oversaw the evictions. "I had to carry out my duty."

He said those evicted had been offered food, water and temporary shelter at a nearby paint plant. Some had only moved to the site recently in the hope of compensation, he added.

Business Empires

The eviction at Mingaladon took place on Jan. 26, less than a week before winning election candidates from Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) were sworn in as lawmakers. When a lengthy transition is completed by the end of March, they will form the party's first majority government.

Land disputes are a difficult legacy of military rule. Rights activists have accused the military and army-linked enterprises of numerous land grabs in recent years.

The NLD has for years worked to support those who have faced forcible evictions, and is compiling a list of land disputes. It is unclear how the party plans to resolve such disputes, given the likely military opposition.

Local NLD members believe the military timed the Mingaladon eviction to avoid any potential opposition from the new government.

"I think they wanted to get this done before the transition," said Nyunt May Tha, chairperson of the NLD in Mingaladon Township, whose son now sits in parliament.

MEHL is one of two powerful military business empires that account for a large chunk of the economy and are involved in everything from growing tea, manufacturing cigarettes and brewing beer to jade mining and banking.

They help fund the military and the pensions and welfare provided to former soldiers, but they do not make their accounts public and their revenues are not shared with the government.

Major Win Myint, manager at the nearby MEHL-owned Myanandar water purification plant, told Reuters the firm owned the land but said he did not know what plans the military company had to develop it.

A local government official declined to comment beyond confirming that the land belonged to MEHL.

MEHL did not respond to Reuters' requests for comment on the eviction and what it planned to do with the land.

Landless

Burma's junta-drafted 2008 Constitution reserves a quarter of seats in parliament for the armed forces, along with control of home affairs, defense and border affairs ministries, whose ministers are chosen by the army chief, not the president.

The Mingaladon evictions were carried out by the General Administration Department (GAD), which runs unelected local governments and reports to the home affairs ministry, according to a copy of the order seen by Reuters.

The day after the order to vacate expired, bulldozers arrived. With them were about 200 policemen and around four times as many other men, some carrying sticks, according to a Reuters witness.

"Nothing can be done while the military is still in charge of the General Administration Department," said Nyunt May Tha. "We'll only be able to get over this if Daw Suu Kyi can talk to the military and fix it."

Government officials told the newly homeless people they would receive compensation and be re-housed. But two weeks after the eviction, those Reuters spoke to said they had received no help.

Hundreds of rickety shelters line a track running through a nearby industrial park. Inside, people cook on portable stoves and eat and talk by candlelight. Some say they moved to Rangoon after Cyclone Nargis devastated the central delta in 2008.

The few possessions Ei Than owns are scattered on the floor, where a dozen dusty children crowd around a portable DVD player.

"We are sad, we have nothing," she said. "We don't know if we will get any help or not."

The post In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi's Military Challenge appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 11:52 PM PST

Villagers protest after their land was seized to allow for the expansion of a copper mine in Sagaing Division, on March 13, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Villagers protest after their land was seized to allow for the expansion of a copper mine in Sagaing Division, on March 13, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Twelve farmers from Pegu Division's Taungoo Township publicly demanded on Thursday that charges against them be dropped and thousands of acres of land allegedly confiscated by a major Burmese company be returned.

Since 2009, locals claim that about 5,000 acres in Ngaga Mouk village tract have been seized by the Kaung Myanmar Aung (KMA) group of companies. The conglomerate includes mining, construction, forestry and hospitality enterprises, and is owned by prominent businessman Khin Maung Aye, the chairman of Burma's Co-operative Bank.

The farmers held a press conference led by prominent labor activists Myint Soe and Saw Do Htoo at the Myanmar Journalist Network on Thursday morning. Saw Do Htoo said that the farmers have faced criminal charges of trespassing, defamation and peaceful protest in the Taungoo courts over the last seven years as they try to regain ownership of the land.

He explained that Burma's former military government had granted KMA a license to open a 2,400-acre teak plantation located between four villages in the tract—Htone Bo, Ngaga Mouk, Yay Ohe Zin and Kyatchae Chaung. Farmers and the local land registration department were surprised when the company then reportedly confiscated more than 5,000 acres of land.

"I don't even want to hear the name of Kaung Myanmar Aung," said Daw Nyunt, a 60-year-old villager from Ngaga Mauk.

She described the company as "very cunning" and said that they had tried to offer an "unfair" amount of compensation for the villagers' land—fields which they say they have farmed for more than three generations. Not all of the farmers possess ownership documents for the land, prompting businessmen from KMA to reportedly purchase the "vacant" area from the government.

Earlier this year, farmers from four villages say that a verbal consensus was reached with the company's deputy general manager, Saw Maung. Seven key demands were allegedly presented and the meeting concluded when the company promised to "release" the land, according to one local, Saw Kha Hpaw.

However, since the agreement was not in writing, villagers' are concerned about its validity.

"We don't believe them," said Saw Kha Hpaw. "We requested that they deliver an official statement with the signature of Khin Maung Win, because his name was on the teak plantation license."

Deputy general manager Saw Maung acknowledged that KMA had met with the farmers in January. He confirmed that the villagers had made clear their demands, including the dismissal of charges against them, compensation for farmland, and a promise to return the land, signed by Khin Maung Aye. Of these, Saw Maung agreed that the company would give back the land and drop the charges, but said land compensation should be left up to the owner.

''I told them to meet with the landowner to discuss the compensation but they said they didn't trust me," he said.

Saw Maung estimates that his company has compensated the villagers with more than two billion kyats (US$1.6 million) from 2009 until the present. He said that the license for the teak project was obtained officially and that no additional land was confiscated, as the farmers allege; he suggested that their demand for further funds was motivated by greed.

The deputy general manager also claimed that the establishment of a teak plantation in the area was aimed at preventing climate change.

The post Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 09:59 PM PST

A news vendor displays local newspapers on a street in Yangon November 9, 2015. Voting unfolded smoothly in Myanmar on Sunday with no reports of violence to puncture a mood of jubilation marking the Southeast Asian nation's first free nationwide election in 25 years, its biggest stride yet in a journey to democracy from dictatorship.  REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

A news vendor displays local newspapers on a street in Rangoon, November 9, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — The outlook for print media in Burma remains grim in the near-term, industry experts contend, with private outlets still grappling with how to make their ventures financially secure in a market where online platforms have gained prominence.

Publishing costs have risen while sales are down, according to Aung Paw Tun, former managing editor of the Messenger Daily which was freely distributed to readers before closing in December. The Messenger continues to run a weekly journal.

"If copies sell for under 5,000 kyat per day and there are not enough advertisements, [dailies] won't survive in the market," Aung Paw Tun said.

"There are only four or five daily newspapers with better circulation which can [compete] right now, but most can't compete against government-run newspapers."

There are currently less than 10 private dailies in circulation, including 7Day Day; Daily Eleven; The Voice; The Standard Times; Democracy Today; Pyi Myanmar; Mandalay Ahlin; and the Myanmar Times.

They compete against three amply resourced state-run daily newspapers, The Global New Light of Myanmar, Myanma Alinn and The Mirror.

Under the administration of President Thein Sein, pre-publication censorship was abolished in August 2012 and the lifting of a ban on private dailies came into effect in April 2013. By the end of that year, 26 private dailies were on the market—a number that has since dramatically fallen.

The state-run dailies often distribute more than 200,000 copies per day, while private dailies maximum circulation only infrequently reaches 100,000 copies.

Min Zaw, former deputy managing editor of The Trade Times Journal, which ceased publication last year, explained the paper's demise.

"Here the newspaper market is very small, we can't compete with online media. Social media is used more by people now; they don't want a paper, they just want to read quick news via social media," he said.

Internet connectivity and mobile phone use has soared in Burma under the administration of President Thein Sein, with many nationals now turning to online sources of news.

According to Myanmar Now, citing Facebook figures, from March 2014 to March 2015, the number of Facebook users in Burma grew by over 200 percent to 6-7 million monthly users. Prominent officials such as army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and former Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann now have widely-followed Facebook accounts.

Min Zaw also identified a lack of human resources as contributing to local print media's woes, while stressing the importance of enabling an independent press.

"The media should not be used as a tool by anyone or any organizations," he said.

Kyaw Min Swe, chief editor of The Voice, said he had considered pulling the plug several times since launching the daily newspaper in 2013.

"I can say our newspaper is still losing money," he said.

"Currently, due to the high expense of printing, newspapers and journals have increased their sales price, but are still losing money."

Private daily newspapers are typically priced at around 200-300 kyat, while the state-run dailies are priced at around 100 kyat.

"When I worked for the former Interim Press Council, I urged the government to help private newspapers if they were going to [enable a] democratic country. But they just tried to monopolize the market," Kyaw Min Swe said.

Since late 2012, the information ministry has championed a plan to transform state-owned newspapers into "public service media," a proposal criticized by many industry experts who contend state-backed print media is unnecessary, with few comparable initiatives around the world.

However, with the National League for Democracy (NLD) preparing to form government from April, the state-owned dailies, which are run by the Ministry of Information, face an uncertain future.

"I hope a democratic government can create a better media industry," said Aung Paw Tun of the political changes ahead.

Despite the challenges, more new media outlets may be around the corner. On Wednesday, the Ministry of Information approved 28 new publishing licenses, including for newspapers, magazines and journals.

The post Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 07:49 PM PST

Myanmar's President Thein Sein waves his hand as he arrives to give a speech at Union Parliament in Naypyitaw January 28, 2016. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

President Thein Sein waves his hand as he arrives to give a speech at Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Burma's outgoing President Thein Sein has at the last minute canceled plans to attend the US-ASEAN summit in California next week, his office said late on Thursday, giving no reasons for the decision.

While no official delegation from the Burmese side had been announced before, experts expected the trip to be Thein Sein's last chance to highlight his reformist legacy in front of President Barack Obama and Southeast Asian leaders.

Thein Sein's Union Solidarity and Development Party was crushed by Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in a November election, kicking off a lengthy transition process that will end on April 1 when the new government's term begins.

"Vice president Nyan Htun will visit the United States on behalf of president Thein Sein," an announcement by the President's Office read.

"President Thein Sein is not visiting the US because he has other business to attend to, that's all we can say," said Zaw Htay, a senior official at the President's Office contacted by phone.

Burma's military, which is guaranteed 25 percent of seats in parliament and three security ministries under the Constitution, is negotiating the terms of the transition with Suu Kyi. Details of those talks remain murky.

Thein Sein's decision will likely intensify already frantic speculation over the state of behind-the-scenes negotiations in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw.

The parliament decided on Monday to begin its election process for the new president on March 17, pushing back the NLD's original plans by about three weeks and suggesting talks between the party and the military have hit a snag.

In 2011, Thein Sein's semi-civilian government replaced a military regime that had ruled Burma for 49 years, ushering in political and economic reforms. International observers lauded Thein Sein for organizing credible elections.

Leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will meet Obama at a summit in the Californian resort of Sunnylands on Feb. 15-16.

The post Burma's Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start 

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 04:25 PM PST

Government officials, members of ethnic armed groups and international witnesses pose for a picture after the signing ceremony of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in Naypyidaw on October 15, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Government officials, members of ethnic armed groups and international witnesses pose for a picture after the signing ceremony of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in Naypyidaw on October 15, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

On Union Day, 69 years since the signing of the Panglong Agreement, it is time for a reappraisal and a new start to what has ultimately been an unsuccessful peace process. Key elements toward achieving a successful peace agreement have been missing throughout the past five years: inclusivity, trust, the meaningful and full participation of women, and—perhaps key to the whole process—political will from the Burma Army. It is the latter that will be the biggest challenge facing the incoming NLD government as it contemplates how to address both the faltering peace efforts and the civil war that has plagued Burma's ethnic communities since independence.

The much-touted Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signed in October 2015 and the subsequent Union Peace Conference (UPC) in January 2016 were boycotted by many powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), while the UPC was condemned by civil society in a damning statement. The term 'nationwide,' used with a complete lack of irony by the Burma government, excluded EAOs in many parts of the country, including the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Arakan Army (AA), and the ethnic Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). Civil society cited ongoing military offensives in Kachin State and northern Shan State as a key factor in their decision to call for the postponement of the UPC.

It is these ongoing offensives—in some of the most ferocious military operations since World War II—that perpetuate ethnic communities' and EAOs' lack of trust in the Burma Army and the Burma government. Furthermore, human rights violations including sexual violence, torture, arbitrary arrest and extrajudicial killings have continued as perpetrators from the Burma Army act with complete impunity. The government's peace negotiators have talked a good game, sugar-coating their words throughout Thein Sein's administration, but if the military continues as it always has—unreformed, abusive, unremorseful—such words are empty and efforts will have been ineffective.

Throughout the whole peace process, as is often the case, women's voices have been limited to mere token inclusion. The meaningful and full participation of women is vital, as their experiences of armed conflict are often very different to those of men. The burdens, responsibilities, coping mechanisms and perspectives they could bring to the negotiating table would broaden and deepen the peace process, and it is well established that women's participation in peace processes ensures a more sustainable long-term peace. Yet despite a strong presence in civil society leadership, women have continued to be marginalized in the peace process.

Underlying many factors contributing to the failed peace process in Burma is the lack of political will by the Thein Sein government and the Burma Army to truly address the aspirations of ethnic people: self-determination, ethnic equality, and a federal system of governance. The military is still the most powerful institution in the country and any moves toward reforming their dominance are flatly refused by the military itself through its constitutional veto powers.

This will be the biggest challenge for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD government: persuading the military to reach a middle ground, to compromise, and to participate on equal terms with EAOs based on the Panglong spirit of equality and self-determination. Yet there are some positives on her side—she is trusted by the ethnic communities and EAOs much more than the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This was demonstrated by the NLD's overwhelming electoral victory in November's national polls—not just in central Burma, but in ethnic regions, too. The NLD's stated position towards ethnic equality and power sharing, while yet to be demonstrated in action, is much more amenable to ethnic aspirations than any other time in the past fifty years. Furthermore, the election victory gives the NLD a moral authority and popular legitimacy that no other ruling body in Burma has had since the time of independence.

The new government, while institutionally restricted by the Burma Army's veto powers and continued control over many national affairs, thus has some space to maneuver. This is an opportunity to demonstrate the political will needed to confront issues currently lacking in the peace process, such as an end to the marginalization of women and the demand that anything with 'nationwide' in the title actually be as such. While the NLD will not be able to stop the Burma Army from launching devastating military offensives in ethnic areas and abusing local populations, it can use its popular legitimacy both at home and abroad to pressure the Burma Army in a way that the USDP never did or could.

Finally the international community, and especially the peace donors that have poured millions into this unsuccessful process, must also undergo a reappraisal of their priorities. EAOs and ethnic rights-based civil society must benefit from this financial and technical assistance in equal measure to the Burma government. This may involve a certain swallowing of pride. But, after all, it is the ethnic communities they represent that have led a generations-long struggle for real peace and equality, in spite of bearing the burden of social, economic and political injustices enabled by a centralized Burman monopoly on power and resources. These ethnic communities must now be recognized as the primary stakeholders in any future peace process; it is to them that the international community and the peace donors must be held accountable.

Khin Ohmar is the Coordinator of Burma Partnership, a network of regional and Burma civil society organizations supporting the collective efforts of all peoples working towards democracy, peace, justice and human rights in Burma. Alex Moodie is the Advocacy and Research Officer at Burma Partnership.

The post Burma's Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Fearing water shortages, Myingyan residents protest reclamation

Posted: 12 Feb 2016 12:34 AM PST

Farmers are protesting against a plan they say will reduce their water supply. They say water is so short they have already been forced to abandon growing paddy and switch to beans and pulses.

First trickle of disputes hit incoming region MPs

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST

In what is expected to be the first of a flood of land-grab cases, a deputation of farmers has petitioned Ayeyarwady Region hluttaw, now under firm National League for Democracy control, in the hope of recovering their farmland.

Land feud heats up the capital

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST

Frustrated former landowners in Nay Pyi Taw who have seized back their confiscated plots could soon face legal action, officials say.

Fresh arrest for Facebook satire

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST

Perhaps inspired by the draconian measures taken against other social media pranksters, a Yangon resident decided to goad Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing online.

‘We will not be adversarial,’ insists new ANP speaker

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST

Taking office as Speaker in what might well be the most complex and politically charged of Myanmar's 14 states and regions, U San Kyaw Hla is anticipating an "exciting" time as the new MPs take their seats.

Obama urged to raise human rights with ASEAN leaders

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST

Parliamentarians in Southeast Asia have called on President Barack Obama to emphasise human rights and democracy when he hosts ASEAN leaders next week.

Road safety campaigner passes away

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST

Myanmar's nascent road safety lobby has lost one of its strongest advocates.

Cool mornings set to continue

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST

The cool mornings of the past week are set to continue over the next seven days, but warmer daytime temperatures are also on the way, the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology says.

Clashes spread in Shan State

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Hundreds of civilians in northern Shan State are reported to have fled a sudden offensive by government forces and separate fighting between two ethnic armed groups, while senior monks are intervening to help villagers trapped in the war zone.

Empty villages stand testimony to ever-more-bitter ethnic conflict

Posted: 11 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

The village near Kutkai in northern Shan State is eerily quiet, except for the plaintive, unanswered wails of a tiny child crouched outside a fence surrounding a wooden stilt house. As the assistant village head later explains, "Half the population has left in the last two months. There are no men left here aged under 40."