Wednesday, October 11, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

US State Dept Senior Officials meet Rohingya lobbyists and INGOs

Posted: 11 Oct 2017 05:10 AM PDT

YANGON — US Department of State officials, representatives of Rohingya organizations, and US-based international groups have discussed the need for an indiscriminate UN-administered safe zone in northern Rakhine State as well as the cessation of violence and solutions to the region's humanitarian crisis.

One of the meeting's attendees, Wakar Uddin, posted two pictures and a summary of the meeting on Facebook. Wakar Uddin is chairman and director general of the Arakan Rohingya Union (ARU), an umbrella organization representing dozens of self-identifying Rohingya groups.

International Campaign for the Rohingya (ICR), also one of the participants, posted on Facebook its representatives had met with US officials, including Deputy Assistant Secretary for Southeast Asia W. Patrick Murphy, and discussed "sanctioning Burmese army leaders and business interests."

ICR stated that Murphy, who visited northern Rakhine in late September, was working with other agencies to address the Rakhine crisis and that he said in terms of sanctions "everything is under consideration."

According to Wakar Uddin's post, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Scott Busby, also attended the one and a half hour meeting at the state department in Washington, along with Simon Billenness of International Campaign for the Rohingya, John Knaus of National Endowment for Democracy, Khedidja Ouheb of Zakat Foundation, Kathryn Striffolino of Save the Children, and Ronnate Asirwatham of American Jewish World Service.

Based on Wakar Uddin's list of attendees, there was no representation from organizations in other parts of Myanmar society.

The meeting covered a range of issues, including the repatriation process of more than 500,000 Muslims and a smaller number of Hindus who fled an army crackdown in northern Rakhine State after militant group Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked 30 police outposts on Aug. 25.

Ways in which the US government is encouraging its Myanmar counterpart to stop the violence from security forces and locals in Rakhine against Muslims were shared during the meeting, wrote Wakar Uddin. The implementation of former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan's recommendations in Rakhine and public security issues were also discussed.

Wakar Uddin previously met with Murphy and other US officials following militant attacks on police outposts in the region on Oct. 25.

Born in Rakhine's troubled Maungdaw Township, Wakar Uddin graduated from Ye Zin Agricultural University (YAU) based in what became Myanmar's capital Naypyitaw and left Myanmar for the United States in 1970, where he earned a PhD and currently works as a professor at Pennsylvania State University.

Wakar Uddin is also chairman and founder of the Burmese Rohingya Association of North America (BRANA). His other organization, the ARU, was established after a conference for the self-identifying Rohingya at the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) headquarters in Saudi Arabia in May, 2011 in order to achieve rights for the community in Rakhine. Communal riots between Arakanese Buddhists and self-identifying Rohingya Muslims rocked the state the following year.

ARU's mission statement notes it was "formed on the agreed principles of an indivisible Arakan State within the territorial integrity of the Union of Myanmar, through seeking peaceful co-existence, democracy and human rights, and federalism."

ARU seeks a political solution to the issues faced by the "Rohingya ethnic minority," according to its statement, using a term for the community strongly opposed by most in Myanmar. It does this, the statement reads, in order to reclaim citizenships and restore political, social, economic, cultural, educational and human rights.

Wakar Uddin has been close to international organizations over the past years, as well as high-profile western bureaucrats and diplomats. He has posted photos online posing with former Secretary of State John Kerry, former US ambassador Derek Mitchell, W. Patrick Murphy, the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) leaders, UN human rights special rapporteur Yanghee Lee, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and the State Department of Norway. He has posted descriptions of his activities on Twitter and Facebook, and also attended the UN General Assembly held earlier this year.

Whenever Wakar Uddin speaks to the media, he never hesitates to use controversial words such as "genocide" and "ethnic cleansing" to describe the actions of the Myanmar Army in Rakhine. He uses the terms "ethnic minority Rohingya" and even sometimes "indigenous people" in an attempt to shape the Rohingya as an ethnic minority of Myanmar on the international stage.

He urged the UN, OIC and other super-power countries to intervene when it came to the self-identifying Rohingya crisis.

During an interview with Al Jazeera on Sep 10, two weeks after militant attacks in northern Rakhine, Wakar Uddin said the Muslim world should come forward, with strength, to speak out about the self-identifying Rohingya crisis and urged the establishment of a strong coalition from the international community, including western countries.

"The Security Council should be a force to consider demilitarization in northern Rakhine State and send a UN peacekeeping force like Lebanon, like Africa. And OIC countries just like Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, and they should ask China and Russia not to block [the vote to intervene in Myanmar at UN security council]."

Wakar Uddin was unavailable for comment at the time of this report.

The post US State Dept Senior Officials meet Rohingya lobbyists and INGOs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rakhine State Conflict Exasperates Faltering Peace Process

Posted: 11 Oct 2017 05:04 AM PDT

Myanmar has been attempting to bring about peace in the country for almost six years now, with the Union government convincing only eight of Myanmar's 21 ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to sign its landmark nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA).

On Sunday, the government and NCA signatories will celebrate the two-year anniversary of the signing of the accord in the country's capital Naypyitaw.

The government's peace commissioners have said they are attempting to achieve peace with all EAOs including members of alliances—namely the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) and the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC). The government, however, does not recognize the latter as a bloc and would rather meet each of the seven FPNCC groups separately.

Earlier this year, the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she "hopes 2017 can be designated as a year of peace," as her party the National League for Democracy (NLD) has marked national reconciliation and peace as a priority.

Not long after she uttered the words, peace observers and advocates said her imaginations of peace were sure to fail—they described the peace process as languid, with both formal and informal negotiations stalling.

Two possible reasons for stalling progress: The Myanmar Army's reluctance to hold national-level political dialogues—a key step in NCA signing—in either Shan or Rakhine states due to unsuitable venues and lack of security respectively. And the military's reluctance to accept three EAOs—the Arakan Army (AA), Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance (MNDAA) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

In addition to these hurdles, conflict in Rakhine State that began in August added delays to already faltering peace talks between the government and EAOs.

Violence flared when recently-established Muslim militant group the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked 30 police and military outposts in northern Rakhine State—killing 12 members of the security forces.

Ensuing military clearance operations have brought waves of international criticism over the treatment of Muslim minority the self-identifying Rohingya—of whom more than 500,000 have fled to Bangladesh bringing with them reports of rape, torture, extra-judicial killing and destruction of property by government forces.

Self-identifying Rohingya continue to leave at a rate of thousands a day despite some Muslim communities remaining intact.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—who also leads the country's peace process—has had to focus on the Rakhine State situation, including the implementation of recommendations by the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State led by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.

In line with one of the recommendations, the government has said it will register repatriated Muslim refugees from Bangladesh through the national citizenship verification process.

As this situation unfolds, ARSA appears to have positioned itself alongside Myanmar's other EAOs.

Some ethnic armed group leaders have denounced ARSA's violence while the humanitarian catastrophe of the self-identifying Rohingya has grabbed the world's attention.

ARSA announced a unilateral ceasefire for one month to allow humanitarian assistance, which ended on Monday. The group offered peace talks with the government on Sunday, which were rejected on the grounds that they did not negotiate with terrorists.

In a statement dated Oct. 7, ARSA said: "If at any stage, the Burmese Government is inclined to peace, then ARSA will welcome that inclination and reciprocate." Defense Minister Lt-Gen Sein Win reiterated the government's stance of non-negotiation in comments to The Irrawaddy.

Harn Yawnghwe, who has been involved in Myanmar's peace process since its inception and is director of the Euro-Burma Office, told The Irrawaddy this week that even if the government does not want to it should hold talks with ARSA.

"For me, I think through armed conflict it is hard to find solutions, while negotiations can help reduce tensions," he said.

As Myanmar's peace talks with EAOs stall, it is interesting to see which groups see ARSA as a potential partner in negotiating peace with the Union government.

Shan, Karen, Pa'O, Mon, and Arakanese ethnic leaders The Irrawaddy spoke to rejected ARSA as an ethnic armed group—claiming leaders were raised in Pakistan and that the group's intentions deviate from other EAO's fight for ethnic equality, autonomy, self-determination, and federalism.

Some leaders The Irrawaddy spoke to agreed with the government’s argument that the self-identifying Rohingya are not indigenous to Myanmar and therefore have no basis for claiming territory.

Self-identifying Rohingya should be given citizenship in line with the government's national verification process, all ethnic leaders The Irrawaddy spoke to agreed.

Many ethnic leaders, however, refused to comment officially on the issue—with the excuse of not knowing the full details of Rakhine State affairs.

KNU vice chairman Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win said the EAO had been sharing views on Rakhine affairs within their peace process steering team (PPST) but said "as the Rakhine state affair is a sensitive issue, we are very careful [not to publicize our stance]."

But ethnic leaders both on and off the record reasoned that as "Rohingya" are not listed as an ethnicity of Myanmar and they did not know ARSA leaders, it would be hard for them to accept the armed group's call.

Chairman of NCA-signatory the Arakan Liberation Party U Khine Soe Naing Aung said there had been many groups in history attempting to represent Rohingya, but they were rejected as the group is not a nationality of Myanmar.

He said Rakhine State affairs affect the whole of Myanmar and he believes the NLD government should work to provide citizenship, neutralized citizenship or associate citizenship to Muslims in Rakhine State.

Chairman of Pa'O Nationalities Liberation Organization Khun Myint Tun echoed the view that Rakhine State affairs must be viewed as a Union affair in which all are concerned in finding a solution.

He said the problems in Rakhine State were rooted long before independent Myanmar: "So we have to accept that there are inhabitants who have been living in the area since the [British] colonial times and who have migrated from neighboring Bangladesh over time. We need to see [the situation] fairly and work out for better solutions."

Also many [EAOs] wouldn't publicize their views on either support or denouncing the ARSA "to avoid the international pressure," Khine Soe Naing Aung said.

It's not surprising that ethnic armed leaders refused to agree with the government or military's line on Rakhine State publicly—virtually all ethnic armed groups have suffered from the Tatmadaw's oppression in one way or another over the past six or seven decades.

The post Rakhine State Conflict Exasperates Faltering Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thousands Gather for Interfaith Rallies

Posted: 11 Oct 2017 03:29 AM PDT

YANGON — Religious leaders of Myanmar called for unity and peace as they gathered at the country's first mass interfaith rally at Aung San Stadium in Yangon on Tuesday.

It was the first major push for improved relations between followers of different faiths since an eruption of deadly violence in August inflamed communal tensions, especially between Buddhists and Muslims, and triggered an exodus of some 520,000 Muslims to Bangladesh.

The National League for Democracy (NLD) organized the gathering, which was attended by Buddhist, Muslim, Hindu, and Christian leaders, along with thousands of supporters from all religions.

As the crowd lit candles and prayed for peace—particularly in Rakhine State—Dr. Bhaddanta Iddhibala, chairman of the Yangon Region Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, appealed for people to stop blaming others for conflict and help restore peace.

"If each of us only see the mistakes of others, there will be no peace among us. We need to have inner peace in each of us first and avoid the actions which could affect the peace, while praying for the peace," he said.

Religious leaders called for peace in Myanmar at the event. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing)

Muslim leader Alahaj Mofti Mohamad said the harmony in which Muslims have lived for centuries in Myanmar is being threatened by hate.

"We, the Muslims, strongly hope for the immediate end of the current conflicts and the haters. We strongly desire to live in harmony as our ancestors lived in past centuries. We want back the situation where we shared the happiness together with humanity, without haters and doubts of each other, without discrimination," he told the crowd.

"We would like to urge every citizen to work for the peace, unity and living in harmony," he added.

The patron of Quan Yin Buddhist monastery and a Hindu leader also called for followers of all religions to cooperate for the peace and stability of the country.

While urging people to practice the way of peace, Cardinal Charles Bo, the current Archbishop of Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Yangon, also urged the international community to understand the situation of the country.

"We went to tell the world that Myanmar is living under the teaching of Lord Buddha. We have sympathy to every human being. The world has to understand [Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's] government and has to help her. It is impossible to solve every problem in just 18 months," said Cardinal Charles Bo.

The Cardinal said the country under the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has its own strategy to solve the problems. He criticized the international community for stripping awards from the State Counselor.

"She is not working for her country to win the awards. The Nobel peace prize came to her, she did not chase it. The awards can be stripped from her. For me, I would like to give back the awards with the compensation," said the cardinal.

The National League for Democracy (NLD) organized the gathering. (Photo: Thet Tun Naing)

"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the one who led this country to the democratic path and struggled for many years. We want to let the world know that we have our own strategy to solve our own problems. We believe in the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is our hope," he added.

Yangon chief minister U Phyo Min Thein, who lit the peace candle to open the ceremony, said the event showed the world the country is living in harmony and praying.

"This event shows Myanmar is a country with the people of different faith, living in harmony and sharing the sympathy for those who are in difficultly," said the chief minister.

"We hope the world will understand the situation of our country," he added.

Interfaith ceremonies were also held in other cities such as Mandalay, Monywa, Mawlamyine and Loikaw at the same time as the Yangon event.

The post Thousands Gather for Interfaith Rallies appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NCA Non-Signatories to Attend Ceasefire Anniversary Ceremony

Posted: 11 Oct 2017 12:05 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar government opened the door for non-signatories of the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) to attend an event to mark the two-year anniversary of the signing of the accord by some of Myanmar's ethnic armed groups.

The government accepted on Tuesday a proposal by the eight NCA signatories to allow the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC)—a group of seven ethnic armed groups based in northern Myanmar led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA)—and another ethnic bloc the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) to join the event.

This followed an urgent meeting of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) representing the eight NCA signatories—including the Karen National Union (KNU), the Chin National Front (CNF) and the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP)—on the peace process and the NCA anniversary in Thailand's Chiang Mai on Monday and Tuesday.

After separate meeting with government representatives in Naypyitaw on Tuesday, PPST spokesperson Khun Myint Tun told reporters: "Our delegation led by patron Col Khun Okkar and the government delegation concluded discussions in Naypyitaw this morning. At the meeting we proposed inviting the Northern Alliance [FPNCC] and the UNFC [to the anniversary]. And the government accepted our proposal."

Eight ethnic armed groups and the U Thein Sein government signed the NCA on Oct. 15, 2015. The government has planned a national-level event in the administrative capital to mark the anniversary.

According to NCA-signatory sources, delegates of NCA non-signatories are likely to hold separate peace talks with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, if they attend the NCA anniversary event.

Eight NCA signatories will each send an 11-member delegation to the event and KNU chairman Gen Mutu Sae Poe is set to address the ceremony and reaffirm the KNU's dedication to the government's NCA path to internal peace.

The eight ethnic armed groups that signed the NCA are: the KNU, the CNF, the APL, the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army (Peace Council) (KNU/KNLA PC), the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), and the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO).

The FPNCC comprises of UWSA, Kachin Independence Army (KIA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and Arakan Army (AA).

The Myanmar Army has repeatedly said it would not hold peace talks with the MNDAA, TNLA and AA because they came to existence only after emergence of a democratic government, in contrast to other long-established ethnic armed groups.

The UNFC is comprised of the New Mon State Party (NMSP), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) and Arakan National Council (ANC).

The post NCA Non-Signatories to Attend Ceasefire Anniversary Ceremony appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Junta Sets Firm Date for Election After Many False Starts

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 11:00 PM PDT

BANGKOK, Thailand — Thailand will hold a general election in November 2018, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha said on Tuesday, the most precise date he has given yet for the vote since taking power in a 2014 military coup.

Prayuth, head of the ruling junta, said the exact date would be announced in June 2018. The junta has announced election dates at least two times in the past, only to push them back later, citing concerns such as changes to the constitution and security issues.

"Around June we will announce the date for the next election," Prayuth told reporters at Bangkok's Government House.

"In November we will have an election."

Former army chief Prayuth, who led the May 2014 coup widely criticized by Western nations, said it was necessary to end a decade of political turbulence and root out corruption.

In April, King Maha Vajiralongkorn signed into law a military-backed constitution that kickstarts the process for an election the junta has promised will restore democracy.

The new charter provides for a proportional voting system likely to reduce the influence of major political parties, which critics say aims to strengthen the role of the military.

Analysts expect political activities to resume slowly after the funeral of King Bhumibol Adulyadej this month ends a year of mourning for a monarch many Thais saw as a father figure.

"Prayuth wants to delay the election but he knows that after the king's cremation, there will be pressure for an election," said Kan Yuenyong of the Siam Intelligence Unit think tank.

"This announcement for the election in November next year will act to reduce that pressure, because if not, there could be chances for protests," he told Reuters.

Thailand's main stock index rose 0.7 percent after the news, having opened Tuesday down 0.3 percent.

Good For Country

The government has faced increasing pressure to lift a ban on political activities levied soon after the coup.

Prayuth will consider lifting the ban "at an appropriate time", he told reporters, without giving details.

The junta had initially promised an election in 2015, after seizing power from the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, sister of Thaksin Shinawatra.

Thaksin's governments, or those backed by him, have won every election since 2001, partly because of their overwhelming popularity with politically-powerful rural voters.

But the Shinawatras made enemies, including those among the military-backed establishment who accused Thaksin and his allies of corruption.

Thaksin was ousted in 2006 and lives abroad in self-imposed exile. Yingluck followed suit in August, when she fledThailand ahead of the verdict in a criminal case.

Some politicians expressed skepticism over the election date.

"It isn't really believable, because they have changed it many times," said Chaturon Chaisang, a member of Thaksin's Puea Thai Party.

Ong-art Klampaiboon, deputy leader of the Democrat Party, Puea Thai's biggest competitor, welcomed the news.

"The election date creates clarity," Ong-art said. "This should be good for the country and the people."

The post Thai Junta Sets Firm Date for Election After Many False Starts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pope to Meet Top Buddhist Monks in Myanmar, Address Military

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 10:56 PM PDT

VATICAN CITY — Pope Francis will meet Myanmar's top Buddhist monks, its military generals and civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi in November when he visits that country and Bangladesh, both caught up in a crisis over the self-identifying Rohingya Muslim minority.

According to a full programme of the Nov. 26-Dec. 2 trip released by the Vatican on Tuesday, the pope will say two Masses in Buddhist-majority Myanmar and one in Bangladesh, which is predominantly Muslim.

Francis will be the first pope to visit Myanmar and the second to visit Bangladesh, where Pope John Paul visited in 1986.

The pope arrives in Yangon, the country's largest city, on Nov. 27 after a flight of more than 10 hours and is scheduled to rest for about 24 hours before heading to the country's capital Naypyitaw for a day.

There, he will have separate private talks with President Htin Kyaw and Suu Kyi, who is both State Counsellor and Foreign Minister, making her effectively the country's civilian leader.

A senior Vatican official said military leaders are expected to attend a separate, public meeting where the pope will address politicians and diplomats. This is where he is expected to give the keynote speech of the trip.

Myanmar is facing international scrutiny over the plight of its Rohingya community. In February, Francis said they had been tortured and killed simply because they wanted to live their culture and Muslim faith.

Last August, some hard-line Buddhists were riled with the pope spoke about "the persecution of our Rohingya brothers and sisters" and asked Catholics to pray for them, adding that they should be given "their full rights".

On Nov. 29, the pope will address the Sangha Maha Nayaka, the country's highest Buddhist authority, which is a government-backed panel of senior monks responsible for regulating the Buddhist clergy.

The United Nations refugee agency said on Tuesday that Bangladesh border guards reported more than 11,000 Rohingya refugees crossing into their country from Myanmar on Monday alone..

The government offensive has drawn international condemnation and U.N. accusations of ethnic cleansing, which the government denies.

There are about 700,000 Roman Catholics in Myanmar according to the country's cardinal, Charles Maung Bo, out of a population of about 51.4 million.

Catholics make up a tiny minority in Bangladesh. Francis will be the second pope to visit that country, after Pope John Paul in 1986.

The post Pope to Meet Top Buddhist Monks in Myanmar, Address Military appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Tuesday, October 10, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Central Govt Infringing Administration of KNU Regions, Say Leaders

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 05:19 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Karen National Union (KNU) leaders have urged the government to consider the administration of areas controlled by the ethnic armed group as outlined in the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) signed two years ago.

KNU-controlled territory is comprised of seven districts in the Kawthoolei territory, including in Karen State, parts of Mon state, and parts of Bago, Irrawaddy and Tanintharyi regions—each with their own administrative mechanisms which often overlap with the central government.

Since bilateral ceasefires were signed in 2012, KNU-controlled areas have seen less conflict but still face administrative problems which should be addressed in accordance with the NCA's "interim program" for controlled regions KNU spokesman and general secretary Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

"The implementation of the interim program is a challenge for us, because it is not yet being implemented despite the fact it is in the NCA text," explained Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo.

He said the KNU's 14 administrative departments—including education, healthcare, and social welfare—were conflicting with the central government's administration in some areas.

"While our administration departments are working, there has been complaints to the joint ceasefire monitoring committee accusing us of violating the NCA. Because of that, we need solutions through the interim management," the general secretary said.

The NCA's interim program included information on how to collaborate with the government on administrative affairs and environmental protection, he said.

Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo said the interim management of these areas was one of the two key issues discussed during an urgent four-day meeting of the KNU's Central Standing Committee held in Lay Wah last week.

The meeting was the first urgent gathering of standing committee members since the KNU's 16th Congress in March. Another key issue discussed was reviewing the peace process and how to proceed.

KNU leaders also discussed developmental projects and national parks and forest reserves in their territories.

A statement released on Oct. 7 said Karen leaders decided to delay allowing investment in development projects which may impact local communities and the environment as there are currently no specific laws and regulations in place to protect from effects of such project.

One of the challenges the group is now facing is the case of environmental preservation, said Mahn Ba Tun, head of the KNU's forestry department.

He explained that neither the KNU nor local residents were informed of central government efforts to extend the forest reserves and the national parks along the border with Thailand and Tanintharyi Region in 2015.

The central government in Naypyitaw has also allowed international non-governmental organizations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature Myanmar (WWF) and Fauna and Flora International (FFI) to study the areas without the consent of KNU, said KNU leaders.

In November last year the KNU signed a memorandum of understanding with the World Wide Fund for Nature Myanmar (WWF) to protect the forest in KNU-controlled territories.

"Government efforts to set national parks and forest reserves in KNU Brigade No.4 area [in the Myeik-Dawei area of Tanintharyi Region] has caused obstacles for the current peace building process," the KNU statement released last week said, "we will protect our forests based on our policies."

"We have been protecting our forests and our wild animals and we will uphold our forest policy and regulations on further forests preservation and protection," Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo told The Irrawaddy, adding that they had begun awareness programs with locals to protect wildlife and timber forest reserves.

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Tourists Shun Myanmar in Wake of Rakhine Crisis

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 05:07 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Although Myanmar is entering peak season for tourism, tour operators and industry officials have reported a drop in visitors because of the recent conflict in Rakhine State.

Union of Myanmar Travel Association (UMTA) president U Thet Lwin Toe said some booked trips—particularly to Rakhine's Ngapali Beach—were cancelled in the wake of the latest Rakhine violence.

After self-identifying Rohingya militants attacked 30 police outposts in northern Rakhine on Aug. 25, the Myanmar Army launched a crackdown that has forced more than 500,000 Muslims to flee to Bangladesh.

Tales of rape and killings by security forces are rife among the refugees, while Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the group behind the Aug. 25 attacks, has also been accused of killing civilians.

"Some trips to Ngapali Beach have been canceled," said U Thet Lwin Toe. "Trips to other regions like Bagan, Mandalay and Inle Lake remain unchanged. If positive news could eliminate tourists' fears of terrorist attacks, the situation would be better."

U Tint Lwin, director general of the hotels and tourism ministry, said news of the unrest has scared tourists and affected the whole tourism industry.

"There are worries that [tourists] may experience a terrorist attack or have difficultly traveling in the country," said U Tint Lwin.

According to tour operators based in Rakhine, visitors to the region's famous sites have declined significantly.

"The number of tourists have declined by half compared to last year," said Ma Moh, a tour operator based in the ancient Arakanese capital Mrauk-U.

"During this month last year most of the hotels were fully booked," she said. "Bookings for transport were also full, but this year is quite dry."

Tour operators across the country have reported a slump in business. Package tours to Bagan, one of Myanmar's main attractions, have been dropped.

"Compared to last year, the situation is bad for the season. Bookings have been canceled, especially from Europe and the USA. And there have been few independent tourists from those countries compared to last year," said Daw Maw Maw, a tour operator in Bagan.

Hoteliers and tour operators are hoping for some kind of stability and peace in Rakhine and the surrounding regions, which they say has not only affected tourism but also the security of the whole country.

"Although the effects on the tourism industry are not hugely impactful, we still worry about our own security because the government announced there might be terrorist attacks in big cities," said U Myint Lwin, a hotelier from Mandalay.

"However, we hope there will be peace and stability in Rakhine State soon. We are also hoping there will be more visitors to our country before the peak tourist season ends," he added.

According to figures from the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, 2.9 million tourists visited the country in 2016. More than 3.5 million tourists were expected for 2017, according to the figures, with about 2.27 million tourists visiting the country from January to August this year.

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China Eyes Mon State Investment

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 01:47 AM PDT

MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Hong Liang indicated his country is considering investment in Mon State during a meeting with the state government on Friday.

According to the Chinese ambassador, investors are interested in rubber products manufacturing, fruit cultivation and the tourism sector, said Mon State minister for natural resources and environmental conservation Dr. Min Kyi Win, who was present at the meeting.

"The Chinese ambassador thinks Mon State has good potential for economic development and suggested Chinese investment in Mon State. And we've welcomed his suggestion," Dr. Min Kyi Win told The Irrawaddy.

Thailand is the biggest investor in Mon State, with Thai petroleum firm PTTEP investing US$2.146 billion in an offshore gas field in the Gulf of Martaban—the largest investment among 18 international investors in Myanmar's energy sector as well as the largest foreign investment in the state.

Thailand's $414 million Mawlamyine Cement Limited (MCL) cement plant is also the largest investment in Mon State's industrial sector.

The Chinese ambassador's visit to the area is the first on its kind under the National League for Democracy (NLD) government.

The ambassador said China is interested in importing fruits from Mon State, especially pomelo, pomelo juice and dried pomelo, said Daw San Wint Khaing, the Pa-O ethnic affairs minister for Mon State.

"What we want is a market economy rather than their investment. We have to try to build a seller's market rather than a buyer's market," she said.

The 15-member Chinese diplomat delegation led by Hong Liang met Mon State chief minister Dr. Aye Zan and other ministers. The Chinese ambassador also invited the chief minister to visit China, according to ministers.

In early 2017, Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) issued an announcement for the establishment of investment commissions at region and state levels.

According to the instruction, region and state governments are authorized to decide on investment proposals of less than $5 million for their areas but have to seek MIC approval for investments of more than $5 million.

Investment commissions at region and state levels have seven members, headed by chief ministers. Staff officers of relevant investment and company administration boards act as secretary, and five ministers as members.

Mon State received more than $5.433 billion in foreign investment from 1994 to the end of 2016, according to records of the Mon State Directorate of Investment and Company.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ten Accused of Blocking Aid Shipment in Sittwe to Face Trial

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 01:36 AM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — Ten men accused of involvement in a violent mob which blocked a Red Cross aid shipment bound for conflict-torn Maungdaw in Rakhine State capital Sittwe last month will be brought to trial on Friday, according to the Township Police Force.

A 300-strong mob gathered late on Sept. 20 at Set Yoe Kya jetty where a boat carrying relief supplies for self-identifying Rohingya Muslims was preparing to travel upriver to Maungdaw, reported Reuters.

The mob—armed with slingshots and petrol bombs—forced the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to unload the aid from the boat and prevented the vessel from leaving, according to Myanmar government's Information Committee.

Police detained nine people at the scene and three more perpetrators were identified in further investigations. One of them was arrested and two others are still at large, said police lieutenant Kyaw Moe of Sittwe No. 2 Police Station.

"We've arrested 10 and declared two others as fugitives," he told The Irrawaddy.

The 10 detainees are from Set Yoe Kya and Mindra Shik villages on the opposite bank of the river from Sittwe town, and the two fugitives are from Sat Yone Su ward in Sittwe. All of them are casual manual laborers and bricklayers, according to police.

"According to our investigation, they had no motive. It happened mainly because they were drunk. There was no organizer. It was the result of a gathering of drunkards," said the police lieutenant.

Detainees have been charged with Articles 145 and 438 of Myanmar's Penal Code, said police.

According to Article 145, anyone who joins or continues in an unlawful assembly, knowing that such unlawful assembly has been commanded in the manner prescribed by law to disperse, shall be punished with up to two years' imprisonment, or a fine, or both.

Article 438 is about committing or attempting to destroy a vessel by fire or any explosive substance and is punishable by transportation for life, or up to ten years' imprisonment and fine.

According to Information Committee, U Naing Linn of ICRC was supervising loading of relief supplies onto a vessel in Set Yoe Kya Creek which he hired from a local man around 2 p.m. on Sept. 20 when some locals arrived and complained that those supplies would be sent to terrorists.

Later, crowds gathered and disorder broke out, which was quelled by police using tear gas.

Anti-NGO sentiment has developed in Rakhine State since conflict in 2012, with ethnic Arakanese protesting what they feel is unfair favorable treatment of the self-identifying Rohingya.

The post Ten Accused of Blocking Aid Shipment in Sittwe to Face Trial appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Segregation Fans Fears of Fresh ‘Cleansing’ in Rakhine

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 11:55 PM PDT

MYEBON, Rakhine State — Buddhist villagers in relatively peaceful parts of Myanmar's Rakhine State are enforcing a system of local apartheid that punishes people trading with minority Muslims, fueling fears that violence in the far northwest could spread to new areas.

Ethnic Arakanese, who form the majority in central parts of the state, have set up committees in several districts that have meted out sanctions ranging from fines to public beatings and expulsions. They say the measures are necessary to protect their communities from self-identifying Rohingya Muslim militants.

Muslim residents say they are being cut off from essential supplies and accuse authorities of turning a blind eye. Aid workers fear thousands will attempt to escape via perilous sea routes to Thailand and Malaysia when the monsoon rains abate.

About 250,000 Muslims live in central Rakhine, an area not directly affected by a military offensive against militants who attacked security forces in the northern part of the state in late August. The army operation has forced more than half a million people to flee to Bangladesh, in what the United Nations has denounced as ethnic cleansing.

"In the current situation, it's not possible for different communities to live together," said Ashin Saromani, a Buddhist monk in the central Rakhine town of Myebon, where one such committee was set up at a meeting in a monastery four days after the Aug. 25 militant attacks in the north.

"The government can't reconcile them. That's why we prohibited communication with the Muslims, to prevent conflict."

Rakhine State government spokesman Min Aung said he was not aware of efforts to punish Buddhists who had contact with Muslims. He said he thought tensions could best be eased by interfaith community groups.

"Other states and regions have interfaith groups working for peace. In Rakhine there's no group like that," he said.

Tension between ethnic Arakanese and Muslims have simmered for years. Nearly 200 people were killed and 140,000 displaced in communal violence in the state in 2012.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has warned that the violence seen in the north of the state could easily spread.

"The failure to address this systematic violence could result in a spillover into central Rakhine, where an additional 250,000 Muslims could potentially face displacement," said Guterres in a recent speech. "They are outnumbered by Rakhine communities, some of whom have engaged in violent acts of vigilantism against their Muslim neighbors."

'National Traitor'

In Myebon, about 3,000 Muslims have been confined to a camp for displaced people since the 2012 violence, surrounded by tens of thousands of hostile Arakanese Buddhists. They have relied on aid from international agencies and fishing, supplemented by a small amount of trade in the town.

Since late August, loudspeakers mounted on tricycle rickshaws have rolled around the town, blaring messages from local monks and Arakanese community leaders exhorting Buddhists to avoid contact with Muslims.

One Arakanese woman who ignored the warnings, 35-year-old Soe Chay, told Reuters she was surrounded by a mob on Sept. 12 after buying goods at a market to sell to Muslims.

They beat her, cut her hair and marched through the town with a sign reading "national traitor" hung around her neck.

Kyaw Swar Tun, deputy director of the Rakhine General Administration Department (GAD) that oversees the local bureaucracy, said the case was an "individual problem" that was already being dealt with by the courts.

Two women and a man have been charged with assault on Soe Chay. The two women were members of the Arakan Women's Network in Myebon, which denied taking part in the attack.

"People got angry because they don't have a nationalist spirit, even though they know that 30 police stations were attacked and locals from Maungdaw were beheaded," said Khin Thein, leader of the network in the town, describing the incident. He was referring to the Aug. 25 attacks, which concentrated in northern Rakhine's Maungdaw Township.

Buddhist community leaders in Myebon have also blocked international aid agencies from reaching the camp, saying only the government can deliver aid, which must be checked by Buddhists.

"We are concerned that if we don't check that boat of the NGOs communicating directly with the Bengalis, they might include weapons together with the aid," said Ashin Saromani. Bengali is a derogatory term for the self-identifying Rohingya implying they are interlopers from Bangladesh.

Similar community-enforced restrictions on aid have been in place elsewhere in Rakhine, according to aid workers.

'Fear of Revenge'

Anti-Muslim sentiment has been bubbling up elsewhere in mostly Buddhist Myanmar since the conflict erupted in Rakhine.

Police had to disperse a mob that attacked Muslim homes and businesses in the central Magwe division on Sept. 10.

In Kayin State in the east, Muslims were told last month they must get special permission from authorities before travelling outside of their villages, because of security concerns.

Closer to the conflict zone, Muslim villagers in Rathedaung Township say they have been directly pressured to leave by their Arakanese neighbor's.

In Ku Taung village, near the besieged Muslim villages, a group of 46 Arakanese Buddhist elders has formed a "disciplinary committee."

They have fined Buddhists as much as 500,000 kyat (US$370) for infractions including selling betel leaves to Muslims, according to farmer Tun Thar Sein.

Some Rakhine villages have set up security teams to protect against the spread of militancy. In Mrauk-U and Minbya, an area that saw several unexplained explosions last month, residents said Muslims were no longer allowed into Arakanese villages.

Kyaw Swar Tun, the local administrator, said authorities would deal with any cases brought to them according to the law, but was not aware of any such problems in central Rakhine.

Back in the Myebon camp for displaced people, Muslims say they will have to move away.

"It's not possible for us to go back and stay together in Myebon because the Rakhine who destroyed our homes will be afraid to face us," said Cho Cho, a Muslim resident. "They fear that Muslims will take revenge."

The post Segregation Fans Fears of Fresh 'Cleansing' in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India Chooses Security Over Compassion in Rakhine Crisis

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 11:12 PM PDT

India's position on its community of self-identifying Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State has come under severe criticism from international organizations. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein accused India of lacking "basic human compassion," in seeking to deport the refugees. India's UN representative in Geneva termed the comments "tendentious judgment" based on "selective and even inaccurate reports which do not further the understanding of human rights in any society."

Out of this mud slinging comes no clear winner, but the more worthwhile question of why India is displaying such rigidness on accommodating the self-identifying Rohingya. Why the sudden alarm, when the community has been living in the country for years?

Much debate has taken place over whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government under Narendra Modi is averse to providing asylum to Muslims, given that many in the right-wing party and its ideological fountainhead the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have been called anti-Islamic.

But an anti-Muslim agenda would have seen the BJP opening post-1971 Bangladesh war files and attempting to deport many Muslim refugees from among the near 10 million people of various religious groups that came across to India. Deciphering the Indian government's position calls for a more rational examination of the factors at play.

Security Concern

Jihadi outfits with alleged connections to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) top the list of India's worries about its population of self-identifying Rohingya.

The rise of the erstwhile Harakah al-Yakin—now calling itself ARSA—has seemingly rattled intelligence agencies in India, Bangladesh and other parts of the region.

Unlike the predominately Muslim countries of Malaysia and Indonesia, or Thailand, which often prefers to be a silent spectator, perhaps to conceal its own human rights record, India is voicing its many concerns.

Intelligence agency reports in India and Bangladesh reveal systematic efforts are underway to strengthen the Rohingya militant groups with more trained men and money.

Some would argue that reports of Rohingya militant groups associating with jihadi outfits in Pakistan and receiving funds from Islamic groups in Saudi Arabia are bereft of evidence. Even if that were the case, India could not ignore the blatant display of support for ARSA by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Al Queda, and other Islamic groups.

Many international organizations and perhaps also a number of news outlets have chosen to ignore these messages of support from terrorist groups and instead speak of ARSA's rudimentary arms. India cannot afford to be as foolhardy and allow a Syria-like situation in the region.

Several longtime experts on Myanmar have cast doubt on the "rag-tag" nature of ARSA, deeming it a group guided by a calculated strategy executed to near perfection. Independent political analyst Richard Horsey who works with the International Crisis Group tweeted on Sept. 30 that "ARSA is murderous and willing to sacrifice entire Rohingya population for a dubious political objective."

Horsey added that ARSA's clothing and weapons may be "rag-tag" but "definitely not in relation to their objectives and impact: sophisticated & brutal."

Terrorism Network

 Indian intelligence agencies have been working around the clock to piece together an ARSA terrorist network and authenticate claims the group has deep support from transnational jihadi outfits by various experts. Links between ARSA and other terrorist groups in Pakistan, and possibly in Afghanistan and Iraq have been reported. However, the modus operandi of ARSA vis-à-vis its terror network is not yet clear.

One name doing the rounds in intelligence agency reports as well as Indian media is that of Abdus Qadoos Burmi, a Pakistani of Rohingya origin based in Karachi who allegedly has links with LeT and received patronage from Hafiz Saeed, the Pakistani Islamist behind the 2008 Mumbai attacks.

Burmi has been identified as the head of Islamic fundamentalist organization Harkat ul Jihad al-Islami-Arakan (HUJI-K) and has been instrumental in creating international support for ARSA and other groups like Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD), a front of the LeT in Bangladesh.

 Sources in India and Bangladesh intelligence speaking on condition of anonymity shared some precise information which claim that JuD has spearheaded training for ARSA, instructing fighters on how to produce improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and strategizing with the group's leaders. JuD enjoys backing from the Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistan and is known to have deep resources in Bangladesh, its primary entry point to Myanmar.

Indian intelligence agencies believe that the JuD has a presence in refugee camps in Cox's Bazar along the Naf River although it is unclear whether JuD is involved in recruiting or training men from these camps. In India, the home affairs ministry has cautioned that "illegal Rohingya immigrants" from Rakhine are "vulnerable" to recruitment by terrorist groups.

Liaising for the training of ARSA began as early as 2008, with Burmi leading the activities under the banner of Aqa Mul Mujahideen (AMM). Intelligence agency reports have also linked Burmi to terrorist activities in Kashmir. Indian security agencies suspect others from Rakhine of being involved in nefarious undertakings in Kashmir.

For instance, intelligence agencies identified "Chota Burmi," a member of Pakistani terrorist group Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), who was killed in a clash in 2015, as a "Rohingya from Rakhine."

 As for ARSA leader Ata Ullah, there are ample reports that have appeared in almost all forms of news media, both within and outside Myanmar, which suggest that he was born in Pakistan and raised in Saudi Arabia, and formed the outfit after the 2012 riots between self-identifying Rohingya and Arakanese. Indian intelligence officials are of the view that ARSA has been "working in close coordination with AMM," which is now led by Havistoohar, who reportedly underwent six months training by the Taliban in Pakistan.

Members of the Border Security Force (BSF) in India told this writer that they are sharing regular information with both Myanmar and Bangladesh security forces about suspected ARSA involvement in smuggling weapons to Rakhine with the help of "different groups." BSF officials did not elaborate on who these groups could be.

Recently, Australian National University Associate Professor Greg Fealy was quoted by ABC radio as saying "weapons can come through broader Islamists network," and that "militants in Bangladesh could provide the weapons to the Rohingyas."  It remains to be seen if ARSA is actually involved in smuggling weapons or a wider network used to transfer arms and ammunitions to Teknaf in Cox Bazar and into parts of northern Rakhine.

Al-Qaeda and ARSA

 In its recent broadcast, "Evidence of a link between Rohingya militants and jihadist groups," ABC Radio claimed Al-Qaeda is attempting to forge links with ARSA. Indeed, Al-Qaeda called on Muslims around the world to send weapons to the self-identifying Rohingya in Myanmar.

Al-Qaeda offshoot Ansar Ghazwat Ul Hind in Kashmir has been actively campaigning for the self-identifying Rohingya in India. Its leader Zakir Musa has warned Prime Minister Modi to stop any plans to deport the refugees from India.

The Kashmir Factor

 The unprecedented support that the self-identifying Rohingya has received from separatist groups in Kashmir has certainly not gone down well with New Delhi.

Recently, Kashmir separatist leaders marched against the persecution of the Muslims in northern Rakhine. The separatists, however, did not condemn reports of killings of other minority groups like the Hindus and Mros at the hands of ARSA.

Many would say the Indian government's plan to deport the refugees is reasonable given its internal security situation. In response to the UN human rights chief's claim that India and Pakistan had not engaged with his office on human rights concerns in Kashmir, India representative to the UN Rajiv Chander said, "It is a matter of regret that the central role of terrorism is once again being overlooked. Assessments of human rights should not be a matter of political convenience."

Internationally designated terrorist Hafiz Saeed is suspected to have made attempts to recruit young Rohingya refugees in relief camps in Indonesia, on the pretext of providing them relief, into the LeT and send them to Kashmir.

While the threat of the militant Islamic movement cannot be used to legitimize military brutality, we also cannot lose sight of the fact that the militant Islamic movement has been troubling the region. This is exactly what New Delhi has been telling the world. The intellectual community in India has aired similar feelings.

Brahma Chellaney, a professor of Strategic Studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi, in a recent article titled "Myanmar's Jihadi Curse," which appeared in the online portal Project Syndicate argued that the "external forces fomenting insurgent attacks in Rakhine bear considerable responsibility for the Rohingyas' current plight."

Chellaney, the author of nine books including "Asian Juggernaut," notes "the links between Rohingya militants and such external forces, especially terrorist organizations like ISIS, that have driven the government of India, where some 40,000 Rohingya have settled illegally, to declare that their entry poses a serious security threat."

"Even Bangladesh acknowledges Rohingya militants' external jihadi connections," he adds, in a possible attempt to vindicate the Indian government's stance on the issue.

Therefore, given the complexity of the issue, faulting Aung San Suu Kyi for drawing similarities between security issues in Myanmar and India would not be right. She argued that it has become difficult to sift militants from innocent civilians, as is the case in Kashmir. Perhaps leaders like Aung San Suu Kyi, Bangladesh's Sheik Hasina and India's Modi realize how vulnerable their socio-political landscape is in the face of growing religious fundamentalism.

Rising Radicalization

The main Islamic political party in Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami, is officially banned, but it enjoys significant support in a country which has been angered by the treatment of Muslims in Rakhine. A change of guard in Bangladesh could well see the rise of Jamaat-e-Islami once again, meaning a possible increase in the radicalization of the region.

New Delhi's recent display of seriousness in dealing with the exodus of self-identifying Rohingya is palpable. In the last week several key initiatives were adopted to ensure there is no attempt to push more of the refugees into northeastern India. None of the eight states in the area can afford more anti-foreigner movements, such as one of the 1980s that left the region reeling from communal violence and subsequent insurgencies.

India's defense secretary Ashok Kumar Gupta visited the Indian-Myanmar border township Moreh on Oct. 3 in what was described by local media as a move to "assess the law and order situation in the area in the wake of the Rohingya refugee crisis."

Manipur shares a 398-kilometer border with Myanmar. Even though these areas are hilly and far from northern Rakhine, it appears that both the central and the state government of Manipur do not want to take any chances.

The visit by the Indian government official follows the decision to open two immigration checkpoints in Mizoram state along its borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh (Zorinpui checkpost in Lawngtlai district) and Bangladesh (Kawrpuichhuah checkpost in Lunglei district). In addition, the Indian government has beefed up its security along the India-Bangladesh land and riverine borders along West Bengal and Assam.

Indeed, the exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh and other parts of the region has turned into a sprawling humanitarian crisis. But it also has the potential of destabilizing the region, especially with the growing support for ARSA.

Bidhayak Das is a former journalist who has spent over a decade working on promoting democracy in Myanmar. He is currently working as an independent consultant on elections, media and communications.

The post India Chooses Security Over Compassion in Rakhine Crisis appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 09:55 PM PDT

AFC Qualifier: Myanmar vs Kyrgyzstan

Myanmar's national male football team will play against Kyrgyzstan in the AFC Asian Cup qualifier.

Oct. 10, 7 p.m. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets: 1,000-3,000 kyats.

Ah Moon New Album Promotion Event

Celebrated singer Ah Moon will meet her fans and sing for them as she launches her new album 'Very Dangerous'

Oct. 11. 5 p.m to 8 p.m. Hledan Center.

Mid Oct. Night on Yangon River

Enjoy the night with Live DJs beside the Yangon River on the Vintage Luxury Yacht.

Oct. 14. 7 p.m. Botahtaung Jetty near Botahtung Pagoda. Tickets 10,000 kyats, including one free cocktail and snacks, 09-976155507, 09-799657382.

Charity Funfair

Artists will sell as well as give away free foods and snacks as this event organized by Myanmar Motion Picture Organization to pay respect to elderly artists.

Oct. 13. Hninzigon Home for the Aged, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Bahan Township.

Thuma Collective Launch

Thuma Collective, a group of seven local female photographers dedicated to visual storytelling, will introduce themselves and exhibit their photographs.

Oct. 13. 5 p.m.  Myanmar Deitta, 3rd floor, No.49, 44th Street.

Street Dance & Street Food

There will be various street foods as well as street dance performance at this event.

Oct 14-15, 3 p.m. to 9 p.m. People's Park. Free Admission.

Nestle Cerelac Moms' Superstars

This event is for mothers and babies with games and free gifts plus nutritional education.

Oct. 15. 4 p.m to 8 p.m. People's Park. Free Admission.

Shwe Property Apartment Sale

Mortgages are on offer at this event.

Oct 14-15. 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. Rose Garden Hotel. Upper Pansodan Street.

Face: Pencil Art

Min Min Htike will showcase pencil portraits of ethnic people and famous people of various fields in Myanmar.

Oct. 7-11. 43 Art Gallery, 43rd Street, Botahtaung Tsp.

Maharzan: Group Art Exhibition

A group art exhibition of 49 artists features more than 100 paintings on various subjects.

Oct. 15 to Nov. 15. Maharzan Art Gallery, near Karaweik Palace, Kandawgyi Park.

The post Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Monday, October 9, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Life is Migration

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 01:48 AM PDT

The holiday of Thadingyut took place last week. All of a sudden, Yangon, the commercial hub of Myanmar, seemed deserted.

To search for new opportunities is one of the reasons for migration. In the case of Myanmar, Yangon is often home to those opportunities. It is the place where people from all over the country come to look for educational and occupational prospects.

So, as internal migrants went back to their home towns during Thadingyut holidays, Yangon was eerily quiet.

This movement of people is something Than Kyaw Htay has depicted in his ongoing art exhibition in Yangon. It is the theme of his solo 'Silent Moves'—the outcome of his artistic inspiration which he derived from migrants who have left their native lands for new opportunities.

Renowned Arakanese painter Than Kyaw Htay marks the 20th anniversary of his arrival in Yangon with a solo exhibition centered on migrants.

Than Kyaw Htay himself is a migrant. This art exhibition marks the 20th anniversary of his migration from his native Rakhine to Yangon.

"There are many people like me who have to leave their native villages or towns for other places for their livelihoods. So, I remembered the lives of migrants and organized this exhibition," said Than Kyaw Htay.

Born in 1978 in Rakhine State's Sittwe, the ethnic Arakanese artist studied at the State School of Fine Art (Yangon) in 1997. He made his name with a series of Mrauk-U and Bagan scenes in 2004.

He has organized eight solo shows and participated in dozens of group art exhibitions at home and abroad including Thailand and France.

In his 'Silent Moves' series, large crowds of people are moving—some carrying bundles of clothes on their heads and some pulling their children.

"The artist elicits the internal pain of the migrants in minimal brushstrokes. Viewers are left uneasy with their unanswered questions. Who are these people? Where are they leaving from and where are they headed for? And, most disturbingly, why are the people leaving?" said artist Aung Min.

"I wonder if it may be the symbolic future of Rakhine people," he added.

There will be a total of 20 paintings priced between US$2,000 and 2,500 at the exhibition, which will be held until October 15 at River Gallery on Yangon's 38th Street.

Renowned Arakanese painter Than Kyaw Htay marks the 20th anniversary of his arrival in Yangon with a solo exhibition centered on migrants.

"Life is a migration and it is part of Samsara," said Than Kyaw Htay, referring to the Buddhist belief in the cycle of birth and rebirth.

The post Life is Migration appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Army Rejects ARSA on Final Ceasefire Day

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 01:18 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar Army rejected a one-month unilateral ceasefire announced by a Muslim militant group in Rakhine State that comes to an end on Monday.

Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the militant group behind a series of attacks on 30 police stations in northern Rakhine, issued the truce on Sept. 10 to "enable humanitarian actors to assess and respond to the humanitarian crisis" in the state.

ARSA also urged the military to lay down its weapons after army clearance operations caused a mass exodus of self-identifying Rohingya, who have sought shelter in Bangladesh. More than 500,000 have fled although reports suggest the number is still rising.

The government deemed ARSA a terrorist outfit soon after the group's Aug. 25 offensive. Government spokesperson Zaw Htay tweeted on the announcement of ARSA's ceasefire that "we have no policy to negotiate with terrorists"—a sentiment echoed by defense minister Lt-Gen Sein Win in Naypyitaw on Monday.

"No government negotiates with terrorist groups. We dismiss them (ARSA)," he told media, adding that Myanmar did not recognize the ceasefire.

Asked about the current security situation in Rakhine, he said the army and home affairs ministry are collaborating to ensure rule of law and regional stability.

"But given the nature of the area, it is very large. So there may be destruction if they [ARSA] want to carry out attacks," he said.

ARSA on Oct. 6 tweeted a statement saying the ceasefire will end at midnight on Oct. 9. The statement accused the military of blocking humanitarian access to Rakhine and added that ARSA is open to further ceasefires.

The self-identifying Rohingya Muslims who have fled northern Rakhine to Bangladesh since Aug. 25 have brought tales of rape, murder, and arson during Myanmar Army security operations the UN's human rights body has labeled "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

Myanmar has denied it is pursuing ethnic cleansing in the state and, according to Reuters, Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed on Monday to form a working group to commence plans for the repatriation of refugees.

The post Myanmar Army Rejects ARSA on Final Ceasefire Day appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: Violence in Rakhine

Posted: 08 Oct 2017 10:22 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! There is no doubt that the violence in Rakhine State is more serious than we first thought. Last month, terrorist group ARSA [Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army] released a statement and declared one month's ceasefire. The one month will be over on the 9th of this month. We'll discuss if ARSA is likely to resume their terrorist attacks at that time or try to take political advantage of the sheer number of displaced persons, and if the international community is merely engaged in controversy over the terminology of Bengali or Rohingya or whether [the international community] is supporting the Rohingya ethnicity concept and their claims on territory. We will also discuss the impact of the historical legacy on the Rakhine issue and what our reporter Ko Moe Myint, who went to Rakhine State together with foreign diplomats recently, saw on the ground. Our reporter Ko Moe Myint, and U Maung Maung Soe, who has been continuously analyzing and commentating on the Rakhine, issue will join me to discuss this. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

The Rakhine issue has seemingly become more complicated, rather than shaping up in black and white. U Maung Maung Soe, you have recently come back from Rakhine. What did you see and hear on the ground? ARSA's ceasefire will expire on the 9th of this month. Will they resume attacks or do they have plans to make political strikes?

Maung Maung Soe: After the attacks on Aug. 25, Bengali villages were damaged and burnt, and there were reports of people fleeing. Around 400,000 refugees reportedly fled to Bangladesh. And ARSA said they would cease fire for one month. But even after attacks have ceased, Bengali villagers are still fleeing [to Bangladesh] till today. Some accuse that they flee because of the threats of nearby ethnic Arakanese villagers. Some reports from the ground claim that Mawlawi [Islamic scholars] who have links with ARSA are intimidating Bengali villagers to leave [for Bangladesh] by the 9th of this month. Arakanese people are the minority in Buthidaung and Maungdaw. Most of the Arakanese villages have only 40 to 50 households. Only a few Arakanese villages have more than 100 households.

KZM: Muslims are the majority there.

MMS: There are many Bengali Muslim villages with 500 to 1,000 households. Their population is around 250,000 in Buthidaung alone. And ethnic Arakanese population is around 40,000. The Bengali population is even bigger in Maungdaw. There are around 500,000 Bengalis while there are only around 30,000 ethnic [Arakanese] people. So, it is impossible that the minority threatens the majority. So my view is that ARSA is trying to gather all the Bengalis in the region at the Bangladeshi border. According to reports on the ground, normally rice cultivation starts in May in Maungdaw as the monsoon comes early in Rakhine State. But this year, [self-identifying Rohingya] didn't grow rice [in May]. They only grew sparsely in July. So, this suggests that they had already known there would be clashes ahead. They also know that there will automatically be organizations which would provide foods for Bengalis when they get into Bangladesh. So, my view is they are trying to gather massive crowds of Bengalis at the border in order to launch a political strike. It seems that they have no intention to come back immediately even if the government says it would accept them back according to the 1993 criteria [agreed with the Bangladesh government]. They are gathering to launch a political attack and press demands for their political ambitions. Perhaps they know there will be countries which would back them, and feed the Bengalis who fled. So they have made preparations to fight politically. About the armed attacks, they may launch attacks if their families are not left [in Rakhine State]. We should be on the alert for armed attacks, but we can't predict the possibility of a large-scale attack.

KZM: Ko Moe Myint, what is your assessment of what Ko Maung Maung Soe said? U Maung Maung Soe, you deny the allegations of foreign news agencies that Arakanese and other ethnic people have threatened them. We also heard reports that ARSA have been calling on them to leave Rakhine State. Ko Moe Myint, what have you heard during your trip to Maungdaw with foreign diplomats?

Moe Myint: It is difficult to make an overall assessment of the issue on the ground. The situation is different from segment to segment and place to place. In Rathedaung, Arakanese people outnumber Muslims and there are fewer Muslim villages—but not small, there is a population of around 3,000 villagers. There were cases in which Arakanese people picked a fight or quarrel with Muslim villagers if they encountered them while they went fishing outside their villages. But it was not that whole Arakanese villages went to Muslim villages and threatened them. There might have been quarreling and swearing during encounters. And this news was spread by word of mouth and exaggerated during the process, and later rumors emerged that whole Arakanese villages threatened [self-identifying Rohingya].

KZM: It can be said that there has been disharmony and hostility between two societies on the ground for a long time. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said in her speech that there is no harmony, but only deep hostility between two sides. And about the armed attacks, we can't predict exactly. Former US Ambassador to Myanmar Derek Mitchell—he has an understanding of Myanmar—has recently said that the issue is not merely about the controversy over the terminology of Rohingya or Bengali. Beyond the terminology, he said, they have an agenda to demand ethnicity—to add Rohingya as the 136th ethnic group in Myanmar which currently has 135 ethnic groups. And if they get ethnicity, they would demand territory—a Rohingya State or Muslim State—like Rakhine State, he said. He was telling the international community that it is a very complicated issue. He implied that there might be a separatist agenda. Myanmar citizens and ethnic Arakanese people have serious concern for this. What is your assessment, U Maung Maung Soe?

MMS: The international community's perception of the Rakhine issue is influenced by democracy and human rights. But to view this issue only from the points of view of democracy and human rights is not enough. We also need to view this from the historical aspect so as to get correct understanding of it. French historian Jacques Leider has said that Myanmar-Bangladesh border divides two groups of societies, languages and culture. The other side is Indo-Aryan group and this side is Tibeto-Burman group, divided by the border line. Even after the British had colonized India, it treated the area from [Bangladesh's] Chittagong and Cox's Bazar to [Myanmar's] Nat River, which is the border today, as a deserted area. There was no human habitation there then.

The culture, language, and faith of this side are different from those of the other side. Talking of the problem of so-called Rohingya people, we need to take a look back into history. Relations started in the 15th Century when Arakanese King Minbagyi invaded 12 regions in Chittagong and Bengal. Arakanese overpowered and invaded them. In the 16th Century, Mughal re-captured those areas. This is the first relation.

When the Arakanese king occupied those areas in the 15th Century, they brought around 4,000 prisoners of war. Today, they are called Myaydu Muslim. Though they are Muslim followers, they speak Myanmar language and dress like Myanmar people now. They are a minority and not problematic.

Then, Kaman came into Myanmar in the 16th Century. They belonged to Persian tribes. They fled the power struggle for the throne between Mughal kings and took shelter in Rakhine State. Today, they are recognized as Kaman. Kaman means archers. Their population size is not problematic to Rakhine State. Kaman people speak Arakanese language and dress like Arakanese people. But in 1825, the British occupied Rakhine State, and the Suez Canal was opened after 1860. Then, the British needed laborers to transport rice in bulk.

KZM: So, they needed laborers?

MMS: So, they brought in cheap laborers from Chittagong of the Indian subcontinent. Initially, they came into Myanmar in cultivation season, then went back and came again in harvest, then went back.

The British built a railroad between Buthidaung and Maungdaw. They brought in laborers by train, by ship. As time went by, those people settled there. According to 1930 statistics of the British, 40,000 people came into Rakhine State, and the number was 20,000 in 1934. Their population had increased gradually. The British brought them not only into Rakhine, but also down to Yangon, Hanthawaddy District which is today Bago Region, Kungyangon and so on. As a result, anti-Muslim riot broke out in Yangon in 1938. An investigation into the riot was launched and led by economist James Baxter. The investigation report stated that the number of laborers who were brought into Myanmar from India subcontinent had increased yearly, and clashes between racially and culturally different peoples had increased and needed to stop. But no action could be taken to stop it as World War II broke out in 1942.

KZM: So, it is fair to say it is one of the legacies of the British.

MMS: This is a colonial legacy. To summarize the points I've made, they are not native people. Arakanese people have the same view, which is factually correct according to history. They are in fact immigrants brought in by the British. They were brought not only into Rakhine State, but also to Yangon and Mandalay. Their population is estimated to be around two to three million. They were given citizenship according to citizenship law. But local Muslim people are not problematic because they take themselves as Myanmar citizens, and live through thick and thin with Myanmar. They claim themselves to be Myanmar Muslims. They don't demand a separate ethnicity or ethnic rights. They are not problematic.

But [Bengalis] have demanded ethnicity. At Alel Than Kyaw Conference in June 1951, Bengalis called themselves Arakan Muslim. There was not the term 'Rohingya' at all then. So, we can conclude that 'Rohingya' is a term that was made up later. There are also calls for establishment of a safety zone now. Taking a look back at history, the Alel Than Kyaw Conference in June 1951 made a lot of demands including equality between Arakanese and Muslim people, designation of a Muslim state, appointment of Muslim ministers in the Rakhine State government, 50-50 sharing of all of interests of Rakhine State between Arakanese and Muslim people, and teaching of Urdu language at government schools, and not teaching other languages without Muslims' approval. Now, they are making similar demands made at 1951 Alel Than Kyaw Conference.

We can give immigrants citizenship depending on the length of time they have lived in the country. We can give them democratic and human rights. But if they ask for ethnicity and ethnic rights, it is difficult to accept. It is highly unlikely. So, this problem is the root-cause of entire problem, and we must handle this carefully.

KZM: Ko Moe Myint, you went to Maungdaw and other places together with around 60 diplomats on Oct. 2. What did you see on the ground? It was the government-guided trip. Were diplomats satisfied with the trip or did they make complaints?

MM: We went to Kha Mauk Seik by helicopter. And we saw a few houses—not entire village—on fire at a Muslim village around one mile from Kha Mauk Seik. I asked Hindu and Arakanese people from nearby villages and they said no one was living there, and no security guard was guarding there. And police only occasionally pass through that village during their patrols. Why such a place was on fire while diplomats were visiting the area? So, it is questionable why such a place was on fire, diplomats pointed out.

To keep the balance, the government took the diplomats to Muslim villages, Arakanese villages as well as harmonious communities as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi [suggested]—places like Nga Khu Ya villag where Muslim, Hindus and Arakanese people live together. Diplomats met Hindus and Muslims as well. And most of the people on the ground have concerns because of the news that they would be fiercely attacked if they failed to leave by the 9th of this month. According to the accounts of Hindus, ARSA leader Ata Ullah has sent video message to all of his followers. And villagers also received phone threats. Hindu villagers talked about these to diplomats as well as journalists. Diplomats were divided into three groups in the trip, and I was in the group of EU and UN diplomats. Villagers are not educated and most of them only have primary school-level education. The questions asked to such people by EU and UN diplomats were even more detailed than a police investigation. So, villagers were not able to answer some questions. When diplomats arrived back from their respective trips and gathered at a gathering point in Sittwe, they were shaking heads—because of the things they saw on the ground and from helicopter, there were many burnt grounds and they took pictures of them from helicopter.

KZM: The situation was very bad.

MM: Yes. They were talking to each other, shaking their heads. The government took diplomats to Rakhine State to witness the situation on the ground, and said that there is nothing covered up on the ground. But with this first trip, the government was only able to show the situation, but could not properly explain the real causes of the problem.

KZM: Because it happened more than one month ago.

MM: The EU and the UN have released statements as you might have read, and diplomats have focused on a [UN] fact-finding mission. The government said we could talk freely to villagers during the trip, but villagers, for example Muslim villagers, gave different accounts to the government and us. Their statements were different. UN reps do not have trust in the government's guided tour. They think it was difficult to grasp reality.

KZM: The international community has made the same voice about the Rakhine issue, mainly focusing on human rights and helping victims on humanitarian grounds. But there are slightly different views on this between the US, UK and other countries. U Maung Maung Soe, you said the issue is the legacy of the British colonial rule. We've seen that the UK government's stance is different from others. What is your assessment?

MMS: For the moment, the British government, Parliament and Oxford University are being childish. Very childish. I think they are one-sided and hardly fair. Simply childish. They should take a look back at the Afghanistan problem. Who instigated Taliban to fight with Russia? Who provided them with weapons? It was the United States of America. Everyone knows this. They provided weapons for Afghan people, saying they were being oppressed. But, what happened as a result? This is the very reason Al Qaeda and Taliban terrorist organizations have grown. Then, United States of America had to fight in Afghanistan. So, it was like they have to use an axe because they failed to use a needle in time. When we look at a problem, we should not be one-sided. Only when we have a balanced view, we will be able to solve the problem. What I would like to suggest to the persons from western countries is that you should take lessons from Afghanistan. Only then this problem could be solved correctly. Otherwise, we will have to face a very big problem.

KZM: Thank you for your assessment.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: Violence in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

West Edges Towards Punishing Myanmar Army Leaders over Rakhine Crisis-Sources

Posted: 08 Oct 2017 09:41 PM PDT

YANGON/WASHINGTON, United States — The European Union and the United States are considering targeted sanctions against Myanmar military leaders over an offensive that has driven more than 500,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims out of the country, officials familiar with the discussions say.

Interviews with more than a dozen diplomats and government officials based in Washington, Yangon and Europe revealed that punitive measures aimed specifically at top generals were among a range of options being discussed in response to the crisis.

Nothing has yet been decided and Washington and Brussels may decide to hold off for now, the sources said. There are also discussions about increasing aid for violence-riven Rakhine state.

The active discussion of sanctions—not even on the table a month ago—shows how the dramatic exodus of self-identifying Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar's northwest is putting pressure on Western policymakers to take action.

While much of the outcry overseas has focused on Nobel laureate and Myanmar's national leader Aung San Suu Kyi, few Western diplomats see an alternative to her leadership. Suu Kyi does not control the military, which still wields considerable power under Myanmar's army-written constitution.

The EU Foreign Ministers Council will discuss Myanmar on Oct. 16, although officials do not expect any move on sanctions that soon. Danish minister for development cooperation, Ulla Tornaes, told Reuters that Copenhagen had been working to get the crisis on the agenda, "with the wish to put further pressure on the military."

Two Washington-based U.S. officials with knowledge of the Trump administration's Myanmar deliberations said targeted sanctions against commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing and several other generals, as well as leaders of ethnic Rakhine Buddhist militias accused of torching self-identifying Rohingya villages, were under consideration.

Such sanctions—if decided on—would likely entail U.S. asset freezes, bans on travel to the United States, prohibitions against Americans doing business with them and other unspecified penalties. Washington was moving cautiously as it consulted with governments in Europe, Japan and Southeast Asia, the U.S. officials said.

A senior Yangon-based European diplomat also said Western countries were coordinating their response to the crisis and were in agreement that it was the military, and specifically the commander-in-chief, who needed to be targeted in any punitive action.

Any punishment was likely to be symbolic at first to allow room for further talks, Yangon-based diplomats said, giving the example of formally banning the army chief, who over the past year visited Brussels, Berlin and Vienna, from further travel to Europe.

Western diplomats admit their leverage is limited: compared with China, whose ties with Myanmar have warmed since Suu Kyi took office 18 months ago, U.S. and European investment and military engagement with the country are small.

They are also wary of action that could hurt the wider economy or destabilize already tense ties between Suu Kyi and the army.

Pressure Building

The United Nations is pressing for increased humanitarian access to other parts of Rakhine, where hundreds of thousands of self-identifying Rohingya remain. How Myanmar responds to calls for increased aid, the investigation of alleged atrocities or repatriation of refugees would be a key consideration in deciding what action to take, U.S. and EU diplomats in Myanmar said.

"We can pile political pressure, look into financing we have in Myanmar. We have humanitarian aid, as well as development aid … the European Commission won't invest in the development of Myanmar if the conditions, including security, are not there," said a Brussels-based EU diplomat who follows Myanmar.

"There is also the arms trade embargo and we discuss regularly whether we should reward the reforms in Myanmar and look at gradual easing of that, or the opposite."

EU economic sanctions on Myanmar were lifted after the army stepped back from direct rule of the country in 2012, beginning the democratic transition that brought Suu Kyi to power last year, but an arms embargo in force since the 1990s remains. The United States removed most sanctions on Myanmar last autumn. It too has kept an arms embargo in place.

One Washington-based U.S. official said that, while there was no firm deadline, Washington hoped to have a plan of action on Myanmar in place by the time President Donald Trump travels to Asia for a series of summits in the first half of November.

The administration wanted to send a strong message to Myanmar's military, but was concerned that too drastic action could allow China to expand its growing diplomatic and economic influence in the country, the official said.

There is little support in the administration for the re-imposition of broader economic sanctions, the official added.

The White House declined comment on internal deliberations on the self-identifying Rohingya crisis.

STRAINED RELATIONS

In another sign of pressure building on Myanmar, New York-based diplomats said the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the U.N. General Assembly was pushing for a human rights resolution on the country.

Last year the EU announced that for the first time in 15 years it would not introduce a resolution at the General Assembly's Third Committee, which focuses on human rights, condemning Myanmar's record—rewarding it for progress.

The European bloc could revive the resolution in the current session, taking on board the OIC draft and broadening it out beyond the self-identifying Rohingya crisis, one diplomat in New York said.

Diplomats said some members of the U.N. Security Council were exploring whether the 15-member body could agree a formal statement, or even a resolution, calling for an end to the violence, full access for aid and the safe return of refugees.

However, Myanmar has said it was negotiating with China and Russia, which have veto powers in the Security Council, to protect it from any possible action. China and Russia have both expressed support for the Myanmar government.

Myanmar's relations with the U.N. have grown increasingly testy since the discovery of World Food Programme-branded biscuits at a suspected militant camp in July prompted the government to accuse the U.N. agency of supporting the insurgents, forcing it to shut down its operations in Rakhine.

Myanmar is stalling on accepting a plan by the U.N. to upgrade the U.N. country head to the more powerful rank of Assistant Secretary-General (ASG) when its current top official, who is due to be rotated, is replaced.

Thaung Tun, Suu Kyi's National Security Advisor, told Reuters that the U.N. "must treat us equally".

"We'll be fine with anybody if all member states have an ASG assigned. Not just us," he said.

The post West Edges Towards Punishing Myanmar Army Leaders over Rakhine Crisis-Sources appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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