Sunday, October 29, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Myanmar to Charge Journalists on Assignment for Turkish State TV—Officials

Posted: 28 Oct 2017 09:35 PM PDT

NAYPYITAW and YANGON — Myanmar police said on Saturday they were preparing to charge journalists working for Turkey’s state broadcaster TRT, their local interpreter and driver for bringing a drone into the country without permission.

The police were also expecting to obtain court permission to remand the four for up to 15 days as they prepare to charge them under Section 8 of the Export and Import Law. Violators of it can be jailed for up to three years.

The journalists—Lau Hon Meng from Singapore and Mok Choy Lin from Malaysia—plus their interpreter Aung Naing Soe and driver Hla Tin have been detained since Friday for flying a drone near the parliament in Myanmar’s capital Naypyitaw.

The development comes amid tension between Turkey and Myanmar over the Rohingya crisis. In early September, Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said the death of the Rohingya constituted a “genocide” aimed at Muslim communities in the region, a charge Myanmar denies.

More than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled the majority-Buddhist Myanmar for neighbouring Bangladesh since security forces responded to Rohingya militants’ attacks on Aug. 25 by launching a crackdown.

Turkish broadcaster TRT said on its website that the network “is in discussions with Myanmar authorities to secure their release. Both journalists had valid visas”.

Arraignment Planned

Myanmar police spokesman Police Colonel Myo Thu Soe told Reuters the journalists “illegally imported the drone” and all four will be charged under the Export and Import Law.

The law does not specifically refer to drones, but it says that “no person shall export or import restricted, prohibited and banned goods,” and that, “without obtaining license, no person shall export or import the specified goods which is to obtain permission.”

“We are going to the court now to obtain the arraignment, we will get it today,” said Police Lieutenant Tun Tun Win. He said that the remand will be for up to 15 days but police expect to file charges within 10 days.

Several journalists in Myanmar have been arrested this year, leading rights groups to warn that the gains made in press freedom since the end of military rule risk being reversed under the administration of national leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The two foreign journalists are detained at police station no. 1 in Naypyitaw, while the two Myanmar nationals have been transferred to a prison in the nearby town of Pyinmana.

On Friday night, about 25 police staged an evening raid on the Yangon house of the Myanmar interpreter, well-known domestic reporter Aung Naing Soe, seizing his computer memory sticks and searching documents.

Myanmar state broadcaster MRTV said the ministry of foreign affairs had informed the Singaporean and Malaysian embassies about the matter.

The post Myanmar to Charge Journalists on Assignment for Turkish State TV—Officials appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ARSA’s So-called Freedom Movement Smashes Hopes of Co-existence in Rakhine

Posted: 28 Oct 2017 09:24 PM PDT

The bitter truth of the Rakhine conflict today is that there is zero tolerance between the two communities—Rakhine and Rohingya—and little chance to regain a certain amount of harmonious co-existence after orchestrated attacks by a Muslim militant group on Aug 25.

The current situation is the result of a vicious cycle of violence in the area.

The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army [ARSA] attacked 30 security outposts killing a dozen officers and seizing weapons. The military aggressively retaliated against the militancy. Hundreds or even thousands were indiscriminately killed by both ARSA militants and the government military.

Over half a million Rohingya refugees are now languishing in camps across the border in Bangladesh with tales of killings, arson, and rape by the Myanmar Army.

Behind this latest round of violence is the brutal attacks of ARSA—a group which claims to fight for the rights of the Rohingya people.

Analysts have observed ARSA's attackers were a calculated move to provoke exactly the cruel military "clearance operations" that have occurred—creating a mass exodus of Rohingya and attracting serious international attention to the issue.

ARSA created the crisis now facing Myanmar, Rohingya refugees, and the international community.

But ARSA's actions have not also worsened the already horrific plight of the Rohingya, they have broken any harmony between the two communities—Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Arakanese Buddhists—and created a climate in which it is unlikely they will co-exist as in the past.

Many Rohingya—but certainly not all—seem  to have supported ARSA's moves.

The US-based NPR (National Public Radio) published a story called Rohingya Refugees Pour Into Bangladesh, And Many Questions A Militant Group's Actions in early October. The story reported a narrative different from the majority of coverage from Western mainstream media.

Referring to Rohingya refugees in the camp, the story described how "ARSA overstepped, catastrophically. And innocent civilians are paying the price."

The story quoted a 20-year-old woman with her nine-month-old baby whose father was recruited by ARSA and killed by the military during the attacks on Aug 25: "I am angry at the military for killing my husband," she was quoted. "But I am also angry at those who told my husband to go fight for them."

Another refugee who worked for an international nonprofit organization in Maungdaw Township before fleeing told NPR: "It was a big mistake. If ARSA hadn't launched its attacks, the military wouldn't have reacted as it did. And there wouldn't be nearly half a million refugees here."

Now the number has ushered the UN to call the situation a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing." There is no doubt over the extent that Rohingya people are suffering.

Western countries rushed to heavily condemn both de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for her silence and the military for its aggressive clearance operations after ARSA's attacks.

But, after realizing that the de facto leader has zero control over the military, they switched their condemnation towards the military.

Many in Myanmar, however, feel the west failed to fully condemn ARSA, who they believe were responsibly for setting off this latest round of violence.

Western media downplayed militant group ARSA led by Ataullah Abu Amar Jununi, known as Ata Ullah, who was born among the Rohingya diaspora in Pakistan and moved as a child to Saudi Arabia.

Western media views are often different from analysts based in Asia.

Conversing with diplomats here in Myanmar, I've heeded that they all condemned ARSA and its terrorist attacks but failed to recognize the points of some refugees as recorded by NPR.

Some of the diplomats might have seen ARSA as "freedom fighters" for Rohingya people. A different from the perception of majority people of Myanmar.

Veteran Myanmar journalist and knowledgeable expert Bertil Lintner, however, wrote: "It would be naïve to think that US security planners are oblivious to reports of ties between ARSA and extremist groups and elements in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia and Arab countries."

"ARSA has strenuously denied any such links, claiming that it's only 'protecting the Rohingya' from Myanmar military abuses and that it is an ethno-nationalist group rather than jihadist organization."

"But its original name, Harakah al-Yaqin, or 'Faith Movement', indicates otherwise, as do intelligence reports linking the group to radical elements in the Muslim World," the writer continued to explain. "The group's mentor, Abdus Qadoos Burmi, a Pakistani of Rohingya descent, is close to Pakistan's Lashkar-e-Taiba, or the Army of the Righteous. The Pakistani-based group was set up in 1987 in Afghanistan with funding from now deceased al Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden and is now one of South Asia's largest terrorist outfits."

Myanmar government denounced ARSA as a terrorist group right after it launched its violent attacks on Aug 25.

Many ethnic Arakanese people do not see any difference between ARSA and Rohingya as they believe many of them support what has been labelled a terrorist organization.

It's believed that a certain number of Rohingya are still committed to ARSA's militant methods. In one of its stories in early October, Reuters quoted a dozen of Rohingya fighters who said they were ready to fight again.

It should be noted that despite their co-existence in the past, the communal strife between ethnic Arakanese and Rohingya is a simmering issue.

Trust between both communities has nearly collapsed as they have long faced three crises—development, human rights and security—as Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission on Rakhine State described it.

With the latest organized attacks by ARSA in August, the trust has been totally destroyed.

As a result, many Rakhine feel that they are no longer safe to live side by side with Rohingya like in the past again.

Daw Khin Saw Wai, a Rakhine member of Parliament from Rathedaung Township, recently told The New York Times that  "It will be impossible to live together in the future" as she believes, like other Rakhine people, "all the Bengalis learn in their religious schools is to brutally kill and attack."

Ethnic Arakanese may take the latest ARSA's attack as proof of this speculation.

Meanwhile, it's understandable that many Rohingya refugees will not feel to come back after experiencing the military's aggression.

In the mean time, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya civilian refugees are stuck—hungry, diseased, and distressed—in squalid camps in the Bangladesh. Although a repatriation programme ihas been discussed, the future is still incredible bleak for them.

That's the real situation in Rakhine. At the moment, it seems that nothing can heal this antagonism between the two communities.

Repatriation of refugees and granting them citizenship by the Myanmar government as it has promised to do so looks like mission impossible at the moment.

The post ARSA's So-called Freedom Movement Smashes Hopes of Co-existence in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Saturday, October 28, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Myanmar Army Partially Withdraws from Maungdaw, Allows Aid Access

Posted: 28 Oct 2017 12:40 AM PDT

YANGON — The Myanmar Army withdrew dozens of soldiers from conflict-torn northern Rakhine State's Maungdaw district on Wednesday, the Office of the Commander in Chief announced on its official Facebook page.

According to the statement, The Myanmar Army dispatched columns to fight the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), formally known as Harakah Al-Yakin (faith movement) and who attacked 30 border outposts and one military barracks, and conduct "clearance operations."

The army decreased its operations after Sept. 5, the statement said, as Maungdaw district recovered from conflicts in August and the Myanmar Army pulled back troops from the region to be formed as an auxiliary force in state capital Sittwe.

The statement did not mention, however, the number of soldiers as well as the relevant infantry unit.

The military provided four pictures under the statement which captured the arrival of army soldiers in a navy ship as well as several military trucks in capital Sittwe.

An intelligence source based in Rakhine told The Irrawaddy that around 200 soldiers returned and at least one hundred soldiers may now remain in Maungdaw district.

The announcement of withdrawal by the military came two days after the U.S. State Department announced it would suspend travel waivers on Myanmar's senior army generals as well as other responsible officials.

During a press briefing of US State Department's deputy secretary Patrick Murphy on Oct. 24, he said: "We also want accountability for atrocities. As we announced last night, we have identified new and ongoing action to hold responsible those who have committed violence, including following measures, suspending travel weavers for military leaders, accessing existing authorities to consider options to target individual responsible for atrocities."

The Irrawaddy contacted military spokesperson Maj-Gen Aung Ye Win in tas well as Rakhine State's border affairs minister Col. Phone Tint in order to verify whether withdrawing troops in Maungtaw region was related to the US state department's actions or not, but failed to reach them.

Myanmar President Office's spokesman U Zaw Htay told The Irrawaddy's Naypyitaw correspondent that imposing sanctions will hit development for the public of Myanmar and the World Bank's withholding of US$200 million also potentially negatively affected the economic development of Myanmar.

"Sanctions could not be helpful for current situation in Myanmar as we are conducting with coordination and the country is still in a democratic transition process and just half way towards democratic federal union," said U Zaw Htay.

Regarding military troops pulling back from Maungdaw district as a response to the US, ethnic affairs expert U Maung Maung Soe concluded that the actions of army is an attempt to prove to the international community that they are not applying excessive force, rather than a direct response to the US state department's new approach.

"The announcement of US is just blaming the army and even imposing sanction would not greatly impact military leaders," said U Maung Maung Soe.

In terms of the wording "excessive force" in military action, he argued that western countries could define the terminology based on considering heavy civilian casualties.

He pointed out even that the US applauded Philippine military forces for retaking Marawi from Isis. The situation between The Philippines and Myanmar, however, is completely different as ARSA militants used rudimentary weapons against security forces instead of fighting with firearms.

U Maung Maung Soe agreed with allegations of the international community that many Muslim villagers were fleeing to neighboring countries from the military's brutal operations. He said, however, that western countries always blame one-sided to government and purportedly ignored to mention the name ARSA in their statements.

On Thursday, Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and UN Resident Coordinator to Myanmar Ms. Renata Dessallien discussed their point of views in Napyiyaw. On Friday, World Food Program (WFP)'s spokeswoman Bettiana Luescher told journalists in Geneva that Myanmar has given the green light to resume humanitarian assistance in northern Rakhine State.

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Myanmar’s Gramophone Record Collector

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 09:26 PM PDT

In the early 1960s, when Maung Maung was attending the 7th grade, his grandmother gave him a His Master's Voice (HMV) gramophone, locally called as dog brand gramophone, a present that obsessed him for the rest of his life.

"This was one of the main factors that inspired me to collect gramophone records," said Maung Maung, who is commonly known as researcher Maung Maung.

When it comes to the history of the gramophone in Myanmar, no one knows as much as Maung Maung who has collected almost a century's worth of gramophone records—from the records of a play by Saya Pu—a court artist in the reign of Myanmar's last monarch King Thibaw in late 19th Century—to the last gramophone record produced in Myanmar in 1976 by classical musician Kyaukpadaung Kyaw Lwin in 1976.

He started collecting gramophone records while he was a student after his grandmother gave him a gramophone and kept on collecting through various stages of his life as a university student, a police officer, and then a lawyer.

Gramophone records have recorded Myanmar's classical music, traditional culture and historical events that were previously passed down from generation to generation by word of mouth as well as from books and literature, he said.

Gramophone records of the colonial period. (Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy.)

"Around 1972 I was attending university [in Yangon] and gramophones started to lose popularity," he recalled, "Because of the invention of cassette players and the decline in quality of gramophone records."

He related the quality decline to the socialist system being practiced by Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) at the time.

As cassette players became popular, people were selling their old gramophones to dealers. "At that time, people started to exchange their gramophones for cassette players. Later, gramophones were [discarded and] stacked in piles like bricks."

"Nobody would stop you if you take them because people thought they were garbage and you've just cleared it. If I had been the director-general of [State Broadcaster] Myanma Radio and Television [MRTV], I would have taken them by car," he said about the demise of gramophones.

He scavenged through piles of gramophones and records in Yangon and took his favorites back to his native Daik-U Township in Bago Region.

"My father also helped me collect newspaper adverts for gramophone records," he said.

After he graduated, he worked as a school teacher back in Daik-U and taught his students Myanmar literature and nationalism which was taken from Anyeint and marionette songs, and plays in gramophone records, which he had collected.

Maung Maung’s research book on gramophone records. (Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy.)

Then he joined the police force and served as a police chief in a number of townships in Bago Region.

"While I was serving as a police chief, I told second-hand goods dealers like this. I don't care anything else but gramophones and records. I would buy any, and any consequence is yours if you don't sell me," he explained how he collected gramophone records.

When he heard somebody had some rare gramophone records, he went there along with his gramophone. He bought gramophone records if owners sold, but when owners didn't, requested owners to let him play it on his gramophone.

He continued collecting gramophone records while he was working as a lawyer after retiring from the police force. He continued to get gramophones and records from his clients and friends.

Former information minister U Kyi Aung, who is also a gramophone fanatic, once solicited him to donate his gramophone records to his ministry, but he refused.

However, with the approval of the minister, he got an opportunity to group the gramophone records of MRTV according to their genres.

Maung Maung’s in-house gramophone records collections. (Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy.)

"MRTV has plenty of gramophone records, but not as many as my archive in terms of records with real historical values, for example, only I have the original record of the song Doh Bamar which was the origin of today's Myanmar national anthem and sung by Thakhins in colonial period."

"However, that was very beneficial to my research on gramophones. I am grateful to authorities for this," he said.

Based on his collection of records, newspaper clippings and adverts and references, he published a 1000-page research book on the country's gramophone disc history, for which he won the national literature award in 2015.

Maung Maung shows a gramophone. (Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy.)

Regarding the book, historian Dr Toe Hla said: "This is a book which has never existed before, and which every artist should keep."

"From this book, scholars and researchers can find the history of artists and songs of eras, and socio-economy and faith reflected by songs," he remarked.

"I collected them because I'm crazy about it. I'll figure out the arts, history, literature, tradition and culture reflected in those records. I will share the quality of old classical Myanmar songs and standards of Myanmar literature to younger generations and international gramophone disc researchers," he said.

A gramophone record disc of British Burma Film Co. (Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy.)

About the future of over 100,000 records which he collected for nearly six decades, he said: "Frankly speaking, I don't expect to receive help from the [information] ministry."

"If I say something, they [information ministry officials] would reply they would submit a letter to the minister or come back again at this or that time. I don't care. In fact, they should come to us. If they don't, I will do it on my own. But if there are people who know the value and can afford to keep my records in a museum or alike, I will transfer them," he said.

"I'll keep on collecting those records. That's my life," he said.

Gramophones and accessories. (Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy.)

The post Myanmar's Gramophone Record Collector appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: Will International Sanctions Over Rakhine Impede Myanmar’s Democratic Transition

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 08:35 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! Ongoing conflicts in Rakhine State have had a considerable impact on Myanmar's democratic transition. It is likely that western countries will impose targeted sanctions on the Myanmar Army. Under such circumstances, how will Tatmadaw leaders respond? How will Myanmar's relations with the international community change? What are the policies and weaknesses of the government in handling the issue? And will the Rakhine issue put the country's democratic transition in a negative direction? Ethnic affairs and Rakhine issue analyst U Maung Maung Soe joins me to discuss these issues. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

ရခိုင္အေရးေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ က်ရႈံးေနၿပီလား (႐ုပ္/သံ)

Posted by The Irrawaddy – Burmese Edition on Wednesday, October 25, 2017

The Rakhine issue broke out months ago on Aug. 25, and is not yet over. First of all, I think it has had a profound impact on the democratic transition of the country. Myanmar was a charmer on the international stage before the most recent and serious outbreaks of violence in Rakhine over the past three years and even since 2011 when the country started to open up. Everyone was interested in the country and wanted to come and invest. But the problem we are facing is quite serious as around 500,000 to 600,000 have left the country. It is a black stain on Myanmar's democratic transition. Recently, the US State Department said that targeted sanctions would be imposed on Myanmar. They assessed that the security forces led by the military, rather than the government, used excessive force in conducting clearance operations. It is likely that targeted sanctions will be imposed on military leaders by the US or the EU. What will be the response if that happens, and how will our country's relations with the international community change?

Maung Maung Soe: As you've said, it is true that Rakhine issue has become a setback in Myanmar's democratic transition. But I don't think the international community will impose the same punishments as the past. There were strict sanctions while the country was under the military regime.

KZM: Including economic sanctions.

MMS: Yes. But this time, they would assume that the military is mainly responsible, and put limited sanctions. If they impose sanctions on the military, they would target some military leaders. Such sanction would have an impact on the functions of the military. But for the country as a whole, it is unlikely to create impact. But then, it may have some impact on the national reconciliation efforts of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. As President U Htin Kyaw has said in his message to the UN [at 72nd Anniversary], I'd like to urge the UN to pay attention to the interests of each individual UN member. I mean, the UN needs to understand the democratic transition and complexity of our country. I don't mean they should ignore the Bengali issue. Call it a human rights problem or citizenship problem of Bengalis, it is important that the truth is adhered to. The problem today has not just erupted recently, but had been simmering for years—since 2012 or even before. So, it is not reasonable to punish the current government for this. It would be best for the international community to support the reforms of the government, I think. If it imposes sanctions, it would hinder the reforms of the government.

KZM: In the early days of the conflict, the international community blamed both the government and the military. Now, they blame separately, saying that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi doesn't have complete authority over security forces. They now target the military. Anyway, the military leadership plays a major role in the democratic transition of Myanmar. So, the US, UK and EU have invited and held talks with the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services. Regarding relations with other countries and the military, for example, UK has cancelled engagement with the Myanmar military and stopped a scholarship program immediately. And Myanmar military responded that it would not send [staff to the UK]. So, I think it is difficult to restore such relations between international countries and the military leadership?

MMS: Yes, it would be difficult. I think it will have an impact on the democratic transition of Myanmar. The problem erupted all of a sudden, but because of long-running causes. It erupted while the government of National League of Democracy (NLD) was starting to make changes to it. The international community said that the report of Kofi Annan commission is acceptable to them. And Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said that she would implement what she can start with the recommendations in the report. Shouldn't the international community wait and see? If they are forcibly putting pressure on the government rather than encouraging it [to implement those recommendations], the outcome would not be good. Again, we can't leave out the military in national reconciliation process. This is the problem of our country.

KZM: Concerning the Rakhine issue, most of the Myanmar people and commentators better understand the situation, but the international community—maybe they have got in a corner because of alleged human rights violations and the UN's strong criticism—according to the UN figures, 500,000 to 600,000 refugees have left Myanmar. Therefore the United States of America as well as other countries are compelled to do something. But then, thinking our local politics simply about national reconciliation, the cooperation of Tatmadaw is extremely important for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government in democratic transition. If sanctions are targeted at the Tatmadaw, will it affect the relations between the two?

MMS: Yes, it will. If this happens, there will be increased tensions in our country. The increased tensions will make democratic transition more difficult. Then, our country is likely to be faced with another serious crisis.

KZM: The current situation suggests that we are back in a crisis.

MMS: Yes, we are back in a big crisis. Talking of the military, it has not got a positive reputation both at home and abroad. At such a time, there arose criticisms [concerning its response in Rakhine]. Excessive force might have been used in operations in Buthidaung and Maungdaw. And the Tatmadaw said that it was investigating [into alleged abuses]. But then, Bengalis fled not only because of security forces using excessive force. Because they keep on fleeing in the past two months. We need to find out the reason why they are fleeing. It is no longer because the security forces use force. Security forces might have used force in the early days [of the conflict]. But we didn't witness on the ground. Yes, there might have been the use of excessive force. But then, as far as I'm concerned, organizations related to Bengalis and ARSA [Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army] are gathering those refugees in Bangladesh. They are doing so to demand their political rights like in the case of Kosovo, I assume. We need to foresee such a possibility. You can't approach to this problem one-sidedly.

KZM: The Rakhine issue has put Myanmar's politics back into tight corners. Anyway, the government has to address this issue. And it is addressing. The international aid may not directly come into Myanmar like it did in the past. It seems that the aid may go to those 600,000 refugees who have fled from Myanmar. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has recently accepted donations from local businessmen for rehabilitation works in Rakhine State. She received nearly 18 billion kyats. So, according to this and her previous messages, it seems that her policy is kind of self-reliance for rehabilitation. But, international assistance is also necessary for us. What will the government require to solve the Rakhine issue, and to get out of this tight corner?

MMS: As you've said, the international assistance to Myanmar will decline. It is estimated that a sum of over US$ 400 million will be required to help refugees in Bangladesh. But then, only over US$ 300 million was earmarked at the meeting [of UN agencies in Geneva]. So, it seems that the large proportion of the sum will go to refugees in Bangladesh. So, we have to do our own for rehabilitation. Though the government has got 18 billion kyats now, it won't be sufficient. But then what we need mainly is political strength. As the report of Kofi Annan Commission has pointed out, representatives of two communities must involve in solving this issue. For the time being, there are many difficulties and restrictions for Bengali representatives to participate. We still can't reach them. But for Arakanese community, we can involve representatives elected by Arakanese people. They may have different and radical views. But those differences must be addressed through negotiation. We must involve in Arakanese community and their representatives in solving this problem. It is the only way forward on self-reliant basis. Now, there are committees for Rakhine State such as Rakhine State development committee, committee to implement the recommendations of advisory commission, and the last one committee for humanitarian assistance, rehabilitation and development committees formed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. But then, those committees do not include people of concerned societies. If we are to go on a self-reliant basis, representatives of the Arakanese community must be included. The problem must be solved together with them. Some of them may have extreme views and may oppose against illegal Bengali immigrants. In a recent interview [about the violence in Rakhine], a teacher from Indaing said his father was murdered in violence, and they could do nothing. So they are emotional to accept them back or co-exist with them. On Oct. 21 evening, two Diangnet villagers from Aung Thabyay village were killed while they were hunting a boar. Two escaped but with injuries. So, such attacks have not yet been over. So, they are deeply emotional, and we can't stop them from feeling emotional. However, we must solve the problem together with them. Because they live in there.

KZM: After the Aug. 25 attacks, refugees fled, many Hindus as well as other local ethnic people were killed. And there were a lot of arson attacks. Taking a look at the big picture, the bitter truth is that it is now very difficult to restore harmony between two communities—the Rakhine community and the other community. I think it is hard to restore the situation even before August 25. The problem in Rakhine, the western gate of Myanmar has affected the entire country. The peace process is not yet over, and the NCA [Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement] is not yet signed by all groups though it has been two years [since the first signing of NCA]. The fire is burning in Rakhine State and touch wood, if clashes recur? What do you assess?

MMS: It is a real cause for concern. In national reconciliation of our country, federalism is the key.

KZM: It is the most basic part.

MMS: Seven ethnic groups of FPNCC [Federal Political Negotiation Consultative Committee] which accounts for around 80 percent of armed ethnic groups have not yet signed NCA. While we are facing a problem at the western gate of the country, and the international pressure is mounting, we do hope that tensions [with armed ethnic armed groups] could be defused. However, according to what I heard from the speeches on 2nd year anniversary of NCA on Oct. 15, [the government and the military] stick to NCA, and there was criticism against those who don't sign NCA. The government didn't talk much, but the military voiced criticism. It is still difficult to bring those to table to hold political talks on national reconciliation. At such time, there are some tensions. There were tensions after SSPP [Shan State Progressive Party] troops in Wan Hai [SSPP Headquarters] area were asked to move from there in order to build a road on the bank of Thanlwin River. Then, tensions eased and recently rose again when [SSPP] troops stationed between Thanlwin River and the south of Mongshu, Mongtung were asked to move. If they refuse to move, there may be clashes. Likewise other armed ethnic groups based in northern Myanmar such as TNLA [Ta'ang National Liberation Army], AA [Arakan Army], Kokang and KIA [Kachin Independence Army]—if they can't participate in political dialogue for not signing NCA, will they just do nothing to achieve their ambitions? Or if the military will carry out assault? What will happen in western gate if large-scale wars break out in northern Myanmar? Though ARSA is not making serious attacks at the moment, it is not impossible that they may take advantage of clashes in northern area, should it happen, and launch attacks in western gate. If then, our country is likely to become a failed state. As I've said, the government should make relaxations at the same time so that armed ethnic groups can join the peace talks. Only then, it will be able to pull our country out of crisis. Otherwise, our country will get into worse crisis, I'm worried.

KZM: Scholars assess that Myanmar has become nearly a failed state. They say Myanmar is on the verge of becoming a failed state, and just one more step away from it. I think our country is in a corner. Both the government and the military are in a corner. And it is fair to say that the international community is in a corner in handling Myanmar. If they don't take these things into consideration, what they did once to support and assist to democratize Myanmar will come to nothing. Thank you for your discussion.

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Friday, October 27, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

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Parliament to Consider Reinstating Gen Aung San on Currency

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 06:37 AM PDT

YANGON — It has been nearly three decades since the former military junta phased out pictures of the country's late independence hero Gen. Aung San on the bank notes.

But on Friday, a proposal to once again put the late hero's image on currency was agreed to discuss at the Lower House.

National League for Democracy (NLD)'s lawmaker U Aung Khin Win of Magwe Region's Myaing Township submitted a proposal on Friday urging the Union Government to issue future notes showing the face of Gen. Aung San.

"It goes without saying that people would love to use banknotes with the image of Bogyoke rather than with pictures of a lion or elephant," he told parliament.

Pictures of Gen. Aung San were first printed on currency notes in 1958, 10 years after he was assassinated along with other eight colleagues. Thakhin Pho Hla Gyi, who was a central figure in the first oil field workers' protest against British oil companies in the colonial era, and Saya San, who was a central figure in the massive peasants' rebellion against the British rulers, also featured on the 45 kyat note and 95 kyat notes in 1987.

But those bills were gradually removed from circulation after 1988, the year of a crackdown by the ruling military regime on pro-democracy protestors. The banknotes were later redesigned with a lion or elephant on the front and the country's famous buildings and landscapes on the other side.

Until today, individual collectors still keep bank notes with Aung San's image. They can still be found for sale by street vendors in Yangon as novelty items, in denominations as low as 1 kyat.

MP U Kan Myint of Magwe Region's Thanyat Township seconded the proposal on Friday.

He said in other countries banknotes feature the pictures of kings, queens, heroes and prominent figures in honor of their efforts. America's George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Jackson and more are featured. China's Mao Zedong, India's Mohandas Gandhi, Thai's Bhumibol Adulyadej are also all featured on banknotes in their respective countries, he added.

"It is really sad to see Myanmar's currency feature animals rather than heroes," he told the MPs.

He previously asked last November if there a plan to replace banknotes with Gen. Aung San pictures.

At the time of U Kan Myint's question, the Central Bank mentioned Myanmar's economic stability, saying the cost of replacing the banknotes of various denominations with redesigned notes could be between 100 billion to 300 billion kyats.

"My proposal is totally different from the previous question. We will need to print new banknotes to replace the damaged notes or to release new sizes or new denominations. At that time, we can print with Bogyoke Aung San pictures," MP U Aung Khin Win told MPs.

He added that the new banknotes have been printed every two or three years. In 2009, the Central Bank released the 5, 000 kyat notes and in 2012, 10, 000 kyat notes and in 2014, the new size of 200, 500, 1000 kyat notes.

The post Parliament to Consider Reinstating Gen Aung San on Currency appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Two Kachin Pastors Sentenced for Unlawful Association

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 05:54 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI — Lashio Township Court in northern Shan State sentenced two Kachin pastors to two and four years imprisonment under three charges including unlawful association on Friday.

Dumdaw Nawng Latt, 65, received four years and three months under Article 17[1] of the Unlawful Association Act, section 8 of Import/Export Act and section 500 of the Defamation Act in the Penal Code. Langjaw Gam Seng, 35, was sentenced to two years and three months under the first two charges.

Two members of the Kachin Baptist Convention in Mong Ko were abducted by Myanmar Army troops on Dec. 24, 2016, leaving no knowledge for the family on their whereabouts.

Three weeks later in January, the Tatmadaw released the information that they had detained the two pastors for helping the Northern Alliance and spreading wrong information. They were later handed over to police custody and charges were put against them.

Zau Ra, secretary of the Kachin Baptist Convention in Mong Mawng, told The Irrawaddy on Friday the KBC would make appeals for them at the higher court.

"We want them to be released unconditionally," Zau Ra said, stressing their innocence.

They were arrested and charged for helping journalists including The Irrawaddy reporters visit the site of a church reportedly destroyed by rockets fired from a Myanmar Army fighter jet, following the Nov. 20 attack by the Northern Alliance forces: Taang Nationalities Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Kachin Independent Army (KIA) in northern Shan State.

Dundaw Naung Latt is the chairman of the Mong Ko's Kachin Baptist Convention and he received an additional two years for defamation. The military accused him of criticizing the Tatmadaw while being interviewed by media, explained Zau Ra.

Major Kyaw Zin Tun of Bridage 99 acted as plaintiff and filed the complaints at the Muse Township Court in January.

Since March they have had eight court hearings and received the final verdict today.

But on Friday verdict, the trial was tightly controlled, as journalists could not even take pictures of the accused outside of the court, said Lamai Mai Mai, a Kachin youth activist, who went to listen to the verdict.

"Today's verdict is another reminder that in Myanmar, human rights defenders have a choice: silence or a sentence," said David Baulk, Myanmar Human Rights Specialist with Fortify Rights.

He said, "These two men are looking at years in jail for doing what the Myanmar government should be doing anyway, standing up for the human rights of innocent people."

The National League for Democracy (NLD) government and the Tatmadaw have shown efforts to achieve peace in the country, despite clashes continuing in the northern Shan State.

The government's peace negotiation body, the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC), which includes military representatives, has not able to create ceasefires with active ethnic armed groups in the region, or end claims of human rights violations.

"It's astonishing that government representatives can keep a straight face while they talk about their efforts to build peace. The Myanmar military continues to kill, injure and displace civilians in the war in the north, and to get away with it," said David Baulk.

"The biggest obstacle to ending human rights violations in this country is the unchecked power of the military – and the impunity with which they operate."

The post Two Kachin Pastors Sentenced for Unlawful Association appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Life in Bangladesh Refugee Camps

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 05:39 AM PDT

The US State Department on Monday said it had taken actions against current and former Myanmar military leaders by cutting off travel waivers and was considering further actions to impose economic measures against those responsible for atrocities against Rohingya.

Furthermore, the statement said all units and officers involved in operations in northern Rakhine State to be ineligible to receive or participate in any US assistance programs as well as rescinding invitations for senior Burmese security forces to attend US-sponsored events while exploring accountability mechanisms available under U.S. law, including Global Magnitsky targeted sanctions.

The US actions against the Myanmar military came at a time when the army has been condemned by international community for alleged arbitrary killings, arson and rape against Rohingya amid their clearance operations in northern Rakhine State in response to a series of militant attacks in August.

Followed by the operations, hundreds of thousands of Muslims have fled to Bangladesh to escape from the atrocities. Currently, the number of the refugees in Bangladeshi camps is more than 600,000 according to international aid agencies. Here are pictures from the camps reflecting the plight of the refugees that prompted the United States to take actions.

The post Life in Bangladesh Refugee Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Gives Green Light to Resume Food Aid to Rakhine, says UN

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 04:14 AM PDT

GENEVA, Switzerland — Myanmar authorities have agreed to allow the United Nations to resume distribution of food in northern Rakhine state which was suspended for two months, the World Food Programme (WFP) said on Friday.

The WFP was previously distributing food rations to 110,000 people in northern Rakhine state – to both Buddhist and  Rohingya communities.

Rohingya insurgent attacks on police stations triggered an army crackdown, that the United Nations has called “ethnic cleansing”, and U.N. humanitarian agencies have not been able to access northern Rakhine to deliver aid since then.

“WFP has been given the green light to resume food assistance operations in northern part of Rakhine. We are working with the government to coordinate the details,” WFP spokeswoman Bettina Luescher told journalists in Geneva.

She had no timeline or details on the proposed distribution of rations to members of the Muslim Rohingya minority still living in northern Rakhine, and said it was still being discussed with the authorities in Myanmar.

“We just have to see what the situation on the ground is. It’s very hard to say these things if you can’t get in,” Luescher said.

The post Myanmar Gives Green Light to Resume Food Aid to Rakhine, says UN appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Illustrator on Inspirations, Humor and Storytelling

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 04:04 AM PDT

During his freshman year in college, Wunna Soe and his classmates were asked to mention the names of Myanmar painters that they knew. Unlike other students, all the names he gave belonged to comic artists. As an art student who majored in painting, he felt embarrassed for not knowing the difference between comics, cartoons and painting.

Nearly 20 years later, he is known as an illustrator, cartoonist, painter and animator. His latest works include "Thaa Shin Pyu" (Novice Ordination Ceremony), an award-winning short animation film about Myanmar parents' endeavors and sacrifices to monastically ordain their sons, which he directed under the name Edo Vader.

The 38-year-old artist is also praised for his brave political cartoons drawn under his pseudonym Be Ru Ma. However, not many people know that the pseudonyms Edo Vader and Be Ru Ma belong to the same artist. Regardless of the differences between cartoons, illustration and animation, for him they are all sourced from his childhood love of drawing.

"I started drawing when I was a kid—as young as 3- or 4-years old," Wunna Soe told The Irrawaddy at his downtown Yangon studio, filled with his paintings, collections of vintage cassette players and anime figures.

"I could not understand when my father explained to me at that time that the animated movies I watched were created with many drawings like the ones I drew," he said.

Wunna Soe working at his studio in downtown Yangon, October, 2017. (Photo: Myo Min Soe/ The Irrawaddy)

Makings of an Artist

Born in Kalay, a town in Sagaing Region situated in upper Myanmar, Wunna Soe is the youngest child of three siblings and the only one in the family who is now making a living as an artist.

Inspired by Disney movies that he watched as a child, he eventually started studying animation and even made some flipbook animations. Knowing without any doubt that he wanted to continue drawing, he went to Yangon University of Arts and Culture (YUAC) after high school in 1998.

While studying painting, Wunna Soe began drawing cartoons under the name Edo Vader. "Edo" means "most beloved" in ethnic Karen language and "Vader" is dedicated to the name of his favorite master of Myanmar traditional orchestra "Sein Baydar." He combined the transliterated version of "Baydar" with his childhood nickname "Edo," Wunna Soe explained.

An illustration by Edo Vader. (Supplied)

He distributed his comic strips for free on campus. Even though the strips only cost the price of a tea, the country was in deep poverty and he felt bad for college students who could not afford to buy cartoons.

"I just wanted them to read and enjoy my works," he said. "I didn't feel right if they would be unable to read my comics just because they didn't have enough money to spend," he added.

Political Cartoonist

As Wunna Soe immersed himself into drawing cartoons, his strips attracted a fan base at college. He satirized everything in his environment—from the lifestyles of college students to blackouts in Yangon to many other social issues. His fame as a political cartoonist came in light of the Saffron Revolution in 2007 that resulted in the death of several demonstrators and the arrest of hundreds of Buddhist monks by the junta.

Due to the military government's sensitivity to criticism and strict censorship at the time, he had to use a different pseudonym to hide his identity. Coinciding with his studying of the Japanese language, he chose the name "Be Ru Ma," meaning "Burma" in Japanese.

An editorial cartoon by Be Ru Ma. (Supplied)

"As I was drawing political cartoons, I wanted to remind myself that it was a fight against military dictatorship but not against military personnel, like it was a fight against fascism but not against Japanese people during the Japanese colonial time in Myanmar," he said on the thinking behind the pseudonym "Be Ru Ma."

Photojournalist and cinematographer J Paing said his editorial cartoons about the Saffron Revolution were "brave and memorable."

"He is very creative and his cartoon characters have got personalities," J Paing told The Irrawaddy.

"We can recognize and distinguish his cartoons from other ones drawn by different artists because he's got his own style," he added.

However, Wunna Soe said local artists U Ba Kyi, Maung Sein and Paw Oo Thet have a lot of influence on his works.

Wunna Soe aka Edo Vader at his studio in downtown Yangon, October, 2017. (Photo: Myo Min Soe/ The Irrawaddy)

Animating Myanmar

Wunna Soe escaped the political turmoil left in the dust of the Saffron Revolution to Thailand, where he worked for two and a half years for exiled media Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). Then in 2012, the man of many interests left for Korea to do a master's degree in animation at the Korea National University of Arts.

Though acknowledging an unprecedented number of animation companies producing films in Myanmar, he stressed many lack narrative and storytelling skills. The companies must prioritize creativity over profit, he added.

A fan of American illustrator and painter Norman Rockwell and legendary Japanese animator and manga artist Hayao Miyazaki, Wunna Soe said he wants to present Myanmar traditional and cultural stories in a contemporary style.

"I always think about how I can include our traditional and cultural identities in my works," he said.

His film "Thaa Shin Pyu" won the best short film award at local Wathann Film Fest in September this year. It tells a story about a Myanmar father who risks his life securing money in order to hold a monastic novice ordination ceremony for his only son, addressing many realities and social issues in Myanmar—from land grabbing to illegal organ trade to corrupt institutions—all in a 12-minute piece.

Poster of Edo Vader's award-winning animation film "Thar Shin Pyu". (Supplied)

The festival's audience and judges praised the film as an emotional piece about a father's love and an honest portrayal of Myanmar society.

"If it's a comedy, I want to make it really humorous. If it's a sad piece, I want to make it really emotional," Edo Vader said of his film.

For J Paing, the award-winning animation lacks the trademark style of its creator. "As much as I liked the film, it's also hard to tell that its creator is the same person as the cartoonist Be Ru Ma whose works I used to enjoy," he said.

Next Chapter

While best known as a cartoonist and an animator, Edo Vader has also not stopped painting. He will have a solo exhibition in December this year in Yangon and, like his films, his paintings are a mixture of Myanmar aesthetics with a contemporary style. (He posted a sneak peek of his works on social media.

Illustrations of characters by Edo Vader created for messaging stickers in application Viber.

Wunna Soe would choose illustrations as his long-term profession over his other passions because he wants to fill a gap in the local industry of illustration, focusing on children's books.

"There is limited contents if we talk about children's literature in Myanmar. There are some story books but rarely is there illustration."

He currently makes illustrations for the Third Story Project that creates children's books in Myanmar language and other local ethnic languages, addressing various issues including tolerance, diversity, gender, environment and children's rights.

"We used to have more choices of books to read when we were young," he said.

"Now the industry is in desperate situation and it needs people like us to contribute," he said.

The post Myanmar Illustrator on Inspirations, Humor and Storytelling appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt to Provide Aid to Displaced Persons

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 03:57 AM PDT

YANGON – The Myanmar government will provide food supplies for internally displaced persons (IDPs) if requested, said U Zaw Htay, director-general of the State Counselor Office.

Leaders of IDP camps can contact the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) if they are short on food, he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.

Refugee repatriation, rehabilitation and support is one of the issues the government and the ethnic armed organizations have included in their social sector discussions in ceasefire implementation.

"The State Counselor [Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] has already set out policies regarding IDPs. Our government will provide assistance in food, health and education and so on for them. They now receive aid from NGOs. If they are short [of food] because of cuts by NGOs, they should contact NRPC. NRPC will provide help," said U Zaw Htay.

At present, about 150,000 IDPs from various camps in Kachin and northern Shan states still receive food supplies from the UN's World Food Programme (WFP), but many of the supplies have been cut since 2016 and camps are therefore facing food shortages.

There are over 160 IDP camps in Kachin and northern Shan states, both in areas controlled by the government and armed ethnic groups, since citizens left their homes following the renewal of fighting between the government and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in June 2011, as well as active fighting with other armed groups in northern Shan state.

In addition, Myanmar has more than 110,000 IDPs in 24 townships in the southeast of the country, including in Karen, Karenni and Shan states, and nearly 100,000 refugees on the Thailand-Myanmar border because of the country's 70-year civil war, according to the The Border Consortium.

Food support has been gradually drying up since the country's peace process began.

Regarding Shan IDP camps on the Myanmar-Thai border which are facing food shortages, U Zaw Htay said said camp leaders can contact NRPC to get food for IDPs there.

"For IDPs inside our country, we can provide aid immediately. But for refugees [on the Thailand border], it is a little complicated as we have to talk with the Thai government," said U Zaw Htay.

"CSOs (Civil Society Organizations) in Kachin are working in cooperation with Dr Win Myat Aye [Union minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement]. And IDP camps in Shan State can contact us if they also want to receive help," he added.

If requests for food supplies are made to the government, the State Counselor and representatives of the Myanmar Army, Parliament and the government's Peace Commission will discuss them at regular meetings of the NRPC. Concerned state governments and ministries will provide assistance according to the decisions of the meeting, said U Zaw Htay.

According to U Zaw Htay, the government will provide food to IDPs with funds from three sources—funds of the Union and concerned state governments, funds of the NRPC and funds of the Coordination Body for Peace Process Funding (JCB).

U Zaw Htay continued that food supplies could be requested from the government through these three channels. Leaders of IDP camps can submit the list of IDPs and details about the camp directly to the NPRC to request food supplies.

Ethnic signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) can also ask for help through their peace talks, and CSOs helping IDP camps can seek assistance from the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement.

Saw Steve, the chairperson of the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People (CIDKP), said he had not heard of such a plan yet from the current NLD government and this would be a new initiative. But he said under the then Myanmar Peace Centre, IDPs in Karen State had received the support mainly for rehabilitation, not relief, through the Japanese Nippon Foundation's support for conflict-affected people.

"The support under the conflict-affected people was mainly for the IDPs as well as local villagers in the area. We have not had any experience before of the government directly providing support to the IDPs," he said.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has coordinated with the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) for helping out the IDPs in Kachin and northern Shan State, following their meeting in Naypyitaw in July. The State Counselor instructed the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement to provide assistance in food, education, health and job opportunities to IDPs both in areas controlled by both the Union government and the KIA in Kachin State.

This month, the Thai border-based Shan State Refugee Committee (SSRC) said that six IDP camps along the Myanmar-Thai border which shelter over 6,200 people will run out of food starting this month. Those IDPs—who fled from their homes due to the fighting between the Restoration Council of Shan State and the Myanmar Military in late 1990s—are not recognized as refugee status by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee (UNHCR), although they receive international relief support.

A report released by the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) in August said aid to refugees along the Thailand Myanmar border should not be cut as fighting continues in Shan State. Two of the six camps—Loi Tai Laeng and Loi Kaw Wan—also had to move around in 2006 and 2009 respectively after the Thailand authorities accused them of crossing into their territory and told them to return to Myanmar.

Lung Sai Pieng, SSRC secretary who which oversees six IDP camps, told The Irrawaddy that as they are facing a food shortage, they want to receive support from the government and are hoping the government will assist the victims of civil war.

He told the Irrawaddy this week that the news that U Zaw Htay relayed about helping IDPs is new to him and they did not know about it before. "As we know now, we would discuss between our committee and would communicate with the government," he said.

The post Govt to Provide Aid to Displaced Persons appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

TNLA Members Rape School Headmistress in Shan State

Posted: 27 Oct 2017 02:22 AM PDT

YANGON — Two members of Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)—an ethnic armed group often clashing with the Tatmadaw—raped a school headmistress in a village in Kyaukme Township, northern Shan State, according to the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services' Office.

Two individuals wearing TNLA uniforms raped the 44-year-old headmistress in Mankauk village in Kyaukme Township outside her house around 1 a.m. on Wednesday, said the report.

Brig-Gen Tar Bong Kyaw, spokesperson of TNLA, confirmed the rape: "Yes, they are our soldiers. We've detained them in a cell."

The TNLA military court will hand down penalties that fit their crime, he said, adding that he was not clear exactly how the two committed the crime.

"I don't know the details. But the rape case has been confirmed. We've instructed that a speedy trial be held to punish them," he said.

"We'll open a case at the police station," said deputy education officer of Kyaukme Township U Kyaw Win. "We've now brought the headmistress to Kyaukme."

The township education department has also brought 13 other female teachers from Mankauk village school to Kyaukme as the rape case has thrown the teachers into a panic.

"The teachers will go back to their school when normalcy is restored there. We've brought them as they are a bit frightened now," said U Kyaw Win.

The Kyaukme Township Education Department has also filed complaints with the township general administration department and the district education department, and the school in Mankauk village has been closed as teachers are sheltering in Kyaukme.

The Irrawaddy contacted the Kyaukme Township police station to inquire about the case, and police said that the case happened in the controlled area of Monglon police station which will be responsible for handling the case.

"Monglon is too far from us. It is difficult to contact them because they are a local police station. We only have contact with them through walkie-talkie. We don't even have their phone numbers," said the police officer of Kyaukme Township police station.

TNLA is active in a number of townships including Nawnghkio, Kyaukme, Hsipaw, Namhsan, Lashio, Kutkhaing, Namtu, Mantong, Manhsam, and Manpan in northern Shan State.

The post TNLA Members Rape School Headmistress in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Appeal to Deny Myanmar Now Editor Bail Fails

Posted: 26 Oct 2017 10:55 PM PDT

MANDALAY — A court in Mandalay rejected on Friday an appeal to revoke bail for Ko Swe Win, chief editor of news agency Myanmar Now.

The editor was detained and then released on bail in July after Mandalay resident U Kyaw Myo Shwe filed a complaint under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law, accusing Ko Swe Win of insulting ultranationalist monk U Wirathu.

The plaintiff opposed the granting of bail and filed an appeal in September. However, Mandalay District Court decided it would not deny bail.

"The court said it will give bail to the Myanmar Now editor and he will continue the trial at the township court," said Ko Swe Win's lawyer U Myo Min Zaw.

Ko Swe Win will continue the trial at Maha Aung Myay Township Court next week.

The post Appeal to Deny Myanmar Now Editor Bail Fails appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Like a Roar’: Dozens Killed in Blasts at Indonesia Fireworks Plant

Posted: 26 Oct 2017 10:48 PM PDT

KOSAMBI, Indonesia — Two explosions tore through a fireworks factory on the outskirts of Indonesia's capital on Thursday, killing at least 47 people and injuring dozens.

It was one of Indonesia's worst industrial disasters and is likely to cast a new spotlight on lax safety standards in the Southeast Asian country, where rules are often ignored or weakly enforced.

Workers had no time to escape from the plant in Tangerang, an industrial and manufacturing hub to the west of Jakarta, after the explosions that one neighbor described as a "roar" that could be heard miles away.

A video of the scene inside the warehouse, widely shared on social media, showed charred bodies sprawled about the burnt-out factory, and Reuters reporters at the scene saw grass scorched over an area about 10 meters (33 feet) from the site.

"People were burned so badly you couldn't see their faces … It was really bad," said search and rescue official Deden Nurjaman, who expected the death toll to climb as more bodies were found inside the factory.

Fireworks are frequently used in Indonesia for religious and other celebrations, and are widely available.

There have been a series of major fires in Indonesia this year, including one that engulfed one of Jakarta's main markets.

Thick, dark plumes of smoke billowed from the factory through the afternoon as an inferno took hold. As night fell, the PT Panca Buana Cahaya Sukses warehouse was still smoldering and there was a stench of chemicals and burning plastic.

Jakarta police spokesman Argo Yuwono told Metro Television that 47 bodies had been discovered, 46 people were injured and 10 people were unaccounted for. He said the missing might have left with light injuries or not have been working at the time.

One of the first policemen on the scene, Raymond Masengi, told Metro TV that he and other officers had to smash holes in the factory wall to help the injured escape.

Fiza, a doctor in the emergency unit at Tangerang General Hospital, said he was treating seven people, some of them with burns to more than 80 percent of their bodies. Three were in critical condition.

A nearby mosque held prayers for the victims.

'Like a Roar'

Forensic police worked in fading light to examine the debris, setting up a few floodlights to try and establish the cause of the blaze.

Yuwono said police were looking into the permit of the factory, which was close to a school and housing and—according to media reports—had been operating for only two months.

A witness who lives around the corner from the factory said she heard an explosion "like a roar."

"I dressed and stepped outside the house, and saw the flames, they were almost in my face. The smoke, the heat was in my face. I panicked, I was scared, I picked up my son and ran away from the fire," said Kartini, 40, who uses one name, like many Indonesians.

Hundreds of children at a school just 100 meters (yards) from the factory jumped in terror over a wall as the explosions boomed, dropping books and bags in their haste to get away.

Science teacher Asep Mahmud, 47, said: "There were several small explosions and then one really big one that shook our buildings and desks."

The post 'Like a Roar': Dozens Killed in Blasts at Indonesia Fireworks Plant appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tillerson Tells Myanmar Army Chief US Concerned About Reported Atrocities

Posted: 26 Oct 2017 10:41 PM PDT

WASHINGTON, United States — US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson spoke on Thursday with Myanmar's army chief and expressed concern over reported atrocities against self-identifying Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State, the US State Department said in a statement.

Tillerson urged the army chief, Sen-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, to support the Myanmar government in ending the violence and allowing the safe return of ethnic self-identifying Rohingya who have fled the area, the statement said.

More than 600,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims have fled Rakhine State in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, mostly to neighboring Bangladesh, since security forces responded to self-identifying Rohingya militants' attacks on Aug. 25 by launching a crackdown.

The State Department is considering formally declaring the crackdown on self-identifying Rohingya Muslims to be ethnic cleansing.

In his call with Min Aung Hlaing, Tillerson also urged the Myanmar military to facilitate humanitarian aid for displaced people, allow media access and cooperate with a UN investigation into allegations of human rights abuses, the State Department said.

Pressure has mounted for a tougher US response to the self-identifying Rohingya crisis ahead of President Donald Trump's maiden visit to Asia next month when he will attend a summit of Southeast Asian countries, including Myanmar, in Manila.

The post Tillerson Tells Myanmar Army Chief US Concerned About Reported Atrocities appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Remains of Late Thai King Collected After Night of Tears and Ancient Funeral Rites

Posted: 26 Oct 2017 09:58 PM PDT

BANGKOK, Thailand — The cremated remains of Thailand's King Bhumibol Adulyadej were collected on Friday as part of an elaborate, five-day funeral ceremony that drew hundreds of thousands of black-clad mourners to Bangkok's historic old quarter.

King Bhumibol was the world's longest-reigning monarch when he died a year ago aged 88. His seven-decade rule spanned some of the most tumultuous moments in modern Thai history, including several coups, a deadly crackdown on student protesters, natural disasters and a regional financial crisis.

His son, new King Maha Vajiralongkorn, presided over the burning of his father's remains in a golden crematorium in a dramatic, late-night ceremony in the Thai capital on Thursday.

Many mourners stayed to watch as smoke rose from the crematorium. Some broke down in tears at the end of what was an emotionally charged day, the mid-point of the lavish, US$90 million ceremony. Others had travelled many miles to pay their final respects to their revered late king.

Shielded from the sun by a large white-and-gold umbrella, King Vajiralongkorn led a religious ceremony in the morning to collect his father's remains. He sprinkled the bones with sacred water as classical Thai music played in a ceremony that was televised live.

The remains were blessed by Thailand's Supreme Patriarch, the head of the order of Buddhist monks. The late king's bones will be taken to the Grand Palace, where he had lain in state since his death last October.

Although Thailand does not conduct polls on the monarchy's popularity—partly because of strict laws that protect the royal family from insult—the king built up a wide personal following and is often referred to as "father."

In a ceremony steeped in colors, ancient traditions and beating drums, a royal urn was brought from the Grand Palace to the cremation site in three processions on Thursday.

The ceremony brought Thailand to a standstill as many businesses, including banks, shut to honor the late king.

The late king's nine-spired crematorium, built to honor the ninth king of the Chakri Dynasty, features intricate carvings and staircases with sculptures of nagas—a half-human, half- cobra beings—among other mythical creatures.

Pictures of mourners wearing black and holding photographs of the late king flooded social media in Thailand, with many using popular hashtags such as #rama9, #kingofkings, and #thegreatestking.

The post Remains of Late Thai King Collected After Night of Tears and Ancient Funeral Rites appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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