The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Karen Leader Remembered 10 Years after Assassination
- Three Kachin IDPs Released, but Two Still Missing
- Draft Municipal Law for Yangon Draws Fire from Lawmakers, Urban Planners
- 10th Yangon Photo Fest Aiming for Biggest Crowds Yet
- The UNFC: Reasons Behind Signing and Not Signing the NCA
- Suu Kyi Still Holds Out Hope, Says Surakiart
- KIA Forms 2 New Brigades
- Myanmar Received $5 Bn in Foreign Investment in Current Fiscal Year
- US Asks UN to Appoint Special Envoy for Myanmar
- Putao Locals Protest Ongoing Clashes and High Food Prices
- US Urges UN to Hold Myanmar Military Accountable for ‘Ethnic Cleansing’
- Top Dog to Fetch ‘Best-in-Show’ Prize at New York Westminster Show
- Federalism and State Formation in Myanmar
| Karen Leader Remembered 10 Years after Assassination Posted: 14 Feb 2018 07:30 AM PST YANGON — Family and friends of late Karen leader Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan commemorated the 10th anniversary of his assassination with ceremonies at his birthplace and on the Thai border on Wednesday. On Feb. 14, 2008, Karen National Union general secretary Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan, 65, was assassinated by gunmen at his home in the Thai border town of Mae Sot. No one has yet been brought to justice for the killing. The outspoken KNU leader was well respected not only by the Karen people, but also by Barmar political activists for the broad-minded leadership he provided to the democracy movement. As he does every year, Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan's adopted son Saw Say Say led Wednesday's memorial service at the slain leader's burial site near the border. In Padoh Mahn Sha Lah's birthplace in Taw Kyaung village of Ayeyarwaddy Region's Pantanaw Township, relatives and friends gathered for a memorial service, sharing their thoughts and prayers and laying wreaths in front of a statue of him unveiled last year. Mahn Tin Shwe, Mahn Sha Lah Phan's elder brother, said his brother was "regarded as an enemy and thus killed by military people as he was a firm leader who thought not only about the Karen, but all of the country's ethnic groups." For more than 40 years starting in 1967 Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan devoted his life to fighting dictatorship and for equality, his brother recalled, adding that poverty had not prevented him from getting an education and becoming a leader. "For there to be real justice, the Burmese military officer who ordered the assassination of my father should be put on trial," said Nant Zoya Phan, the daughter of Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan. She told The Irrawaddy that, "One thing which inspires me about my father was how he focused on our country having a positive future. He knew he would not see that for himself, but he wanted the next generation to have peace and to have rights. He wanted us to have the chance to makes things better, not just struggling to survive." "If he were alive today, he would have contributed more to the peace process including the 21st-Century Panglong peace effort," said Mahn Tin Shwe, reflecting the view that Padoh Mahn Sha Lah was a good leader who could mobilize both within the Karen community and the broader ethnic alliance. "While I am still alive, I want to meet my nieces and nephews to share with them details about their father, about his spirit, and to tell them to follow his path," Mahn Tin Shwe said, because the children of the late Karen leader are subject to a visa ban. In 2008, shortly after his death, Padoh Mahn Sha Lah's children founded the Phan Foundation, which honors young Karen with the Padoh Mahn Sha Young Leader Award annually. The awardee for 2017 will be announced in few days, according to Nant Zoya Phan. The post Karen Leader Remembered 10 Years after Assassination appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Three Kachin IDPs Released, but Two Still Missing Posted: 14 Feb 2018 06:35 AM PST Three ethnic Kachin internally displaced persons (IDPs) were released by the Myanmar Army after being forced to work as porters in Mansi township, but two others had yet to return to the Maing Hkawng camp for IDPs, according to local sources. Naw Mai, a Maing Hkawng camp leader, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that three IDPs "came back safely to the camp." The Myanmar Army, or Tatmadaw, ordered the three Kachin to transport food by motorbike into the jungle for soldiers who were serving on the frontline. They were released Wednesday morning after spending a night in the jungle, Naw Mai said. "They [the Army] did not do anything to them. They gave them dinner," a relative of one the victims reported The Irrawaddy as telling her. The three were carrying rice at their village about 6 miles from Maing Hkawng camp when soldiers stopped them on the way and forced them to carry food for their unit. Two other people, Hpaugan Yaw, 65, and Nhkum Naw San, 31, have been missing for two weeks, according to local sources. Naw Mai said he and his fellow camp leaders went to meet officers at the Tatmadaw's Infantry Battalion 602, which is based in Maing Hkawng, several times and asked for permission to look for the two missing IDPs. "Our last meeting was on Feb. 10. They did not let us search for the two missing people," he said. The pair had been living at Maing Hkawng camp. On Jan. 30, they went back to their village to take care of their animals, intending to return the next day. When the son of one of the IDPs went to pick them up by motorbike, he saw them being detained by soldiers. "We don't know why they arrested our people. We weren't even sure which battalion arrested them; only that it was the Army," said Kaw Awng, a relative of one the victims. On Feb. 5, the family informed police in Mansi that the men were missing. They said they didn't dare tell police about the Army's involvement. "We are afraid of the Army, so we didn't dare mention that [soldiers] arrested them," Kaw Awng said. Mansi police officer U Myo Thant said police had informed other authorities about the missing pair, and had posted photographs of them in other areas, requesting information. "To help find them, we have distributed their photos, and letters, and we even informed authorities in other areas about the two missing people," U Myo Thant said. The Army's Infantry Battalion 602 and Infantry Division 99 are both based in the Maing Hkawng area, but the family did not know which one had detained their relatives. They were reluctant to approach the Army about a missing persons case. Hkun Nawng, a Kachin Legal Aid Network official based in Myitkyina helping to locate the missing pair, said his group had sent letters to the Kachin state chief minister and the Army's Northern Command chief requesting their help with the case. The Maing Hkawng IDP camp houses about 2,500 IDPs. Fighting broke out in the area in 2011, causing many people to flee their homes. Last year, about 50 IDPs attempted to return to their homes, but they were forced to return when fighting flared recently. Last month, six Myanmar Army soldiers were each sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment with hard labor for killing three IDPs from Maing Hkawng last year who had been foraging for firewood in the forest. The Kachin Independence Army has two bases in the area, housing its Battalion 12 and Battalion 27. The Tatmadaw has ordered the KIA to withdraw from these areas but it has refused, fueling the tension. The post Three Kachin IDPs Released, but Two Still Missing appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Draft Municipal Law for Yangon Draws Fire from Lawmakers, Urban Planners Posted: 14 Feb 2018 05:46 AM PST YANGON — Members of the Yangon Region Parliament condemned a new draft law for proposing to allow the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), the municipality’s governing body, to run business enterprises with tax revenue from the city's 5 million-plus residents. The new draft of the Yangon City Development Committee Law was prepared at the request of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in late 2016. It is intended to replace the existing 1922 City of Rangoon Municipal Act and the 2013 Yangon City Development Committee Law because they need to be reformed, according to the state counselor. The new draft was submitted to Parliament on Feb. 2 by Mayor U Maung Maung Soe on behalf of the Yangon Region government. It has attracted criticism from architects and urban planners who say it has weak provisions for urban planning management and that measures to prevent conflicts of interest involving YCDC members were nonexistent. According to Article 23 of the draft, the YCDC is authorized to form business enterprises in various industries including construction, recreation and services. "It doesn't make sense," said Daw Kyi Pya, an NLD lawmaker. "The YCDC is supposed to provide municipal-related services to the people, not make money." Fellow NLD lawmaker U Kyaw Zay Ya said he was against the formation of business enterprises for Yangon and would encourage Parliament to strike the article from the draft. "All they have to do is levy the taxes they are supposed to and give services to the people," he said. Technically the YCDC is an independent body led by the mayor, who reports to the Yangon Region chief minister. It raises its own revenues from taxes and fees on everyone from property developers to public toilet operators and roadside vendors while wielding responsibility for city planning, land administration, municipal services, development and more. However, for many years the municipal body has been notorious for alleged corruption and failing to rein in unruly urbanization projects with negative consequences for the city's 5.2 million people due to a lack of systematic urban planning controls. When news of the drafting of a new municipal law broke in late 2016, the city's architects and urban planners were upbeat, hoping the new version would include proper rules and regulations to support systematic urban planning and management. They were invited to join the draft review committee and made recommendations. "We suggested that the law should be based on a vision for Yangon. It has to be the theme of the law," said Daw Hla Su Myat, an executive member of the Myanmar Architecture Council and a member of the draft review committee. "But what we see now is really quite different," she added. Critics of the draft also highlighted Article 23 (b), which authorizes the YCDC to form seven authorities responsible for urban planning, building, roads and bridges, water supply and use, and drainage and sewage management among other things. Daw Hla Su Myat said the proposed scope of work for some authorities was not relevant and that some authorities had similar responsibilities. She said creating multiple authorities to do similar work could cause delays if there is disagreement between them. As an example, she said building roads and drainage should be the responsibility of one authority, not two, and that the urban planning authority should be responsible for land division, not the building authority as proposed. "The draft will not be supportive of successful urban planning," she said. Urban planner Daw Moe Moe Lwin said the law needs to set a vision for Yangon as it governs and shapes the city and the lives of its residents. "The law will decide what kind of city we have," said she. On Wednesday the draft review committee submitted its report on the draft, which said the constitution and responsibilities of authorities and business enterprises were not clear. "As it is important for Yangon residents, the draft should be discussed in Parliament," the report says. Parliament has not yet set a date to discuss the draft but said that any lawmaker wishing to make recommendations had to register by Thursday. Lawmaker Daw Kyi Pya said she had already registered and prepared her recommendations, which will address the formation of business enterprises. "We have to improve it because I can't accept that something bad like this will ink history while the NLD is in power," she said. The post Draft Municipal Law for Yangon Draws Fire from Lawmakers, Urban Planners appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| 10th Yangon Photo Fest Aiming for Biggest Crowds Yet Posted: 14 Feb 2018 04:47 AM PST YANGON — The annual Yangon Photo Festival will kick off its 10th edition on Friday with exhibits by more than 150 shutterbugs at the French Institute, Maha Bandoola Park and the old Yangon Secretariat building. "This year we hope to see there will be more audiences at the photo festival," said Christophe Loviny, one of the event’s directors. The festival was launched in 2009, drawing only a few hundred visitors to the French Institute its first year.  But the audiences have grown year by year. Last year the festival attracted more than 100,000 visitors to exhibits by 80 local and international photographers across Yangon. "In this 10th anniversary we have more than 150 photographers both Myanmar and international are participating to the festival," he said.  "Thanks to the local government and YCDC [Yangon City Development Committee], we will again inaugurate the festival with two nights of screenings by [festival] laureates at Maha Bandoola Park together with the famous World Press Photo Awards exhibition." Local photographers Kaung Htet and Minzayar Oo will show some of their work at an exhibit entitled “Our Cultural Heritage” on Saturday at Maha Bandoola Park. It will feature the magic and mystery of ancient kingdoms and exemplify the values of cultural heritage.  At the old Secretariat, an exhibit supported by the Goethe-Institut and curated by Lukas Birk will present the history of Myanmar photographers. The full schedule for the festival, which will run until March 4, is available on the event’s Facebook page, “Yangon Photo Festival.” The French Institute will host a 10th anniversary party on Friday with the opening of three exhibits by renowned photojournalists Paula Bronstein, Adam Dean and Alessandro Penso. An awards night will follow on Feb. 24 with a jury handing out prizes including a professional camera and a trip to the World Press Photo Awards ceremony in Amsterdam.  The post 10th Yangon Photo Fest Aiming for Biggest Crowds Yet appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The UNFC: Reasons Behind Signing and Not Signing the NCA Posted: 14 Feb 2018 03:34 AM PST February 13 marked another historic event for Myanmar: the day that two ethnic armed groups signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement after several years of dialogue. However, it was a day of misery for the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), as the New Mon State Party (NMSP)—serving as the bloc's chair—and member group the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) both signed the NCA. At its inception, the UNFC was founded by 12 ethnic armed organizations aiming to strike a deal with the government and military in order to end political grievances in Myanmar. In 2014, however, the Karen National Union (KNU) suddenly withdrew from the bloc and both the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO) and Chin National Front (CNF) were suspended after signing the NCA in 2015. The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) resigned from the bloc in 2016 while the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Wa National Organization (WNO) and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) followed in 2017. Among four of the original UNFC members, the NMSP and the LDU signed the NCA suddenly, without thoughtful negotiations with other members – the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and the Arakan National Council (ANC). According to a source from the NMSP, the UNFC's chair Nai Hong Sar was disappointed with the decision of the chairmen of the NMSP and LDU, who met the State Counselor and Commander-in-Chief in January and decided to sign the NCA while he was vying to negotiate with other members. Nai Hong Sar expressed at the Australia Mon Forum that "we are consulting with the members of our alliance and we [NMSP] shouldn't sign the NCA alone. We shouldn't neglect the alliance." The decision to sign the NCA was made by the delegates of the NMSP and LDU while Nai Hong Sar was in Australia. "Nai Hong Sar's initial plan to negotiate with all members and signing the NCA together was not successful," said a young Mon activist. Why Did 2 Sign the NCA, While the Others Did Not? The UNFC members had initially shown interest in signing the NCA before the third round of the Union Peace Conference. Yet only two groups signed the NCA while the other two remain reluctant. One reason that the two groups signed could be to deter possible attacks from the Tatmadaw. Both the NMSP and LDP do not want to face any major clashes with the Tatmadaw. Speculation is that if they did not sign, the Tatmadaw may attack in the future, leading to the displacement of more people. The escalation of fighting in Kachin State, which has displaced tens of thousands, may have spooked them into signing the NCA as a means to avert conflict. The government declared the NMSP and LDU non-terrorist organizations and removed them from the list of unlawful organizations on Feb. 11. Another reason could be the extension of the territory of the Karen National Union (KNU). According to a source from the NMSP, the KNU has expanded into Yay Phyu, Kawkareik and Kyain Seikgyi along the Karen and Mon border. A major conflict could erupt over a territorial dispute. The NMSP may have believed that the Tatmadaw would support the KNU in a dispute between the two sides if the KNU was an NCA signatory but the NMSP was not. However, the other two UNFC members – the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and the Arakan National Council (ANC) – did not sign the NCA. The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) did not sign the NCA due to the loss of three of its soldiers and a civilian killed by the Tatmadaw on Dec. 20, 2017. The killing precipitated mass Karenni protests against the Tatmadaw. The situation was exacerbated when five peaceful demonstrators were arrested and charged under the Peaceful Assembly Law. The Karenni Civil Society Network (KCSN) also strongly condemned the killings and arrests. The KNPP and Karenni public demanded justice for the killings. This incident became a major obstacle to signing the NCA. For the Arakan National Council (ANC), the Tatmadaw's refusal to recognize the armed forces of the ANC is the main reason it has not signed the NCA. According to "Deciphering Myanmar's Peace Process: A Reference Guide 2016," the active military personnel of the ANC is about 100. However, the Tatmadaw does not recognize its armed forces and wants to force Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR). The Future of the UNFC Two UNFC members have signed the NCA, yet the Tatmadaw has not agreed to the bloc's nine-point proposal regarding ceasefire monitoring, a military code of conduct, demarcation, and troop relocation. The UNFC members will meet in a few days to decide the future of the bloc. Rather than achieving its initial and lofty aims of building ethnic unity, establishing a genuine multi-party system, and introducing a peaceful federal Union, the UNFC instead has fragmented and is about to dissolve. Since the majority of its members have pulled out and signed the NCA, the UNFC may dissolve and be consigned to a relic of history instead of a genuine vehicle for progressive change. Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based analyst. The post The UNFC: Reasons Behind Signing and Not Signing the NCA appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Suu Kyi Still Holds Out Hope, Says Surakiart Posted: 14 Feb 2018 01:31 AM PST Former Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai, head of the Advisory Board to the Committee for Implementation of the Recommendations on Rakhine State, appointed by Myanmar’s State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, discussed the challenges of his new role with Nattaya Chetchotiros. Why did you decide to accept the role as the chairman of the advisory board despite the tough challenges ahead? I met Aung San Suu Kyi on Aug. 9 last year in my capacity as the chairman of the Asian Peace and Reconciliation Council (APRC). At first we discussed the South China Sea issue and then reconciliation in Rakhine State, where problems are taking place. An advisory commission headed by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan then delivered its report with recommendations which included the formation of a ministerial-level committee, while Ms. Suu Kyi also wanted to appoint an advisory board comprising international experts and Myanmar’s high-level officials to advise on how to implement the recommendations of the Annan-led commission. The Annan panel came up with 16 recommendations which include education, fostering good relations with Bangladesh and Asean and public health for migrants. The Myanmar government agreed with the panel, but the Myanmar military did not. She wanted to know how the recommendations should be implemented, how the conflict can be eased and how the international community should be involved. We are not a fact-finding committee. For me it’s about peace efforts. I am pleased to devote my time and put my experience to use. So I thought I should accept and get to work. We have a one-year mandate and it can be renewed for one more year. We cannot solve all the problems. We can only give advice on how to implement the recommendations of the Annan panel. Ms. Suu Kyi gives the advisory board a free hand. She never interferes or tells us not to speak about this or that issue to the international community. We are not a spokesman for the Myanmar government. Most importantly, Ms. Suu Kyi met the 10 people in person to invite them to join the advisory panel. Until now, do you still believe Ms. Suu Kyi is sincere and determined to solve the violence in Rakhine State? I can see Ms. Suu Kyi’s sincerity and determination. But she still has constraints. This is because she has no control of military affairs. If clashes or fighting occurs, she has no authority and cannot give any orders. The defense minister, the minister of border affairs and the minister of home affairs in her cabinet were all appointed by the military. It is good for Ms. Suu Kyi to decide to work with all stakeholders in Myanmar to solve the problem. She wants to work with government officials, the military, police and all ethnic minority groups to tackle the problem in Rakhine State. I think that if she did not work with all parties involved, everything would go back to square one. Ms. Suu Kyi still represents hope … I don’t want to pinpoint who is right or wrong, but there is a big gap between the international and Myanmar government narratives of the situation in Rakhine. The advisory board wants to find ways to narrow the gap and this requires an understanding of the international community and a dialogue with the UN. We cannot decide whose narrative is correct or incorrect. But we focus on how to bring together the Myanmar government, the Myanmar military and Asean for more interaction. We offer advice with an emphasis on the importance of wider media access to all affected areas in Rakhine State. The board also recommends that the UN agencies participate very closely and maintain close consultation, rather than set its own agenda. Do people think you have changed since you began work for Ms. Suu Kyi? I think it depends on how people see it. I don’t feel any worse. We have to put our experience to good use, not work for the limelight. There’s no desire for recognition, no ladder to climb. This conflict cannot be solved in one year, but we need to work with an open mind and it is up to the Myanmar government to decide how much of our advice it will follow. While the APRC focuses on Rakhine State, we also met many other ethnic groups. We talked to the media from the West. I met for talks with diplomats from several Western countries. This shows the issue is important and gains attention from the international community. Also, the Asean Foreign Ministers’ Retreat in Singapore on Feb. 6 welcomed the establishment of the advisory board. Mr. Annan also believed that Asean should be engaged in the matter. We have met with all stakeholders as well as the NGOs. We also wanted to meet with Singapore’s foreign minister … I think Asean can provide humanitarian assistance and Singapore should help Rakhine State by advising on how to bring about harmony and a peaceful co-existence between people holding various religious beliefs. Singapore is the biggest investor in Myanmar. Asean should also think of ways to invite Asean businessmen to help Rakhine State, which is badly in need of electricity and irrigation systems. It has the potential for tourism but its roads are in poor condition and Asean can help it increase agricultural output too. How do the displaced persons feel about their safety if they are to be resettled in Myanmar? How will the board advise on the matter? I think the UNHCR should at the early stage take part in the various stages of return and resettlement. The International Committee of the Red Cross may be allowed to enter. Asean should play a role in giving reassurances that the displaced people will return safely. But if everything is done and they still don’t want to return, it will be the responsibility of all sides. Regarding the claim that our advisory board was set up to whitewash the alleged crimes by the Myanmar government, this is not true. Our advice to the implementation committee is not what the Myanmar government said. We do not know yet what the Myanmar government thinks of our advice, which was a press release [on Jan. 25.] We asked that the media be also informed of the advice. It is initial advice, which reflects what observations we have. This article first appeared in the Bangkok Post today and is republished here with its permission. The post Suu Kyi Still Holds Out Hope, Says Surakiart appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 14 Feb 2018 12:35 AM PST YANGON — The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has formed two new brigades, increasing its total number of brigades to 10. The KIA is active in Kachin State and northern Shan State, and its new brigades are Brigade 9 and Brigade 10. "We have added Brigade 9 and Brigade 10 to meet our requirements," KIA information officer Col Naw Bu told The Irrawaddy. Brigade 9 will be based in Kachin State and Brigade 10 in northern Shan State, according to the notice issued by the KIA on Feb. 7. Despite the establishment of two new brigades, there will not be new recruits, said Col Naw Bu. Brigade 9 is constituted of Battalion 6 (based in Hpakant) and Battalion 26 (based in Mohnyin), which were previously under Brigade 2. Brigade 10 is constituted of Battalion 2 (mobile battalion in Tamoenye) and Battalion 17 (mobile battalion in Lwal Kaung), which were previously under Brigade 4. "Battalions under Brigade 2 are remotely overseen by Tanai [headquarters]. There are difficulties in administration because of the distance. So, we reconstituted brigades in order to closely monitor and enforce discipline," said Col Naw Bu. "Unless and until civil war is stopped, trust is built, and ethnic issues are solved, all those involved in the fighting will build up their military strength. It is unavoidable," said ethnic affairs and political analyst U Maung Maung Soe. KIA chairman N'Ban La and Lt-Gen Tun Tun Naung of the Tatmadaw held talks to deescalate military tensions in Kachin State on Feb. 1. During the meeting, the Tatmadaw asked the KIA to abolish brigades 5, 6, 7 and 8, which were not yet formed when the two signed a ceasefire in 1994 and also asked to move the brigades based in northern Shan State to Kachin State. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post KIA Forms 2 New Brigades appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar Received $5 Bn in Foreign Investment in Current Fiscal Year Posted: 13 Feb 2018 11:53 PM PST YANGON — Myanmar has received more than US$5.1 billion in foreign investment in the current 2017-18 fiscal year from April to the first week of February, according to the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA). "We have received more than $4.4 billion in foreign investment as of the first week of February, while existing foreign businesses have increased their investment by nearly $700 million," said U Than Aung Kyaw, deputy director general of DICA. "They have increased investment perhaps because they are doing good business. According to international norms, businesses usually add up to nearly 60 percent of their existing investment. But in our country, $700 million is only between 10 to 15 percent," he added. The investment goes to manufacturing, transportation and communications, agriculture, livestock and fisheries, animal feed, electricity, oil and gas, property development, hotels and tourism and the service industry, according to DICA. German consultancy Roland Berger and the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry jointly released a survey report in December, stating that business confidence among entrepreneurs in Myanmar dropped drastically in 2017. In evaluating and approving investment proposals, DICA takes factors into consideration such as economic viability, job creation, amount of payable tax, technology transfer, domestic consumption, environmental management plans, and accountability and responsibility. Foreign investors are also negotiating with concerned ministries to implement megaprojects like power supply and the Hanthawaddy Airport, said secretary of the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) U Aung Naing Oo. Currently, 49 countries have invested in Myanmar with China, Singapore, Thailand and the UK topping the list and oil and gas, energy, manufacturing, transportation and communications receiving the larger proportion of foreign investment. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Myanmar Received $5 Bn in Foreign Investment in Current Fiscal Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| US Asks UN to Appoint Special Envoy for Myanmar Posted: 13 Feb 2018 11:50 PM PST YANGON — US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley called on the UN secretary-general on Tuesday to appoint a special envoy to investigate what she called the Myanmar military's "cruel and barbaric" actions in Rakhine State. Speaking at a UN Security Council briefing on the crisis in Rakhine, Haley said the world was watching and waiting for Myanmar to act and asked the government to allow a UN fact-finding mission and special rapporteur into the country. "Without the media and UN personnel in Burma to shed light on the crimes being committed, there is no hope for justice for the victims," she said. In December the government banned Yanghee Lee, the UN's special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, from returning to the country, claiming she was biased in favor of the Rohingya. Some 690,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since the Myanmar military’s crackdown in Rakhine in response to militant attacks on security outposts there in late August. Refugees and rights groups have accused the military of murder, rape and arson, which the government mostly denies. "What happened in Burma and is still happening in Burma is not okay. This council must hold the military accountable for their actions and pressure [State Counselor] Aung San Suu Kyi to acknowledge these horrific acts are taking place in her country. No more excuses,” the ambassador said. “I urge my colleagues to seize this opportunity to end our inaction and live up to our responsibilities as members of this Security Council. I call on all nations to join the United States in doing more than just demanding an end to the atrocities in Burma, but actually taking the steps we know are needed to put this crisis on the path toward solution." In Myanmar, the President’s Office has announced that 16 people including seven soldiers will be held accountable for the killing last year of 10 Muslim residents of Inn Din village in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township. Reporters covering the Rohingya issue have been facing increasing pressure from authorities. Two Reuters reporters, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, who were gathering information on the Inn Din massacre, were arrested and detained on Dec. 12 under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act, which carries a maximum prison sentence of 14 years. They have been charged under Section 3.1 (c) of the act, which covers entering prohibited places and taking images or obtaining secret official documents that "might be or is intended to be, directly or indirectly, useful to an enemy." PEN America announced today that it would honor the two Reuters reporters with the 2018 PEN/Barbey Freedom to Write Award. Haley said unhindered media access was of vital importance. "Journalists like the two imprisoned Reuters reporters are an indispensable source of information," she said. The post US Asks UN to Appoint Special Envoy for Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Putao Locals Protest Ongoing Clashes and High Food Prices Posted: 13 Feb 2018 10:41 PM PST YANGON — Locals in Kachin State's Putao marched in protest against ongoing clashes between the Tatmadaw and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and high food prices on Tuesday. More than 200 people including locals and internally displaced persons joined the two-hour protest march led by Jingpo, Rawang, Lisu and Shan literature and culture associations. "People are bearing the brunt of clashes. We want the KIA and Tatmadaw to negotiate for the sake of the future and livelihood of people. It is people who are suffering, not them," said U Aung Kham of the Jingpo Literature and Culture Association. Parts of the Myitkyina-Sumprabum road, the main route for the transportation of commodities to Putao, were destroyed during the clashes between the two sides in January. Since then the price of rice has doubled to 70,000 kyats (US$52) for a bag of rice in Putao. Onion prices have also increased to 7,000 kyats per viss (3.6 lb), and some places are out of stock. Meanwhile, petroleum prices have also increased to 20,000 kyats ($15) per gallon, said U Aung Kham. Zami, a housewife in Putao, also confirmed that food prices are high in her hometown, and said she hopes that they drop. There have been military tensions between the Tatmadaw and KIA in Putao since 2017, and the Tatmadaw's Commander-in-Chief's Office stated on Jan. 30 that the KIA had destroyed parts of the Myitkyina-Sumprabum-Putao road with bulldozers and only left a three-foot wide section for motorbikes to pass through. The KIA has also deployed troops on the road to prevent it from being repaired, claimed the Commander-in-Chief's Office. Around 1,000 people fled from Ndup Yang camp in Kachin State's Sumprabum after artillery shells from the clashes between the two sides fell near their camp in the third week of January. Many are still in temporary shelters. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Putao Locals Protest Ongoing Clashes and High Food Prices appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| US Urges UN to Hold Myanmar Military Accountable for ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ Posted: 13 Feb 2018 09:40 PM PST UNITED NATIONS — The United States on Tuesday described Myanmar denials of ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims as "preposterous" as it called on the UN Security Council to hold the military accountable and pressure leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi "to acknowledge these horrific acts that are taking place in her country." "Powerful forces in the Burmese government have denied the ethnic cleansing in Rakhine State," US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley told the Security Council. "To make sure no one contradicts their preposterous denials, they are preventing access to Rakhine to anyone or any organization that might bear witness to their atrocities, including the UN Security Council," Haley said. Haley also called for the release of Reuters news agency reporters arrested for reporting on the massacre of Rohingya Muslims. "We strongly call for their immediate and unconditional release," she said. In a reference to Myanmar's reason for detaining the journalists, Haley added, "On top of it all, they have the gall to blame the media." The Reuters special report, published last week, lays out events leading up to the killing of 10 Rohingya men from Inn Din village in Rakhine State who were buried in a mass grave after being hacked to death or shot by Buddhist neighbors and soldiers. French UN Ambassador Francois Delattre also told the Security Council that a massacre of Rohingya Muslims reported by Reuters could "constitute crimes against humanity." Myanmar has denied that ethnic cleansing has taken place. Any push for UN Security Council action is likely to face resistance from council veto powers Russia and China, who both said on Tuesday the situation in Rakhine State was stable and under control. "Using labels and attempts to use contradictory and subjective reports of the media … to find out who's guilty and condemn them only move us farther away from a solution," Russia's Deputy UN Ambassador Dmitry Polyanskiy warned. Nearly 690,000 Rohingya have fled Rakhine State and crossed into southern Bangladesh since last August, when attacks on security posts by insurgents triggered a military crackdown that the United Nations has said may amount to genocide. "Conditions are not yet conducive to the voluntary repatriation of Rohingya refugees," UN refugee chief Filippo Grandi told the Security Council. Calls for Journalists' Release While Myanmar UN Ambassador Hau Do Suan said that some diplomats had been able to travel to Rakhine State, he also told the UN Security Council not to visit during February because it was "not the right time," Kuwait's UN Ambassador Mansour Ayyad Al-Otaibi said this month. Hau Do Suan said that an inquiry by the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw, had found that 10 Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army militants had been arrested in Inn Din and executed and buried a day later. "Actions are being taken against 16 individuals, including army and police officers and some villagers who had acted in violation of standard operating procedures and the rules of engagement. This action of the Tatmadaw is positive step forward in taking responsibility and deserves encouragement," he said. With reference to Reuters journalists arrested for reporting on the Rohingya, Hau Do Suan said Myanmar recognizes freedom of the press and the journalists were not arrested in December for reporting a story but for "illegally possessing confidential government documents." "Every citizen is bound by the existing law of the land. It is important that the actions of the journalists must also [be] within the bound of the law," he said. Britain, France, the United States, the Netherlands and Kazakhstan all called for the release of the Reuters journalists during the Security Council meeting on Tuesday. The post US Urges UN to Hold Myanmar Military Accountable for 'Ethnic Cleansing' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Top Dog to Fetch ‘Best-in-Show’ Prize at New York Westminster Show Posted: 13 Feb 2018 08:50 PM PST NEW YORK — Leading contenders from seven categories of dogs, all immaculately groomed and on their best behavior, will go muzzle to muzzle on Tuesday as the Westminster Kennel Club's 142nd annual "Best-in-Show" contest enters its final round. They may be of the highest pedigree and superlative conformation, but to their owners even the finalists for the top prize of "Best in Show" are still just cuddly, playful pets. "Biggie is a goof," said Esteban Farias, handler of a pug named Biggie, who won the toy-dog group contest on Monday and will be vying for the ultimate prize. "He's funny. … When my kids are playing, he grabs the toys and runs all over the house." This year's Best-in-Show victor, picked from a pack of nearly 3,000 competitors, will win a trophy, a media tour and bragging rights that are sure to boost breeding fees — all rewards for the dog’s patience while enduring seemingly endless blow dryer blasts and tugs of combs and brushes. Dogs compete in seven groups — hound, toy, nonsporting, herding, working, sporting and terrier — with the winners from each category, judged by characteristics specific to their respective breeds, going on to compete for Best in Show. The competition, held each year at Madison Square Garden in midtown Manhattan, is billed as the second-longest continuously running sporting event in the United States after the Kentucky Derby horse race. The four finalists chosen on Monday, in addition to Biggie, were a borzoi named Lucy from the hound group, a bichon frise named Flynn from the nonsporting group and a border collie named Slick from the herding group. The remaining three challengers will be from the working, sporting and terrier groups, whose winners were set to be picked on Tuesday. More than 200 dog breeds and varieties were represented in the two-day event, joining the contest from all 50 U.S. states and 16 other countries, including Canada, Mexico, Japan, Russia, Australia and China, the Westminster Kennel Club said in a statement. Rumor, a female German shepherd, was named Best in Show at last year's competition. The post Top Dog to Fetch 'Best-in-Show' Prize at New York Westminster Show appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Federalism and State Formation in Myanmar Posted: 13 Feb 2018 08:41 PM PST Myanmar is federalizing. This trend has been apparent in the ongoing political transition since 2011. Explicit evidence of this includes changes in the state structure that composes the national government in Naypyitaw and the state/regional governments and the federal negotiations between the national government and ethnic minority armed forces. These shifts aim to develop a more robust federal system that allows appropriate power sharing between central and constituent units. However, federalism-building in Myanmar is an arduous task, one that has long been challenged by the country’s specific state-building procedure. For Myanmar, the historic evolution of state formation affects the outcome of the federal-unitary division. The Panglong agreement and the draft constitution of 1947 provided basic federal principles for state integration, but the military coup in 1962 brought about the fall of federalism and the rise of centralism in the state governing structure. These critical junctures indicate the great metamorphosis of statecraft in modern history and also produce a federal-unitary faultline in Myanmar’s political architecture. Even though federalism has re-emerged since the big political reform in 2011, the legacy of unitarianism, centralism, authoritarianism and militarism still impacts the politics of federalization in Myanmar. Theoretically, the specific type of federation that emerges depends on whether the historic pathway begins from a process of coming-together or holding-together federalization. Myanmar was born as a coming-together federalizing state by amalgamating separate British colonial government units based on the principle of voluntary association. However, the recent federalizing process played out by way of a holding-together approach by devolving power from a previous unitary-authoritarian regime that resulted in the enduring power of the military in politics. The Panglong agreement of 1947 is a historic marker that formed the basis for the territorial-demographic integration of Burma proper and the Frontier Areas Administration and then paved the way for the new state formation. Although most ethnic minority leaders have recalled the spirit of coming-together federalization in 1947, Myanmar’s state-making process has been heavily influenced by the strong national unification project, dominated largely by the historic formation of the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) during the Second World War. The evolution of the Tatmadaw led to the holding-together federalizing track and the establishment of a centralized unitary state system. The problem with federal design in Myanmar is an embedded legacy from a critical warring period. When the Second World War reached Myanmar, an embryo of the Myanmar patriotic army was gradually formed under Japanese fascism and its centralized military command structure. As such, the Tatmadaw came into existence and started its historic role as the backbone of Myanmar’s state-building. This evolution illustrates, to some extent, that warfare brought about state formation and resulted in the strength of centralized unification in Myanmar’s political context. Indeed, since independence, Myanmar’s nationalist leaders have had to undertake the tasks of reconstruction and protecting the country from state disintegration. This resulted in the difficulty of designing a full-fledged federalism because the process of Myanmar's unification focused on centralization, aiming not only to maintain the union from the fluctuations of internal and international politics but also to construct a new state via a cohesive government system under powerful Burman-centric nationalism and the strength of the Myanmar Armed Forces, which specialized on state-building through warfare. It is this historic imprint that Myanmar’s current federalization cannot escape; this centripetal force, a partial product of dynamic relations between war and state-making, continues to affect the endurance of the unification process on Myanmar’s federalizing path. The first session of the Union Peace Conference-21st Century Panglong, or UPC-21CP, held in Naypyitaw in 2016 from Aug. 31 to Sept. 4, recalled the legacy of the 1947 Panglong accord. In this conference, Karen National Union Chairman Saw Mutu Sae Po stated that "a democratic federal union could be built through the 2016 Panglong in the same way that the 1947 Panglong led the nation to independence." In the second session of UPC-21CP in 2017 from May 24 to 29, State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi clearly emphasized the importance of a federal arrangement as a suitable method for ending the prolonged conflicts in Myanmar. Nonetheless, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, explained that the country’s state formation was still facing internal and external threats and that it was therefore a critical time for strengthening unification. As a historic institution responsible for protecting the security of the state, the Tatmadaw has continuously attempted to keep its political role in order to control the federal trajectory as well as to guard the union from fragmentation. Federalization in Myanmar is a historic outcome of the longstanding state-making process. Myanmar’s historic pathway demonstrated that even when federal development moved on, the warring always continued. As war games between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armies went on, the dynamic interplay between war and state-building sustained and supported the Tatmadaw’s dominant role in federal politics. Moreover, history has repeated itself in Myanmar’s political development, as in the case of the 1962 coup that arose when a federalizing state formation process reached its zenith. As such, the collision between federalization and unification has become the classic characteristic of Myanmar’s modern politics. Myanmar Union Day, celebrated on Feb. 12, marks the date in 1947 when the Panglong agreement was signed and enacted to bring about state integration. However, prior to 1947, there was at least one striking political event that profoundly impacted state-building in modern Myanmar. This was the birth of the Myanmar Armed Forces, which aimed to unify the state. With the unification process having preceded federalization, the Tatmadaw still plays a strong leadership role in determining the actual meaning of "union" in the context of Myanmar today as well as in controlling the phases of the federating process in transitional politics. Dulyapak Preecharush is an assistant professor of Southeast Asian Studies at Thailand's Thammasat University. The post Federalism and State Formation in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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