Monday, March 26, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Who is U Win Myint, Myanmar’s Likely New President?

Posted: 26 Mar 2018 06:28 AM PDT

YANGON— After a 30-year journey that has taken him from a legal career to being a political activist, then elected lawmaker and most recently House speaker — U Win Myint has reached a big turning point in his life that now sees him poised to be named the country's next president.

The 66-year-old has served as the Lower House speaker since February 2016, after the National League for Democracy won the 2015 general election.

As part of the process to select a replacement for U Htin Kyaw, 71, who resigned as president on Mar. 21, U Win Myint was elected as a vice president last Friday, paving the way for a vote for a new president. U Win Myint resigned as Lower House speaker on the same day that U Htin Kyaw announced his retirement.

A long-time NLD member, U Win Myint is considered to be a right-hand man of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was barred from taking the presidency under the military-drafted 2008 constitution.

Born in Danubyu in the Irrawaddy Delta in 1951, U Win Myint studied geology at Yangon University before turning to study law in the 1980s. He was working as a barrister in 1988 when nationwide pro-democracy protests erupted, leading to the founding of the NLD, which he subsequently joined.

U Win Myint has enjoyed electoral success three times: in the 1990 general election, a 2012 by-election and in the last general election in 2015.

But the successes didn't come easily. Like many other political activists and politicians, U Win Myint was arrested several times by the previous military regime.

Detained at the time that his only son fell critically ill, he spurned a military intelligence's offer that he sign a promissory note to renounce politics in exchange for the chance to visit his son, who was on his deathbed in hospital. He subsequently missed his son's funeral as well.

"I couldn't accept it as my constituents believed in me and voted for me," he said in a video interview with local media outlet Kamayut soon after he was elected Lower House speaker.

But the loss hurt him with his late son never being able to see his father rise to become house speaker.

"I don't hold grudges against any organization for that. But in my heart, I want my son to be beside me," he said.

Regardless. the then house speaker said he would continue to pursue a path to national reconciliation as laid out by his party's leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

U Win Myint became an NLD central executive committee member in 2010. He also served as secretary of the Lower House's Rule of Law, Peace and Tranquility Committee chaired by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was a Lower House lawmaker at the time, after being elected to represent Yangon's Kawhmu township.

With his long experience in legal affairs and politics, U Win Myint's possible presidency has raised hopes and expectations that he will be a more active leader than his predecessor.

He is expected to work effectively on corruption, rule of law and land conflicts, issues for which he revealed a strong eagerness to tackle while he was parliament speaker.

He was also lauded for asking for no wedding gifts for his daughter's wedding last year. Breaking with local tradition, the invitations clearly stated "No Wedding Gifts, Please."

The ruling NLD Lower House lawmaker Daw May Win Myint, who submitted the party's nomination of U Win Myint to parliament on Friday, told The Irrawaddy that she believed U Win Myint was the right choice for the country's top office.

"He is decisive. And as house speaker, he was able to handle the parliament very well [over the past two years]. I hope he will oversee the executive as well as he did parliament," she said.

During his time in the Lower House, U Win Myint was known to be a strict taskmaster. He often warned lawmakers to do their homework before the parliamentary session; to keep their proposals and questions specific and to the point. The lawmakers were not alone in receiving his stern warnings. Union ministers were also among those faulted for poorly prepared answers in parliament. Moreover, he has occasionally given military appointees in parliament a hard time.

NLD Lower House lawmaker Ma Zin Mar Aung said U Win Myint had a obtained good understanding of the checks and balances between the parliament and executive as well as the situation on the ground through lawmakers.

"He knows very well when implementing [new government] policies which parts are blocked or difficult to handle because of the bureaucracy. As he is aware of the situations, I hope he will initiate more plans to tackle those," she said.

The post Who is U Win Myint, Myanmar's Likely New President? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Report Highlights Plight of Women Survivors of Conflict, Oppression

Posted: 26 Mar 2018 04:17 AM PDT

YANGON — "I didn't go to farm for fear of landmines, but even then I was hit at home," said Ei Seng, a 27-year-old Palaung woman from Shan State's Namhsan Township.

She and her 4-year-old daughter were burning garbage in their yard when a mortar shell fell and exploded nearby on Jan. 14, 2016. The Myanmar military and Ta'ang National Liberation Army were fighting near her village at the time.

She was eight months pregnant and had to have emergency surgery to deliver the baby. Her daughter suffered some hearing loss from the explosion, and Ei Seng still has shell fragments in her body from the shell. They give her pain every day, but doctors say it would be too risky to take them out.

"I don't want to see any more fighting," she said, urging the government to help those affected by the country’s long-running civil war to get their lives back on track.

She is not alone in making the demand.  Asia Justice And Rights (AJAR) and the Karen Women's Organization, Ta'ang Women's Organization and Vimutti Women's Organization launched a report on the lives of women survivors of conflict and oppression in Yangon on Saturday.

"Speaking Truth for Peace: Women's Experiences of War and Impunity in Myanmar" captures the stories of 31 women, including former political prisoners in Yangon, Ta'ang women living in the conflict zones of northern Shan State, female Karen village heads, and land rights activists.

"I would like to urge the government, local authorities and armed organizations to consider rehabilitation for afflicted survivors if they are really building a true democracy in Myanmar," said Mai Ja, who helped compile the report.

Those who conducted interviews for the report said women survivors living in conflict areas and female advocates oppressed by authorities for their pro-democracy activities were struggling with trauma.

One-time political prisoner and former National League for Democracy (NLD) member Daw Thet Thet Lwin recounted her experiences of being arrested several times as a university student for her participation in the pro-democracy uprising of 1988.

On the last occasion, she said, she was handcuffed and beaten in public in front of her house. She said her blouse and longyi were torn during the beating and that she was not allowed to change her clothes.

Most of the political prisoners were arrested as young women, stifling their educational opportunities and putting many in financial hardship after their release.

"The NLD government, which we have shouldered to the position of power, doesn't recognize political prisoners. No one can deny that the shift we have made today is due to those politicians who sacrificed their lives," said Daw Thet Thet Lwin.

AJAR director Galuh Wandita said the women have had not only their political rights violated, but their social and economic rights as well.

The full truth about what happened to them and how it continues to affect their lives is being erased or denied — not only by the state, local authorities and the national elite, but often even by their own communities and families, according to the research.

The report calls for justice and rehabilitation for women survivors and an end to impunity.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s Armed Forces Day Speeches 

Posted: 26 Mar 2018 03:43 AM PDT

Since he became commander-in-chief of the armed forces in 2011, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has given annual speeches on Armed Forces Day, which falls on March 27. As with his predecessors, his speeches have tended to be filled with references to building a modern armed force, repeatedly using the phrase "standard army" (while avoiding the term "professional army") and reiterating promises to protect the military-drafted 2008 Constitution and safeguard the nation and its sovereignty. Every year he has also lashed out at "fascists" and "colonialists" and repeatedly invoked Myanmar's independence struggle.

Interestingly, he has also talked about 21st century warfare technology, democracy and the Geneva Convention, and denied that ethnic cleansing or genocide has taken place in the country. He has firmly said that there are no 'Rohingya' in the country, insisting they are 'Bengali immigrants.'

His speech tomorrow, which will mark the 73rd anniversary of the founding of the Tatmadaw, is being keenly awaited. Will he repeat the same rhetoric of previous years or will there be new intrigues and remarks?

Here some excerpts of his speeches since 2012.

2012

In his first speech as army chief to mark the 67th anniversary of the resistance against the Japanese during World War II, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said that the military had an obligation to defend the Constitution and that it would continue to take part in politics as it had done in the past.

There was suspicion at the time that the military was opposing the democratic reforms put forward by then President U Thein Sein’s administration.

Min Aung Hlaing rejected such allegations, stating that "while the county is marching towards democracy, the Tatmadaw will support the functions of government."

He then added that the army was following the results of peace talks between the government and armed ethnic minorities.

At the time, the military was also accused of ignoring President U Thein Sein’s orders to obey a ceasefire with the Kachin Independence Army rebel group in northern Myanmar.

2013

In his Armed Forces Day speech this year, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing spoke about the Geneva Convention, shortly after riots broke out in central Myanmar, where martial law was declared in four townships in the previous week to quell anti-Muslim riots that officially killed more than 40 people.

"All our members are being trained in the provisions of the Geneva Convention so our Tatmadaw does not commit any war crimes," Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said.

"There is no such thing as genocide in the history of our Tatmadaw," he said.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, then a lawmaker, attended the Armed Forces Day parade in Naypyitaw for the first time.

2014

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing focused much of his speech on the peace process. "The nationwide ceasefire is important for our eternal peace, so all ethnic armed groups must be legalized by all means in the achievement of this process."

As part of Armed Forces Day in 2014 the army reached out to old veterans and former senior members and paid their respects to them and their contributions to the country. It was the first time the generals had made such a public gesture to old soldiers.

2015

In his speech, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing again touched on the peace process and democratization as well as the coming election.

"The basic needs of people are to live peacefully and to develop their lives in health of body and peace of mind. In other words, stability and peace of the state and socio-economic developments are the basic needs and true desire of the people. In order to meet these basic needs and true desire of the people, we, the Tatmadaw men, together with the government, the Hluttaw, political parties and people have to cooperate for successful implementation in accordance with enacted laws."

On the coming general election that November, he said, "The general election, which is going to be held in the early days of November 2015, represents an important landmark for the implementation of democracy in our country. The Tatmadaw will work hand in hand with responsible organizations and people for the accomplishment of the general election. Peace, stability, and prevalence and enforcement of law play a vital role in systematic and peaceful accomplishment of the general election. I want to say that any disturbances to the stability of the state and prevalence of law, any armed pressure or any threats related to voting won't be allowed in the general election."

On the Constitution he stressed, "The 2008 Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar was drawn up based on our geopolitical location, population, ethnic groups, culture, traditions, religion and recorded history with the aim of successfully implementing a multi-party democratic system. In accordance with the 2008 Constitution, our country is taking a path of multi-party democracy."

2016

Myanmar’s army chief vowed to keep the nation "on the path to democracy," days before power was due to be transferred to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s mostly civilian government on April 1, after decades of military rule.

"I would like to seriously say that we, the military, will cooperate to achieve success in working for the nation and the citizens' interests," he said.

"The Tatmadaw has to take the leading role in national politics with regards to the way we stand in history and the critical situations of the country," Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said.

"The two main obstacles to democratization are a failure to abide by the rule of law and regulations and the presence of armed insurgencies. These could lead to a chaotic democracy," he said.

"Only if these two obstacles are properly tackled and overcome will there be advancement on the path to democracy."

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing gave the speech after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party had won a landslide victory in elections the previous November.

Members of Myanmar’s military take part in a parade to mark the 72nd Armed Forces Day in Naypyitaw in 2017. / Reuters

2017

In the 21st century, warfare will be fought with different methods, directions and fields, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing told the nation.

"To be a victor in 21st century modern warfare, we must be qualified in ICT, electronic technologies and mechanical technological know-how.

"We need to study the changes in military strategies and tactics and update our technologies accordingly," he said.

"It has already been announced that there is no race termed Rohingya in Myanmar. The Bengalis in Rakhine State are not Myanmar nationals but immigrants. It will be seen that the victims coming out of the terrorist attacks committed by some Bengalis in October 2016 were the result of political interference.

"Things that should be done under the existing laws must be carried out with responsibility. The armed forces will be responsible for defending against all types of insurgencies based on religion or race.

"Only if we can establish everlasting domestic peace, will our nation become developed.

The army displays some of its most advanced hardware during the 72nd Armed Forces Day in 2017. / Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy

"In a transparent democracy, disagreements over political doctrine must only be solved by political means. Our Tatmadaw has participated with might and main in establishing peace throughout previous governments. On Aug. 18, 2011, the former government initiated the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and offered ethnic armed groups a peace settlement. Eight ethnic armed groups with the same view entered into agreement to achieve peace. The government invites and urges the remaining ethnic armed organizations to sign the NCA for peace.

"I would like to say that our Tatmadaw will participate in establishing everlasting peace accordingly with the six peace principles laid down by the Tatmadaw under the supervision of the government."

 

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Thai Court Orders Migrant Labor Advocate to Pay Natural Fruit Company $320,000

Posted: 26 Mar 2018 03:24 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A court in Bangkok on Monday ordered British migrant rights defender Andy Hall to pay 10 million baht (US$320,000) in damages to Natural Fruit Co. Ltd., which sued him for defamation over comments he made to news network Al Jazeera regarding the 2013 report Cheap Has a High Price.

The court also ordered Hall to pay an additional 10,000 baht to cover the cost of the plaintiff's legal and court fees, including interest of 7.5 percent from the date of filing the case until the amount is fully paid, according to a statement released by Finnwatch, a Finnish civil society organization focusing on corporate responsibility, on Monday.

Finnwatch hired Hall to do field research on workers in the pineapple industry and used his findings in the report published in January 2013. The report revealed that Myanmar migrant workers were being subjected to slave labor conditions at Natural Fruit's pineapple processing plant in Prachuap Khiri Khan province. Later the Thai company brought four separate lawsuits, both criminal and civil, against the researcher, seeking damages for defamation among other things.

The company filed a 100 million baht civil damages claim against the British researcher in 2014, related to an interview with Al Jazeera in April 2013, which he gave in Myanmar.

Bangkok's Prakanong Court initially dismissed the case, but the company appealed and the Appeals Court in August 2017 ordered the lower court to accept the case and hear it in full. Witness testimony in the reopened cases concluded last month.

Sonja Vartiala, the executive director of Finnwatch, told The Irrawaddy on Monday, "Andy Hall will be appealing the decision. We have been informed that now following this decision he will need to pay the court fee for the plaintiff. Finnwatch will continue to support Andy in the legal cases."

"Today’s court ruling is one huge leap backward and it will have a chilling effect on anyone acting as a whistleblower," she said. "It is very harmful for Thailand and will surely also raise serious concerns among buyers in Europe."

Myanmar migrant rights advocates condemned the Thai Court's verdict. "The aim of the research is to highlight the situation facing poor migrant workers, who are not paid properly and live in misery. We are sorry to hear the news of this verdict," said U Aung Kyaw, a spokesman for the Migrant Workers Right Network (MWRN) based in Mahachai near Bangkok.

MWRN helped Hall with his research and acted as a defense witness at his court hearings. Hall has worked closely with MWRN as an international adviser.

He said Hall was a "dedicated researcher" who had devoted a lot of time to learning about the situation facing migrants from Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos.

The migrant labor rights advocate added that Myanmar migrants continued to be preyed upon, even by the Thai judicial system, citing the example of two Myanmar migrants widely believed to have been framed in a murder case in the country's Koh Tao resort island, for which they are now facing the death penalty.

"When it comes to migrant workers … they are far less important than the economy," said U Aung Kyaw, adding that the migrant labor rights movement has continued its efforts to improve the situation for migrant workers in Thailand, even though Hall had been forced to stop his work.

The Finnwatch director said there had been "some improvements in migrants workers' rights in Thailand," citing a Royal Ordinance titled the Management of Employment of Migrant Workers, issued last year, which includes some important provisions relating to recruitment practices such as zero fees for migrant workers.

"However there is a lack of tripartite dialogue in its implementation and migrant workers are still not allowed to unionize," added the director.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights will undertake its first official 10-day visit to Thailand, from March 26 to April 4, to examine efforts to prevent, mitigate and remedy adverse human rights impacts of business operations.

"The working group has been informed about today’s court decision and will hopefully take this up in their meetings with the authorities in Thailand. Thai courts are used to silencing human rights defenders and this needs to stop," added Vartiala.

Verdicts have been handed down in three of the four cases against Hall, but appeals and counter litigation are ongoing.

A criminal defamation case related to the Al Jazeera interview was dismissed in November 2016. Hall filed countersuits against Thailand's Office of the Attorney General, nine Thai state prosecution officials and one senior police officer at the Central Criminal Court for Corruption and Misconduct cases in the Dusit District of Bangkok, while litigation against the Natural Fruit Company Ltd., two executives and its lawyers were filed at Prakanong Court on May 31 last year. The trial of the two executives started on March 22 and is scheduled to end on March 28, but the litigation against the state officials was dismissed. Hall's legal team has appealed the dismissals.

The Appeal Court's ruling on the Criminal Defamation and Computer Crimes cases is scheduled for April 24. A Civil Defamation and Damages Case over the Finnwatch report has been postponed until final verdicts in the criminal defamation and computer crimes cases are reached by Nakhon Pathom Court.

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Myanmar to Elect New President This Week

Posted: 26 Mar 2018 02:50 AM PDT

YANGON — After the sudden resignation of President U Htin Kyaw last week, Myanmar will elect a new head of state on Wednesday, the country's Union Parliament announced on Monday.

Constitutionally, Myanmar needs to have three vice presidents elected by the Lower House, the Upper House, and appointed military lawmakers from both chambers.

On Friday, Myanmar's Lower House elected its former speaker, U Win Myint of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), as vice president. The other two vice presidents are U Myint Swe, who is now the acting president of the country, and U Henry Van Thio.

Parliament will vote for a new president on Wednesday morning from among the three vice presidents.

U Win Myint submitted his resignation as speaker of the Lower House soon after U Htin Kyaw's resignation was announced on Wednesday, prompting speculation that he would become Myanmar's next president.

If the speculation proves true, U Win Myint, a senior NLD member, will be Myanmar's 10th president since the country's independence in 1948.

The 67-year-old is believed to be one of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's favorites among fellow senior NLD members. He became the Lower House speaker in February 2016, after the NLD won the 2015 general election.

During his time in the Lower House, the former lawyer was known for his strict discipline. He did not tolerate discussions that were off topic during parliamentary meetings. Even union ministers were not free from his stern warnings, not to mention lawmakers, including those from the military.

A Planned Presidential Reshuffle

Despite U Htin Kyaw's resignation coming as a surprise to outsiders, Myanmar's ruling NLD party said the change had already been discussed among senior level officials of the party and the government.

U Win Htein, one of the party's secretariat members and aide to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, told the media on Saturday after the NLD CEC meeting that U Win Myint would be chosen as the president.

"U Htin Kyaw is not in good health. He wanted to leave for his health," he said.

In his resignation announcement, U Htin Kyaw simply stated that he wanted to retire from his duties.

U Htin Kyaw cuddles a Burmese cat during his visit to Inle Heritage House at Inle Lake on Oct. 8, 2016, during his presidency. (Photo: Inle Heritage)

The former president was the first head of state elected by Parliament after the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led NLD government came to power in 2016 after a landslide victory in the previous year's general election. He is a close confidant of de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In his critics' eyes, the soft-spoken elderly man was merely a "puppet president." While he was formally the head of state and constitutionally the highest authority in the land, the amount of actual power he wielded was questionable. "The Lady," as State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is known, had already made it known during the election campaign that she would be "above the president," as the Constitution bans her from holding the office.

Since last year, the public knew of the 71-year-old president's ill health due to his frail appearance and absence from some state functions. He also received medical treatments overseas.

Never a Dream Job

Daw Su Su Lwin, the former first lady, told the media on Friday that her husband's resignation was not solely for health reasons but that it had been planned in advance.

"He had never thought he would be the president," she said.

"When he was assigned to the post, he expected to spend three to six months at most in the position for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," she added, meaning that he thought that the Constitution that barred the state counselor from the presidency could be fixed in that time.

Contrary to what he expected, the charter amendment—one of the NLD government priorities—has so far gotten nowhere in his two years in office.

Daw Su Su Lwin hopes the possible incoming president U Win Myint, who is four years younger than U Htin Kyaw, will be more successful given his younger age and experience.

"I urge all of you to welcome and delight for U Win Myint's presidency as you did for U Htin Kyaw."

 

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Obituary: Junta Insider Dies at 92

Posted: 26 Mar 2018 02:04 AM PDT

YANGON — U Chit Hlaing, the author of the ideology of the Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP), which ruled the country for 26 years, died of natural causes at the age of 92 at Yangon General Hospital on Saturday.

After former dictator General Ne Win staged a coup on March 2, 1962, he needed a political ideology, and U Chit Hlaing composed the "Burmese Way to Socialism," which became the political ideology of the socialist government that ruled the country from 1962 to 1988.

He was also the author of the political treatise of the BSPP—"The System of Correlation between Man and His Environment" simply known in Burmese as Innya myinnya. U Chit Hlaing worked alongside General Ne Win throughout the 1960s and remained close to later junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe during the 1990s.

The assignment to write Innya myinnya came directly from Gen Ne Win. U Chit Hlaing worked closely with the former dictator throughout the 1950s and 1960s and was constantly ready to defend the late dictator as a pragmatist.

He was one of the founders of the Central School of Political Science—the first of its kind in the country at the time, in July 1963. In the 1970s, U Chit Hlaing left the BSPP but still often met U Ne Win whenever summoned by the general.

Born in Sagaing Region's Katha, the Marxist was inspired during the Second World War by books written by Thakhin Soe, who led the Red Flag faction of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB).

He joined the Burma Independence Army in 1942 and became a communist after reading communist communique of Lieutenant Thein Ta, who later became the commander of the CPB Red Flag faction.

He later served as an underground soldier in the revolt against Japanese fascists, working as the messenger between Gen Aung San, Thakhin Soe, and other communist leaders like Thakhin Than Tun and Thakhin Ba Hein.

Among the three leaders of Myanmar's independence struggle who he knew best—Gen Aung San, Gen Ne Win and Thakin Soe—he respected Gen Aung San the most. "Aung San is just Aung San and there is no comparison," said U Chit Hlaing in his Yangon residence during an interview with The Irrawaddy in 2012.

After the CPB split into the Red Flag faction and the White Flag faction, he was in favor of the former faction because of Thakhin Soe, but later he had a falling out with him as he could not stand his criticism of Gen Aung San.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, U Chit Hlaing worked in the People's Literature Committee led by leading politician U Ba Swe. In 1951, he visited Eastern European countries and was stranded in France.

He studied philosophy at the Sorbonne in France, and in 1954 he came back to Myanmar after Brig-Gen Aung Gyi, who was the second top brass in the Revolutionary Council, called him back.

He wrote a long article entitled "While stranded in Paris" about his experience in France in The Myawady Magazine.

Arranged by Brig-Gen Aung Gyi, he joined the Defense Directorate of Psychological Warfare as a civilian military official with the same rank as lieutenant-colonel in 1955, as the directorate was assigned to counter the propaganda of CPB. This marked the beginning of his ties with former dictator Ne Win.

In July 1995, U Chit Hlaing and former judge U Tin Aung Hein, a student activist who became a prominent member of the BSPP, visited former dictator U Ne Win's house.

U Ne Win was alone in his residence and U Chit Hlaing and U Tin Aung Hein wanted to bring up the current state of political affairs in the country but were unable to do so since U Ne Win did not want to discuss anything related to politics. They politely listened to the former dictator as he spoke about religion and Buddhism.

They were surprised when U Ne Win confessed that he would not have staged the coup in 1962 if he had studied Buddhism and meditation earlier in life. Ne Win elaborated further if he had known Anicca, Dukkha and Anatta—the three Dharma aspects of life—at the time, he would not have seized power.

"I was taken aback when he said that," wrote U Chit Hlaing, also known by his pen name Ko Ko Maung Gyi, in his autobiography.

The funeral of U Chit Hlaing will be held on Tuesday, March 27, which is Anti-Fascist Revolution Day.

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Army Shutters Myawaddy Checkpoint in Clampdown on Auto Smuggling

Posted: 26 Mar 2018 01:57 AM PDT

Two Border Guard Force (BGF) soldiers refused The Irrawaddy permission to approach a border crossing between Myawaddy and Mae Sot, Thailand on foot on Monday, saying the area was closed. The closure reportedly followed efforts by the army to clamp down on vehicle smuggling across the Thai border.

According to Kyaw Than, an automobile trader who accompanied an Irrawaddy reporter to the area, however, the border crossing was normally open.

Local sources told The Irrawaddy that the Myanmar Army had ordered the BGF to close one of the area's two border checkpoints, which have become a major route for smuggling illegally imported cars.

At another, disused border checkpoint that is also used to smuggle cars into the country, where on most days thousands of vehicles can be seen lined up on the Thai side of the border across the Moei River, no cars could be seen lined up on Monday. Both sides appeared empty, except for a few Myanmar laborers looking for work.

Kyaw Than said he was one of the many car buyers who traveled to the border crossing to buy smuggled cars. To see the cars, buyers must cross the river to where the cars are parked on the Thai side. When a deal is made, a Thai seller brings the car to the Myanmar side. The BGF soldiers then ask for a payment for permission to cross through the border checkpoint. Most traders do business with BGF personnel, he said. BGF soldiers even offered a service to drive the black market cars to the homes of buyers. Until recently, the Myanmar Army and police did not dare to take action against the BGF, he said. "They rule in Myawaddy. No one dares to make a problem for them," Kyaw Than said.

Most of the smuggled cars are second-hand vehicles from Japan and Thailand. Some are stolen cars from other countries, but buyers are not concerned about that, he said. People looking for cheap cars travel to Myawaddy from all over Myanmar. Officially, the government only allows imported cars to enter the country via ports, but it has not been able to control the smuggling of vehicles across the Thai border.

Tension between BGF, Army

On Saturday, the Myanmar Army made surprise checks of two BGF bases — including two border checkpoints —without asking permission from BGF leaders. Some BGF leaders were reportedly upset about the army's move, but decided not to complain about it.

Regarding the army's action, BGF spokesperson Naing Maung Zaw told The Irrawaddy that, "We are all soldiers. We should respect each other. But, they [the Army] did not respect us."

Myanmar Army and BGF leaders held a meeting in Myawaddy yesterday, according to BGF sources. The army ordered the closure of one major border checkpoint that had become a major conduit for car smuggling.

The situation was tense in some locations where BGF personnel were fully armed. Some residents of Myawaddy said both sides were to blame for the problem. "Normally [the town's] restaurants are crowded, but not today," Kyaw Than said.

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Junta Insider Recalls Dancing with Devils

Posted: 25 Mar 2018 11:32 PM PDT

The Irrawaddy revisits this story from August 2012 in which former Red Flag communist Chit Hlaing recalls working alongside infamous figures from Myanmar's past including the brutal dictators Gen Ne Win and Snr-Gen Than Shwe. He died on March 24 at age 92.

In his youth, when British-colonized Myanmar was struggling to restore its independence, Chit Hlaing worked with some of the country's most famous leaders including national hero Gen Aung San as well as the less salubrious Gen Ne Win and Thakin Soe, who led the Red Flag faction.

Now in his early 80s, Chit Hlaing, himself an ex-Red Flag communist who translated several Marxist texts into Myanmar, is still following the political intrigues of the nation. His mind remains razor-sharp and his past memories are still fresh.

As the author of the political bible of the Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP)—"The System of Correlation between Man and His Environment" simply known as Innya myinnya—Chit Hlaing worked alongside former dictator Ne Win throughout the 1960s, and remained close to later junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe during the 1990s.

The assignment to write Innya myinnya came directly from Ne Win and the two were in constant contact. Chit Hlaing worked closely with the former general throughout the 1950s and 1960s and was always ready to defend Ne Win as a pragmatist. Ne Win, a member of legendary "30 Comrades," staged a military coup in March 1962 and introduced the "Burmese Way to Socialism" which turned out to be an unmitigated failure.

Ne Win recruited the Marxist Chit Hlaing as he needed to introduce a political ideology in the aftermath of his coup. Chit Hlaing joined the Defense Directorate of Psychological Warfare as a civilian military official with the same rank as lieutenant-colonel in 1955. In the 1970s, Chit Hlaing left the BSPP but still often met Ne Win whenever summoned by the general.

Ne Win resigned from politics in 1988 during the upheaval caused by nationwide democracy protests and has since devoted his time to reading books and studying Buddhism as well as practicing meditation.

Chit Hlaing, who speaks French and once studied philosophy at the Sorbonne in France, recalled his last meeting with Ne Win during an interview with The Irrawaddy. In July 1995, Chit Hlaing and former Judge Tin Aung Hein, a student activist who became a prominent member of the BSPP, visited Ne Win's house.

Ne Win was alone in his residence—his wife Ni Ni Myint, a university professor of history, left for an appointment after preparing them some food—but he looked healthy and his mind was clear.

Chit Hlaing and Tin Aung Hein wanted to bring up the current state of political affairs in the country but were unable to do so since Ne Win did not want to discuss anything related to politics. They politely listened to the former dictator as he spoke about religion and Buddhism.

They were surprised when Ne Win confessed that he would not have staged the coup in 1962 if he had studied Buddhism and meditation earlier in life. Ne Win elaborated further if he had known Anicca, Dukkha and Anatta—the three Dharma aspects of life—at the time, he would not have seized power.

Chit Hlaing said the former general was no philosopher and always remained suspicious of people. Among the three leaders of Myanmar's independence struggle who he knew best—Aung San, Ne Win and Thakin Soe—he respected Aung San most. "Aung San is just Aung San and there is no comparison," said Chit Hlaing in his Rangoon residence.

In his farewell speech to an emergency congress held by the BSPP in 1988, Ne Win stunned the nation by saying that if the "disturbances" continued the "army would have to be called in and I would like to declare from here that if the army shoots it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It would shoot straight to hit."

Ne Win was not issuing an empty threat. Troops gunned down several hundred peaceful demonstrators during the uprising. Chit Hlaing thought it was a moment when Ne Win was facing a real political crisis and lost control.

Some of those close to the dictator claimed that he kept books of Buddhism in his study to read and contemplate. In his meditation room, visitors claimed there was a sizable gold-plated banyan leaf on the wall. Did this brutal dictator reach Nirvana. Who knows?

Ne Win was placed under house arrest in 2002 accused of plotting to overthrow the military government, with his arrest finally ending decade-long speculation that he was still in control of the regime.

He was imprisoned at his lakeside villa—ironically just around the corner from where democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was similarly incarcerated—with only his favorite daughter, Sandar Win, for company.

Ne Win's three grandsons and son-in-law were found guilty of treason and sentenced to death. Sandar Win was recently released from under house arrest along with her husband Aye Zaw Win and has since been seen around Rangoon. She used to own the Nawarat Hotel in the former capital and apparently plans to reopen it soon. One of their sons was also released but several alleged coup plotters remain behind bars.

Ne Win was a reclusive figure who was known to be superstitious and believe in the power of numbers. He once instructed that the national currency, the kyat, should be issued in denominations of 45 and 90 because they were divisible by his lucky number, nine.

Some said that he once asked a plane to circle his native hometown nine times while he rode a wooden horse onboard. Rumors abound that he once bathed in dolphins' blood to regain his youth and his dedication to numerology was legendary.

But Ne Win was not the only Myanmar tyrant with whom Chit Hlaing rubbed shoulders. In late 1950s, he also met a young army officer who came to study political science. This student would one day become Snr-Gen Than Shwe.

From the outset, Chit Hlaing thought that Than Shwe was more like a politician than an army officer.

Than Shwe was sent to study psychological warfare in Yangon in 1958. He then became a teacher at the Central School of Political Science in Minglardon Township in Yangon. Chit Hlaing often met Than Shwe at school or social gatherings and they would make sightseeing trips outside of Rangoon together.

He evaluated Than Shwe as a pragmatist who was more interested in politics than military affairs.

From 1957 to 1960, they met often and discussed Myanmar politics. San Yu, then commander of Northern Regional Military Command and who served as Burmese president from 1981 to 1988, spotted Than Shwe's potential and appointed him chief of the Psychological Warfare Department in Northern Region. Than Shwe was then a young captain.

Chit Hlaing said that Than Shwe, like many army officers in Myanmar, was always a virulent anti-communist. In the early 1990s, Chit Hlaing went to meet Than Shwe twice—in 1990 and 1992.

Than Shwe became head of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, the highest political body in Myanmar, in 1992. He unexpectedly took over power from Snr-Gen Saw Maung in April of that year when the junta chief resigned citing health reasons.

Than Shwe did not reveal much at the time except to say that the current situation was a bit chaotic. He also offered Chit Hlaing some cash to publish books.

Chit Hlaing, who also used the pen name Ko Ko Maung Gyi, has since written several tomes. He usually sends his newly published work to colleagues, politicians, senior members of the ruling council and, of course, Than Shwe himself.

Last year, when he sent his latest memoirs to Than Shwe and other top leaders, he was told by officials in the Ministry of Information to address Than Shwe as "head-of-state" and Vice-Snr-Gen Maung Aye as "deputy head-of-state."

"To Thein Sein?" asked Chit Hlaing of the instructions. "Of course, he is the president," replied the official. "Are you sure about that?" Chit Hlaing insisted.

When asked whether he thinks Than Shwe is still pulling the string and remains in control as many Myanmar scholars believe, Chit Hlaing gave a wry smile. "Maybe he is still in remote control mode. Who knows?" he chuckled.

The post Junta Insider Recalls Dancing with Devils appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Uber Agrees to Sell SE Asia Business to Grab After Costly Battle

Posted: 25 Mar 2018 09:52 PM PDT

SINGAPORE/SAN FRANSICO — Ride-hailing firm Uber Technologies Inc has agreed to sell its Southeast Asian business to bigger regional rival Grab, the firms said in a statement on Monday, marking the US company’s second retreat from an Asian market.

The deal marks the industry’s first big consolidation in Southeast Asia, home to about 640 million people, and puts pressure on Indonesia’s Go-Jek, which is backed by Alphabet Inc’s Google and China’s Tencent Holdings Ltd.

As part of the transaction, Uber will take a 27.5 percent stake in the Southeast Asian company and Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi will join Grab’s board.

Expectations of consolidation in Asia’s fiercely competitive ride-hailing industry were stoked earlier this year when Japan’s SoftBank Group Corp made a multi-billion dollar investment in Uber.

SoftBank is also one of the main investors in several other big ride-hailing firms including Grab, China’s Didi Chuxing, and India’s Ola.

Ride-hailing companies throughout Asia have relied heavily on discounts and promotions, driving down profit margins.

Uber, which is preparing for a potential initial public offering in 2019, lost $4.5 billion last year and is facing fierce competition at home and in Asia, as well as a regulatory crackdown in Europe.

“It will help us double down on our plans for growth as we invest heavily in our products and technology,” Khosrowshahi said in a statement.

Grab said it will take over Uber’s operations and assets in eight countries in the region, and will expand its food delivery services.

The post Uber Agrees to Sell SE Asia Business to Grab After Costly Battle appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police, Politicians Accused of Joining Sri Lanka’s Anti-Muslim Riots

Posted: 25 Mar 2018 09:44 PM PDT

KANDY, Sri Lanka — Police and politicians backed by the country’s former strongman President Mahinda Rajapaksa joined anti-Muslim riots that rocked Sri Lanka’s Kandy district this month, according to witnesses, officials and CCTV footage reviewed by Reuters.

Scores of Muslim mosques, homes and businesses were destroyed as mobs ran amok for three days in Kandy, the central highlands district previously known for its diversity and tolerance. The government declared a state of emergency and blocked social media platforms for a week to control the unrest.

The role of police and some local Buddhist politicians suggests the Sri Lankan government lost control of elements of its security forces, and that the violence was more than a spontaneous outbreak fuelled by fringe Buddhist extremists and hate-speech spread on social media.

Rajapaksa has denied that he or other leaders of his party were involved. Police said the allegations against officers and politicians were being investigated.

Victims and witnesses, whose accounts were partly backed by CCTV footage seen by Reuters, described members of an elite paramilitary police unit, the Special Task Force (STF), assaulting Muslim cleric and leaders. Local STF commanders declined to comment.

“They came to attack,” said A.H Ramees, a cleric at a mosque where worshippers say they were beaten by police who were supposed to be protecting them. “They were shouting. There was filthy language. They said all the problems were because of us, that we were like terrorists.”

Ruwan Gunasekera, a spokesman for the national police force, including the STF, said a special investigation unit was "probing the deficiencies of the police in the incident." A second unit was examining the role of political actors, he said.

The riots were the latest example of rising Buddhist nationalism and anti-Muslim sentiment in the region and have unnerved Sri Lanka’s multi-ethnic coalition government, which ousted Rajapaksa in an election in 2015, according to analysts and two sources familiar with the government’s deliberations.

Buddhists make up about 70 percent of Sri Lanka’s 21 million people. Tamils, most of whom are Hindu, account for 13 percent while Muslims make up about 9 per cent of the population.

Sri Lanka’s Law and Order Minister Ranjith Madduma Bandara has said the violence in Kandy was “well organized” and pointed the finger at members of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), a political party backed by Rajapaksa that scored a huge victory in local elections last month.

At a press conference flanked by senior leaders earlier this month, Rajapaksa said the accusations were politically motivated. In fact, the government fomented the violence to “get the Muslim vote” and to distract from its inadequacies, he said.

Trigger for Violence

The violence in Kandy was triggered by an attack on a Buddhist truck driver, H.G Kumarasinghe, by four Muslim men after a traffic dispute on Feb. 22.

As Kumarasinghe lay in a coma, calls for retribution and anti-Islam polemics flooded social media and the government ordered the deployment of 1,000 members of the STF.

Rioting erupted after his funeral 11 days later.

An excerpt of CCTV footage from the first day of attacks reviewed by Reuters showed police letting a large group of men through the cordon protecting the Noor Jummah mosque in Digana, a Kandy township.

The men rush into a multi-story building opposite the mosque. A local SLPP politician, Samantha Perera, can be seen pointing at the higher floors of the building.

Perera confirmed he was the person shown in the footage. He said he was trying to calm the rioters and only found out later the mosque had been attacked. “I am a good Buddhist. I am not instigating violence against anybody,” he told Reuters.

Cabinet spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said Perera was under investigation for "attacking Muslim-owned shops and mosques with stones." At least three other SLPP politicians, including a national politician, were being investigated and another SLPP councillor has been arrested for setting fire to a mosque, he said. All deny any involvement in the violence.

“There’s a political motive to discredit me, Mahinda Rajapaksa and the party,” Perera said.

"Monster Beyond Control"

Anti-Muslim sentiment has surged in Sri Lanka since 2009, when a long civil war against Tamil insurgents was brutally ended by Rajapaksa amid charges by a United Nations panel of experts of human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings by the military and STF.

As in Myanmar, from where 700,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled an army crackdown in recent months, Buddhist hardliners in Sri Lanka have argued that Islam is a threat to the Buddhist way of life.

Though the level of violence is not comparable, the Sri Lankan Secretariat for Muslims, a civil society group, logged more than 600 attacks and threats to Muslims in the past five years, according to director Hilmy Ahamed, who added the rate of anti-Muslim violence had accelerated in the recent years.

“The fear that Muslims are going to take over, are going to deprive you of your welfare, is so widespread,” he said.

Veteran political analyst Jayadeva Uyangoda said Buddhist chauvinism in Sri Lanka was a "monster beyond control," as local activists draw inspiration from the Buddhist extremists in Myanmar and Hindu radicals in India hostile to Muslims.

“Can You Believe it?"

About 10 minutes after the incident near the Noor Jummah mosque shown in the CCTV footage, the mob returned via a back road, out of the line of sight of the mosque’s exterior cameras, and threw a petrol bomb into the mosque’s first floor office, according to witnesses Mohamed Niyaskhan, who said he was beaten and left bloodied, and the mosque secretary M.I.M Shukry.

The men burned Korans during 45 minutes of looting and destruction, they said.

Niyaskhan said earlier that day he had prepared food and drinks for STF members protecting the mosque, but they had left shortly before the attack.

“No STF, no police were there,” he said. “They had gone around the corner. Can you believe it?”

Later that day, eight to 10 members of the STF rushed the Hijrapura mosque, also in Digana, according to clerics and worshippers.

The police assaulted worshippers with batons, according to Ramees, the cleric.

CCTV footage shows police in riot gear striking Ramees and another cleric, M.S.M Nizam, four times with batons. A local Buddhist monk, Gerendigala Chanda Wimala, told Reuters he saw the men being manhandled by police and successfully demanded their release.

At about the same time, a local Muslim politician, Abdul Saleem Mohamad Fazil, and a friend Mohamad Faizal, were also attacked by members of the elite police unit, according to the victims and a witness, Father Christy Paul, the prelate at Digana’s Catholic church.

“Three STFs came through the back entrance of the house and started beating us,” said Fazil, who suffered a deep head wound and said he spent in a night in prison after being refused medical treatment.

“They grabbed some bottles from the landing and put them in a bag and said we were making petrol bombs.”

Father Christy said he heard the men’s screams and saw the police hitting them with batons. The men were cowering on the ground and not offering any resistance to the police, he said.

A local STF commander, asked about the incidents described to Reuters, declined to comment, citing restrictions on talking to the media. The law and order ministry referred to the police special investigation into alleged abuses.

Police say they have arrested more than 300 people involved in the riots.

The post Police, Politicians Accused of Joining Sri Lanka's Anti-Muslim Riots appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Philippines Urges Tougher Global Action on Cybersex Child Trafficking

Posted: 25 Mar 2018 09:24 PM PDT

MANILA — The Philippines’ fight to end cybersex trafficking needs other countries to get tougher with sexual predators who pay to watch children being abused over webcam, a Filipina senator said.

Organizations such as the United Nations’ children’s agency (UNICEF) say the Philippines is the epicenter of a growing cybersex trafficking trade, with many children forced to perform sex acts, abused and raped by relatives in front of a webcam.

The Philippines receives at least 3,000 reports per month from other countries of possible cases of its children being sexually exploited online, said the Department of Justice.

Senator Loren Legarda said the Southeast Asian nation must better enforce its anti-trafficking law, which carries the threat of life imprisonment, but there must be global action to stop cybersex trafficking where victims are sold for sex online.

“Developed countries, from which the demand for online sexual exploitation of children usually originates, must do their part,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation days after delivering a speech on cybersex child trafficking to the Senate.

She cited a recent case in Queensland, Australia, where a man was spared jail and fined $500 after being convicted of receiving explicit images of two girls from a Filipina mother.

“This calls for amending the lenient sentences that their laws mete upon those who prey on Filipino children … raise the penalties to lower the demand,” added the three-time senator and first woman to be elected head of the Philippines’ upper house.

At least 400,000 people in the country – or one in 250 – are estimated to be trapped in modern slavery, according to the 2016 Global Slavery Index by the Walk Free Foundation.

The Philippines is considered a regional hotspot for trafficking – from domestic workers who are exploited and enslaved overseas to forced prostitution in the nation’s booming sex industry and now to cybersex trafficking.

“We get a lot of help from the likes of Australia, Britain, Germany, Norway and the United States when it comes to tackling the online sexual exploitation of children … but we need more,” said Juvy Manwong, assistant secretary at the department.

“It is disheartening to see soft punishments against abusers in other countries,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Legarda said the Philippines must also raise awareness of the crime and the country’s anti-trafficking law – to deter abusers and encourage the public to report cases – and teach children how to better protect themselves offline and online.

Police, prosecutors, charities, and government and aviation officials in Angeles – one of the country’s major trafficking hubs – last week joined forces in a city-wide drive to identify traffickers, boost victim support and keep people from harm.

“The illegal trade is a complex web – battling it requires a concerted effort from all sectors of society,” Legarda added.

The post Philippines Urges Tougher Global Action on Cybersex Child Trafficking appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sunday, March 25, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


NLD Denies Reports of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Imminent Retirement

Posted: 25 Mar 2018 12:53 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — A spokesman for the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) on Sunday denied reports that State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would be retiring any time soon.

"There are reports that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would retire. I didn't say that. I said she would be able to retire soon if party members worked hard. It is what she always says. But it doesn't mean she will retire soon," U Myo Nyunt told The Irrawaddy.

He made the remarks following media reports that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who also chairs the NLD, told members of her party’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) on Saturday that she would like to stand down if possible.

The meeting in Naypyitaw was just a social gathering and political issues were not discussed, U Myo Nyunt said.

"It was just a casual conversation. It has been a long time since she last met with CEC members. And as [vice president-elect] U Win Myint is about to take the top job, we had a social gathering with old and new executives," he said.

The military-drafted 2008 Constitution bars government officials from being involved in party politics, so the social gathering was therefore legal, the spokesman added.

"She must remain the leader of the country, considering her influence and caliber. It is not because we don't sympathize with her [considering her age and workload]. But she should hold an important role in the country as long as she is alive, and I believe she will," said NLD lawmaker U Nay Myo Tun, who represents Yangon Region's Htantabin Township.

"She said she was old and would like to retire as a way of giving her party members friendly encouragement to work harder," he added.

The 73-year-old was too exhausted to speak during a trip to Australia last week and spent most of her time there in bed, said NLD CEC member U Win Htein, who visited her in Australia.

"Far from chatting with her, she was sick in bed because of jet lag. She had to cancel her speech, and the meeting with the Australian chief minister," U Win Htein told The Irrawaddy.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post NLD Denies Reports of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Imminent Retirement appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Saturday, March 24, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


This Week in Parliament (March 19-23)

Posted: 23 Mar 2018 08:20 PM PDT

Monday (March 19)

The Union Parliament approved more than 6.4 billion kyats (US$7.8 million) for the Ministry of Transport and Communications to monitor the internet for people who use it to "harm the stability" of the country. The Social Media Monitoring Team was formed with the approval of the Union government in February to identify those who instigate political instability on the Internet and social media.

Tuesday (March 20)

The Union Parliament passed the draft Union Taxation Law 2018, agreeing that a separate law would be required for taxation on income from unidentified sources. According to the law, anyone with a minimum annual income of 4.8 million kyats is liable to pay income tax.

Wednesday (March 21)

Lower House Speaker U Win Myint resigned from his post shortly after President U Htin Kyaw's sudden departure the same day, prompting speculation that he will be Myanmar's next president.

Thursday (March 22)

U T Khun Myat, an ex-lawmaker of the Union Solidarity and Development Party was elected as the Lower House speaker, and U Tun Aung aka U Tun Tun Hein of the National League for Democracy as the deputy speaker. Having stepped down as president before serving his full term and without citing ill health, outgoing president U Htin Kyaw is not entitled to a pension or gratuity, according to lawmakers.

Friday (March 23)

U Win Myint, who resigned as the Lower House speaker on Wednesday, and U Thaung Aye of Pyawbwe Township were nominated to be vice-president. U Win Myint was elected as the third vice-president, one of the three to then be voted the next president.

The post This Week in Parliament (March 19-23) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘If an Ethnic Group is Excluded, We Can’t Say the Peace Process is Complete’

Posted: 23 Mar 2018 08:11 PM PDT

Kyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we discuss the latest developments in Myanmar's peace process. Vice-chairman Ko Myo Win of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), and political and ethnic affairs analyst U Than Soe Naing join me for the discussion. I'm The Irrawaddy Burmese edition chief reporter Kyaw Kha.

U Than Soe Naing, which stage has Myanmar's peace process reached? Considering the fresh clashes, is it reversing or has it stalled?

'If an Ethnic Group is Excluded, We Can't Say the Peace Process is Complete'

'If an Ethnic Group is Excluded, We Can't Say the Peace Process is Complete'The peace process appears stuck and at risk of giving up hard-won gains. Dateline Irrawaddy discusses what needs to be done to turn the momentum around.

Posted by The Irrawaddy – English Edition on Friday, March 23, 2018

Than Soe Naing: For the time being, it is fair to say that the peace process has stalled. The [third session of] the Union Peace Conference—21st Century Panglong—has been put off three times now. The government said that it would be held in early May, but the preconditions have not been fulfilled. There is a big hurdle facing signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) holding national-level political dialogue. This problem has not yet been solved. And as long as this problem remains unsolved, there is no way the third session of the 21st Panglong Conference can be held. I don't know whether I would call this stalled or in reverse, but clashes are still going on between the Northern Alliance and the military. Overall, the peace process is stalled rather than making progress, and there is a need for greater efforts.

KK: Ko Myo Win, why do you think has this happened?

Myo Win: The peace process is broad, and there are two main parts — cooperation between NCA signatories and the government on implementation of the NCA, and secondly, negotiations between non-signatories and the government, as total inclusiveness is vital for the peace process. Assessing both parts, (progress has) not been satisfactory, but has stalled, as U Than Soe Naing has assessed. The implementation of the NCA has stalled, and so has the communication and negotiation between NCA non-signatories and the government. But then, it is notable that the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) recently signed the NCA, which had already been signed by eight ethnic groups. The peace process is based on the NCA. But signing the NCA is not the end. It is just a step to solve political problems through dialogue.

KK: You belong to an NCA signatory group. As everyone knows, there are obstacles to implementing the NCA for the time being. What are the major hurdles?

MW: There are three parts to implementing the NCA. The first is to make sure no more clashes happen. The Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC) was formed to handle this. Another part is the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), which is responsible for holding the Union Peace Conference. The third part concerns implementation of plans during the period from the ceasefire to the peace conference, which has not yet been done. There are problems with all parts. Even two years after forming the JMC, not all the provisions of the NCA have been implemented, such as deployment of troops and designation of territories. Because of this, there were clashes with the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State], and more recently with the KNU [Karen National Union]. This shows that the JMC can't still be implemented according to the NCA. When there are military problems, political problems also arise since they impact each other. When there is political trust and agreement, there will be military trust. But, there have still been no significant results in the political dialogue.

KK: What is the cause of this? Is it the problem of the military or the government or the ethnic armed groups?

MW: It depends on various factors. Mainly, the political landscape had changed since the 2015 election. Under the U Thein Sein government, the government and Tatmadaw were considered to be the same entity. But under the government of the National League for Democracy (NLD), they are not on the same side. There is also a problem with relations among the ethnic armed groups. Under the U Thein Sein government, ethnic groups formed the NCCT [Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team] and SDs [Senior Delegations] to hold talks with the government. After the NCA was launched, the ethnic armed groups could be divided into two groups — NCA signatories and non-signatories. They were further divided into the bloc of eight NCA signatories, and UNFC [United Nationalities Federal Council] and the Northern Alliance. So, there are different blocs among the ethnic armed groups. This is also a problem for the peace process.

KK: Talking of the peace process, we can't leave out the FPNCC [Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee] led by the UWSA [United Wa State Army]. What are the barriers for them to join the peace process?

TSN: The FPNCC rejected signing the NCA, saying it would take a different route from the NCA. This has made it difficult for both the government and Tatmadaw to continue the peace process. Zhao Guo-ann, the head of the UWSA delegation to the second session of the Panglong Conference, said that they would take a different path because the NCA signatories had experienced troubles and they did not consider the NCA as comprehensive.

Though the FPNCC talked about a different political approach to the NCA, their approach is 70 percent the same as the NCA. They would attend the 21st Century Panglong Conference and participate in political dialogue.

KK: But without signing the NCA.

TSN: Yes, that is the problem. They don't oppose the NCA, but would take a different approach. They also want to participate in the 21st Century Panglong and hold national-level political dialogue as stated in the NCA roadmap. So, we can't say they are totally against the NCA. But we all understand that not opposing the NCA is different from accepting the NCA. But the problem is that NCA non-signatories are barred from attending the 21st Century Panglong Conference. This has caused problems for the Wa and for Mongla [National Democratic Alliance Army]. They didn't participate in negotiating, drafting or signing the NCA. But, they had already signed a Union-level ceasefire agreement. That Union-level agreement is enough for a ceasefire, and the NCA is another step for peace. But, as NCA non-signatories they are not allowed to join the peace process, which has created a problem for the FPNCC.

KK: Now NCA signatories like the RCSS, Arakan Liberation Party [ALP], and New Mon State Party [NMSP] have had troubles in holding public consultations prior to the national-level political dialogue. As the national-level political dialogue could not be held, the 21st Century Panglong has been put off several times. What is the likelihood of the 21st Century Panglong Conference being held without political dialogue? Signatories will have nothing to discuss at the Panglong Conference if the political dialogue is not held.

MW: That's why I said there is a need to review the negotiation process. There are different negotiation methods in the peace processes used by international countries. And we have to adopt a method that fits our country. Maybe you have noticed that the Northern Alliance expressed their stance in the second session of the Panglong Conference. Their negotiation method is simple: Only ethnic armed groups and the government can hold political dialogue, and there is no national-level political dialogue [to be organized by ethnic armed groups in their regions as stated in the NCA]. Political parties will not be involved. The talks will be between the ethnic armed groups and the government only. Then any agreement will be submitted to the Union Parliament for approval. Then, they will amend the [2008] Constitution as necessary. This is the negotiation method proposed by the Northern Alliance. But according to the NCA, national-level political dialogue must be held with the participation of the public, and the results will be sent to and discussed by the working committee of the UPDJC, and then the Union Accord will be signed. But what has happened is the peace process is now stuck over the negotiation method. The problem is not yet about political disagreements over federalism and democracy, but still about how the political negotiations should be held. The problem is still about the process and not yet about the substance. Nothing has been discussed yet, and the process is stuck in disagreement over negotiation methods. Frankly speaking, I think there is a need to review how the political negotiation should be held.

KK: As everyone knows, the peace process has failed to make progress under the NLD-led government as was expected. Given the current situation, the trend is not good. What preconditions are needed for the peace process to move forward smoothly? For example, agreement between the military and the government or tripartite talks? What do you think?

MW: First of all, it needs the clashes to end. It needs trust to be built with both NCA signatories and non-signatories. Political dialogue will not be successful without trust. Clashes break out as trust is being built. For non-signatories to sign the NCA, first of all, they must have trust in the NCA. But as U Than Soe Naing has pointed out, even the NCA signatories are reviewing the implementation of the NCA. It is worse for NCA non-signatories. The most important thing is the clashes must end, and the government must negotiate thoroughly to halt the clashes. After the clashes stop, political agreement on the NCA must be strictly and systematically implemented. The pledges made during negotiation for the NCA must be fulfilled. The problem is that agreements on the NCA have not yet been implemented.

KK: What is the precondition for peace process to make progress under the NLD-led government?

TSN: The peace process has stalled as NCA signatories are not satisfied with the implementation of the NCA. What is more important is we need to find an opportunity to hold talks with the FPNCC. As I've said, they don't oppose the NCA, but they want to participate in the 21st Century Panglong. And we need to create a setting for them to join the peace process. Restriction won't work. No matter which group is excluded, the peace process will never end. Especially, if an ethnic group is excluded, we can't say the peace process is complete. [The military] is still clashing with five ethnic armed groups in northern Myanmar. We need to remove all those obstacles that restrict them from joining the peace process. The FPNCC said they would meet the government together as a group. But the government insists it will only meet them separately. It is not a political problem, but a problem of negotiation method. If [the government] can change that, talks can be held with the Wa and Mongla as well as the KIO [Kachin Independence Organization]. For that to happen, first of all, there must be a ceasefire. Military operations and clashes must halt. The key to this is a frank discussion between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is leading the peace process, and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who is the chief of the Tatmadaw. I think there are problems with the national-level political dialogue because there is no frank discussion between them. The national-level political dialogue is a mandatory part of the NCA. But when political dialogue is held, the Tatmadaw has raised objections in several places, and then general administration departments have followed suit. Public consultations are a mandatory step. Without them, [the discussions at the 21st Century Panglong] are meaningless. But there are doubts and mistrust about implementation of the NCA. And it is the responsibility of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to handle them. If the two discuss those issues frankly, I believe the way the peace process is being implemented now can be changed so that it can move forward.

KK: Thank you for your contributions!

The post 'If an Ethnic Group is Excluded, We Can't Say the Peace Process is Complete' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: From Militia Leader to House Speaker

Posted: 23 Mar 2018 07:43 PM PDT

YANGON – The move by Myanmar's de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to help a former militia leader with a shady past grab the position of lower house speaker caused political analysts to rub their eyes in disbelief and stoked a heated public debate on social media after the results of the secret parliamentary vote become known on Thursday.

Yesterday morning, the lower house held an election for its vacant speaker seat after the incumbent, U Win Myint, resigned in order to contest the presidential post along with the two vice presidents, former Lt. Col Myint Swe and Henry Van Thio, following U Htin Kyaw's resignation from the country's top official post on Wednesday.

Up until the last minute, senior members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) were telling some local publications that central committee member U Tun Tun Hein, a lower house MP from the Naung Cho constituency in Shan State, deserved the House speaker's post.

However, when the NLD parliamentarians submitted two nominees to the Lower House's patron, U Tun Tun Hein's name was not on the list, while deputy speaker U T Khun Myat, an independent representing Kutkai constituency in Shan State, and U Thaung Aye of Pyaw Bwe constituency in Mandalay division were.

Surprisingly, the NLD lower house MP Daw Khin San Hlaing had nominated U T Khun Myat for the job, while not so surprisingly, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the National League for Democracy's main political rival, had pushed its man, U Thaung Aye.

With the support of the NLD's parliamentary majority, U T Khun Myat thus was named the new house speaker, while U Tun Tun Hein was elected to the deputy house speaker position. The Irrawaddy has learnt that several NLD lawmakers published status posts on their Facebook accounts that were harshly critical of the nomination of U T Khun Myat rather than publicly express their points of view.

Who is U T Khun Myat?

U T Khun Myat, a Christian ethnic Kachin also known as Jeffery, was born in 1950 in Kutkai Township in Shan State. According to his parliamentary record, he earned a Bachelor of Law degree from the University of Distance Education in Yangon and was employed as an interim part-time lawyer in 1975.

From 1990 to 2010, he served as director-general of the Office of the Attorney General while leading the People's Militia in Kutkai Township under the supervision of the military's North-East division commander. According to some accounts, the militia is still active in the region.

U T Khun Myat was also a member of the 2008 constitution-drafting board and a member of the 2008 constitutional referendum commission, the same year that Tropical Cyclone Nargis caused devastation throughout much of the country, and killed more than 10,000 people.

U T Khun Myat contested the 2010 election on the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) ticket, as an executive member in northern Shan State, and secured a lower house seat while the NLD boycotted the poll on the grounds that the electoral laws were unjust. He was also chairman of the Committee on Bills in the lower house, a body that was empowered to make draft legislation and amend or repeal outdated laws, and which assisted former lower house speaker Thura U Shwe Mann.

As a former militia leader, U T Khun Myat allegedly oversaw opium fields in several areas under his group's control in northern Shan State, including Marsong, Kampapo and Mankaw, Hpapyae, Kyankar, Loingo, and Loinang, In a Shan Drugs Watch report in 2011, U T Khun Myat was dubbed one of the modern druglords in parliament who had allegedly entered the illicit trade following the retirement of the notorious warlord Khun Sa in Shan State.

U T Khun Myat was also a shareholder in Myanmar Mayflower Bank (MMB), which was accused of laundering money for narcotics traffickers and was shut down by the military government in 2005. According to some reports, his militia forced civilians to vote for his ballot in the 2010 election.

Thura U Shwe Mann, centre, looks towards NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, while U Win Myint, second left, and U T Khun Myat, second right, pose for a photo before their meeting at the Lower House of Parliament in Naypyitaw on Nov. 19, 2015. (REUTERS)

The power behind the throne 

Despite the serious nature of the allegations, U T Khun Myat twice won parliamentary seats, in the 2010 and 2015 elections. His fate changed drastically in late 2015 when his political patron, the former lower house speaker Thura Shwe Mann became embroiled in a toe-to-toe fight for influence against former president U Thein Sein and was purged from the party due to the internal divisions the power struggle was causing.

Thura Shwe Mann then appears to have become a close ally of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the opposition party won a landslide victory in the 2015 general elections. He was appointed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the head of the Commission for the Assessment of Legal Affairs and Special Issues in February 2016. And then, during the formation of the union cabinet and parliaments, Thura Shwe Mann recommended the State Counselor appoint T Khun Myat to be deputy house speaker of the lower house.

During his final press conference as lower house speaker in January 2016, Thura Shwe Mann acknowledged that he had helped Daw Aung San Suu Kyi secure a private meeting with ex-dictator Than Shwe in December 2015. He also confirmed that he had recommended the NLD nominate U T Khun Myat for the deputy house speaker's post and expressed his view that the nominee deserved the post as he had successfully accomplished many assignments in parliament and worked for years at the Attorney-General's Office.

U T Khun Myat also appeared at that event but declined to talk to The Irrawaddy. He was later quoted in other publications as denying the allegations that he had been involved in the drug trade. His appointment was also the talk of the town among political observers back then as well.

When U T Khun Myat was elected to be House Speaker on Thursday, some political observers concluded that Thura Shwe Mann was again acting behind the scenes. However, some senior NLD members claimed that the move was a part of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's national reconciliation efforts and positive for the peace process.

Why did the NLD pick U T Khun Myat?

Similarly, the NLD lawmakers revived the old line they had used in early 2016 that the decision was made in the interests of "national reconciliation".  Newly replaced deputy speaker U Tun Tun Hein, who also belongs to the NLD, trotted out this line in response to reporters' questions on Thursday.

"We are implementing national reconciliation and peace," he said. "It is our election manifesto as well. I see no contradictions in this move in the NLD's compromises to the public."

Daw Khin San Hlaing, the NLD central executive committee member who submitted the nomination, told reporters that her party decided to pick U T Khun Myat as he had previously completed a five-year term under Thura Shwe Mann and has been working alongside former lower house speaker U Win Myint – who was nominated as vice president on Friday—and had gained much experience in those two years that could be helpful in handling legislative mechanisms.

"Whatever, we have chosen him and I hope he will follow our party's policies, guidelines and principles as well," she said.

The Irrawaddy contacted several NLD lawmakers including regional legislators on Thursday, however most were reluctant to express their personal opinions and simply repeated the party line that "the leaders chose the best." Yangon division legislator U Kyaw Zeya said it was the "right decision" and argued that the decision to pick an independent lawmaker such as U T Khun Myat rather than a party member suggested that the party didn't have a quality candidate to fill the post.

Nay Phone Latt, a lawmaker from the Yangon parliament, expressed concern about whether U T Khun Myat could perform as effectively as U Win Myint as he was not a member of the NLD party steering committee.

U Pe Than, a lower house lawmaker from the Arakan National Party (ANP), echoed Nay Phone Lat's opinion that his selection could create challenges for the NLD in the near future.

"I think no matter what, he will not oppose Daw Suu or U Shwe Mann," he said.

MP U Pe Than said he believed that it was highly possible U Shwe Mann had suggested U T Khun Myat for the speaker position but that the final decision was made by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. However, he also noted that the NLD had several qualified legislators in the parliament who were no less capable than U Win Myint.

Judging the qualifications of a politician based on parliamentary work experience is questionable in this case. If, as the NLD senior members argued, U T Khun Myat was the most suitable person based on his experience, then why were the previous vice president Henry Van Thio and the military-appointed vice president U Myint Swe not deserving of the presidential post, as they had almost two years of prior experience?

How come public debate?

Meanwhile, netizens publicly criticized the election of a former militia leader as speaker o the house, which is the higher chamber in the legislature, and it is a key intermediary position between the parliament and the ruling NLD party. Political analyst Yan Myo Thein called the NLD's choice an insult to its voters. He updated his status on his Facebook wall asking, "Where have our votes gone?"

He predicted that none of the elected MPs from the NLD would dare to criticize this centrally made decision despite the grand words uttered by some parliamentarians in the post-election period, including from some political prisoners who won seats in the parliament.

He questioned why voters should now have faith in NLD MPs as they are struggling to build a genuinely democratic country. He stated that he was confused by the NLD's promotion of an ex-USDP politician to the house speaker post, as the holder also serves as an essential member of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC).

The NDSC comprises 11 members: the army permanently occupies six seats, including its appointed vice president (1) U Myint Swe and another five seats for the NLD-appointed president, vice president (2) Henry Van Thio, lower and upper house speakers, as well as the foreign affairs minister, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, respectively. But now the NLD has handed a certain vote to a former USDP politician.

"Voting in support (of U T Khun Myat) by the civilian elected NLD MPs in the lower house is the ugliest thing ever," Yan Myo Thein wrote on his Facebook account.

Ko Thiha Thwe, a journalist who contributes op-ed and political analyses to local publications, pointed out that the move had many potential risks for the NLD and a few potential benefits. He predicted one possible advantage of selecting U T Khun Myat as house speaker was that it might decrease partisanship in the parliament and legislative matters might pass more smoothly. However, the NLD's choice also implies it does not have many quality politicians in the party. Moreover, it could be concluded that the NLD politically had surrendered some legislative power.

"It could also damage the confidence and sap the spiritual strength of NLD loyalist MPs."

The post Analysis: From Militia Leader to House Speaker appeared first on The Irrawaddy.