The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- New Mon State Party Leader Frustrated With Peace Process ‘Stalemate’ But Hopeful
- Wathann Film Festival Ends on an Emotional Note
- Ethnic Political Parties Merge to Seek Stronger Representation in 2020 Election
- The House on an Island
- Peace Center, Ethnic Organizations Call for Immediate Release of Shan Woman
- Ethnic Riang Consider Dropping Traditional Dress After Video
- Rohingya Discussion at Foreign Correspondents’ Club Shut Down by Thai Police
- Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week
- UN’s Bachelet Presses for New Body on Crimes Against Myanmar Rohingya
- China Does Away with Family Planning Offices
| New Mon State Party Leader Frustrated With Peace Process ‘Stalemate’ But Hopeful Posted: 11 Sep 2018 05:59 AM PDT CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Nai Hong Sar, the vice chairman of the New Mon State Party (NMSP), recently spoke with The Irrawaddy's Nyein Nyein about the stalled peace process. Many think that the peace process has stalled. What is your assessment of the current state of the peace process? It seems that it is difficult to move forward. The third session of the 21st Century Panglong [Peace Conference] discussed nothing about political principles and important issues. By important issues, I mean federalism and ethnic rights. It only discussed gender equality. Security matters, which are important to guaranteeing the political agreements, were barely discussed. So the last session of the 21st Century Panglong was hardly fruitful. It seems that it was held because it had been scheduled. The Tatmadaw [military] has said that it would discuss the rights of states and ethnic [minority] groups only when [ethnic armed groups] agreed not to secede. Ethnic groups find it difficult to accept that. So [the peace talks] have reached a stalemate. Progress is slow because no solution has yet been found to break that stalemate. Peace talks have been on and off since the drafting of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA]. What is the essential precondition to overcome this? If both sides do have the genuine desire for peace, this can be overcome. If one side has a bigoted stance and gives it precedence over the peace process, we will not be able to step forward. The peace process has reached that stage now. The Tatmadaw put pressures on you before your organization, the NMSP, and the Lahu Democratic Union signed the NCA earlier this year. What is the situation in Mon State now? People know that there was military pressure in the past. There is no such pressure now. But there is no improvement. It [the Tatmadaw] has taken control of two of our outposts and hasn't given them back. We, the NMSP, are on the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee [JMC] at the union level. But at the state-level JMCs, we are only allowed to be involved in Mon State and not in other states. I mean we are not members in Karen State and Taninthayi Region even though our troops are active in both of those areas. For example, the Karen National Union [KNU] is allowed to join the JMCs in Karen and Mon states, Bago and Taninthayi regions. But we Mon are only allowed to join the Mon State JMC. So it is not fair. We have raised objection about it. Our troops are in Karen State; in case of conflict [there], how can we resolve it if we are not a member to the local [JMC]? So we don't have equal rights and there is no honesty. KNU and NMSP troops have clashed in the past. We were interested to see how the two would settle after signing the NCA. What is the current situation? There are no clashes between the two now. There were clashes between ground troops in the past. But leaders on both sides tried to control it as much as they could. There are ongoing clashes in Shan and Kachin states. We heard that there have been negotiations between the warring sides. But what actions are the NCA signatories taking to deescalate the situation? So far I haven't heard that NCA signatories, as a bloc, are holding talks [with the government or non-signatories to deescalate]. There are concerned JMCs in those states and I don't know how those JMCs are handling it. For example, there are frequent clashes with the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State] in Shan State, and also with the KNU. They are trying to solve it bilaterally. There is still no multilateral negotiation. There are reports that the NMSP chairman said the NMSP will resign from the UNFC [United Nationalities Federal Council]. As the UNFC is a coalition of NCA signatories and non-signatories, what is the latest situation with the UNFC, as you are the UNFC chairman? The continued existence of the UNFC is important and we are trying to maintain it as much as possible. When the United Nationalities Federal Council became aware of the position of the New Mon State Party’s central committee, the UNFC responded in a letter asking whether the NMSP could reconsider leaving the bloc. But a response has not yet been received. What are the major challenges for Myanmar to achieve peace and become a federal democratic union? It largely depends on the Myanmar Tatmadaw. It indoctrinated Burmanization under General Ne Win's regime since the coup in 1962. And Senior General Than Shwe's government gave many opportunities to Tatmadaw leaders in politics and granted them many businesses. Tatmadaw leaders now have high positions; it is difficult for them to abandon them. It is mainly because of the Tatmadaw that the peace process has reached an impasse. People are no longer interested in the peace process. They feel like it is not working. What do you want to say to the people? Today, the opportunity presents itself for talks, and people have a certain degree of democratic rights. Under such conditions, it is normal for them to feel frustrated. People are dissatisfied, and so are we. But we need to keep on trying. Over the past 70 years, there was no political negotiation around a table. The opportunity has come only now. We want [the EAOs] to use it in that framework and to try to reach our own goal. Armed struggle will not solve the problem. I want us to try to make the best use of that opportunity. I also want the people to support it and do their fair share. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post New Mon State Party Leader Frustrated With Peace Process ‘Stalemate’ But Hopeful appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Wathann Film Festival Ends on an Emotional Note Posted: 11 Sep 2018 05:47 AM PDT YANGON—The Wathann Film Festival, a platform for new filmmakers, successfully wrapped up its eighth edition on the evening of Sept. 10 with an award ceremony that provided an unforgettable moment for the local industry. The festival's competition section screened 11 local short and documentary films selected from 57 submissions. Two were selected to receive the Best Documentary and Best Short Film awards. "Actually, we were planning to give awards to a total of three films. Unfortunately, there was no suitable film to receive the New Vision Award," said Ko Thaid Dhi, a filmmaker and co-founder of the festival. But organizers surprised the filmmakers with two unannounced special honors: the Best Cinematography Award and the Encouragement Award.  "We omitted one of the big awards, but the special award-winning filmmakers richly deserved their awards," Ko Thaid Dhi said. Director Cherry Thein won the Best Documentary Award for her film "Mother's Burden". Co-directors Than Kyaw Htay and Thadi Htar won the Best Short Film Award for "Silence in Mrauk Oo", which also took the surprise Best Cinematography award. Director Mg Bhone won the Encouragement Award for his short film "VOID". The prizes for the top awards were 1 million kyats and a trophy designed by Traditional Czech Crystal. The winners of the prizes for the special awards received 50,000 Kyats. "Mother's Burden" depicts the struggles of an older single mother in rural Bagan and her regrets about her daughter's poor choices. The film, which reflects the conservative and sometimes ill-fated approaches to parenting that prevail in today's Myanmar, elicits both sadness and happiness. Audiences sense the mother's regret and distress. The film deserved the prize, though the filmmaker was unable to celebrate with her team due to poor health. Than Kyaw Htay and Thadi Htar shared their happiness with the audience. "We're so excited and don't know what to say. Really, we're so happy," Ko Than Kyaw Htay said. Thadi Htar added, "This is our first award."  "Silence in Mrauk Oo" is about a man who returns to Rakhine State's Mrauk Oo from Yangon looking for answers regarding the death of his father during January's protest in the township. "This is a fictional story based on the actual Mrauk Oo protest; it is inspired by the reality, which is that no one wants to talk about the protest in January. Everyone stays silent," Than Kyaw Htay said. "As a son, he wants to know about his father's death, and asks questions of his relatives, monks and friends, but no one gives him a proper answer. So, I think we can see his curiosity, sadness and anger through the dialogue in the film," Thadi Htar said. The two filmmakers directed the film on a tight schedule; they had just two-and-a-half days of shooting. "It was a bit of a rush but we were satisfied after editing it. We think the film successfully sends the message that we intended. We believe audiences will be moved by it," Thadi Htar said. The film earned the Best Cinematography award thanks to the beautiful landscape scenes shot in Mrauk Oo, and the accomplished camera work. The festival screened more than 70 local and international short and documentary films, including the 11 competition films, eight international feature-length films, four local documentaries in the new "Reflection of Society" program, and other short films. WFF is the oldest independent competitive film festival in Yangon. It was launched in September 2011 by local filmmakers Thu Thu Shein and Thaid Dhi. It is a platform for independent local and international filmmakers. This year's film festival was held at Waziya Cinema and the Goethe Institut in Yangon from Sept. 5-10. The judges for this year's festival were from Myanmar, Japan and Germany. The post Wathann Film Festival Ends on an Emotional Note appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ethnic Political Parties Merge to Seek Stronger Representation in 2020 Election Posted: 11 Sep 2018 05:37 AM PDT YANGON— Homegrown political parties in Myanmar's ethnic areas have been merging together in the hope of winning a majority of seats in both national and regional parliaments in the upcoming 2020 general elections, a victory that would grant them more authority to improve their rights. So far, apart from the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party, political parties in four out of eight of Myanmar's major ethnic groups have merged. The results of the 2015 general election were a major lesson for the ethnic parties; disunity among them and the stunning NLD victory resulted in their holding a mere 11 percent of seats in the national legislature. In 2015, 91 political parties contested for seats out of which 64 percent, or 59 parties, represented ethnic minority parties. Most major ethnic groups—the Shan, Kachin, Kayah, Chin, Mon and Karen—were represented by at least two parties each. Because of splitting votes, there was a decline of 4 percent in seats held by members of ethnic parties compared to the 2010 election, which was held under the military regime. Instead of competing against each other, many of the smaller ethnic parties have decided to amalgamate in a bid to win more seats in the 2020 general election. In fact, they ultimately aim to triumph over the NLD as they believe the party doesn't bring satisfactory development or improvements in their respective ethnic states. The merging process started after the NLD came to power, but initially proved difficult due to the many different political views and ambitions at the core of the different parties. When ethnic people became dissatisfied with the NLD's efforts in the peace process and forming a federal system however, they put more pressure on their homegrown political parties to combine. After two and half years of the NLD in power, political parties of Myanmar's different major ethnic groups— the Karen, Kachin, Kayah, Mon and Chin— have officially announced their solidarity in the run for the 2020 elections. Chin parties have been working to merge since 2016 after a dissatisfactory 2015 election saw no Chin party win any seat in either the regional or national parliament. In July 2017, the Chin National Democratic Party (CNDP) and the Chin Progressive Party (CPP) agreed to combine as one "Chin National Congress." This year, a third political party from Chin State, the Chin League for Democracy (CLD), has set its sights on joining the duo. The three Chin-based parties are to combine in the coming months under a new name, "Chin National League for Democracy." "Chin parties need to consolidate for greater effectiveness. We aim to win a majority of seats in the 2020 election," Chin National Democratic party (CNDP) secretary, Salai Ceu Bik Thawng told The Irrawaddy. "We accept the concept of having one party that represents one ethnic group," he said. "We [Chin] voted for the NLD in 2015 because we thought they would create policies to defend ethnic rights and form federal states. After getting involved in the peace process, we have gradually come to understand that their stand for ethnic rights is weak. The Chin people realize that the NLD can't guarantee their rights. They want to see more support for the Chin parties so they are pushing us to unite," he added. In Chin State's 2015 election, the regional parliament saw the NLD win 12 seats, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won four seats and the Zomi Congress for Democracy (ZCD) two seats. The NLD won seven seats and the ZCD two seats in the Lower House and in the Upper House, the NLD won nine seats, USDP two seats and ZCD two seats. Recently, four Kachin parties—the Kachin Democratic Party (KDP), the Kachin State Democracy Party (KSDP), the Kachin National Congress (KNC) and the Union and Democracy Party of Kachin State (UDPKS) made the decision to merge. The new party has been named "Kachin State Party" and aims to be a stronger contender in the 2020 elections.  In the 2015 elections, the KSDP was the only Kachin party to win seats in the parliament—one seat in Lower House and three in the regional parliament. The NLD won a majority of seats in Kachin regional parliaments. Central committee member of the newly founded Kachin State Party and former chairperson of KDP Aung Kham said, "Our [newly founded] party will represent all the Kachin people. We hope to form a coalition government with the other ethnic parties or whoever can guarantee ethnic rights and to form federal states in 2020." The Kachin State Party expects to contest all the Kachin constituencies in 2020, Aung Kham said, "If parties representing the other ethnic groups in Kachin State want to contest the 2020 election we will collaborate with them. We won't allow a split in the vote." A number of major Karen political parties also believe that consolidation will be rewarded with victory in the 2020 election. In February, four Karen political parties— the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party, the Karen Democratic Party, the Karen State Democracy and Development Party and the Karen National Democratic Party—merged to form the new party, "Karen National Democratic Party (KNDP)." Two other Karen parties—the Karen Peoples' Party, which is based in Yangon, and the Karen National Party based in Irrawaddy Region—did not merge with the new group. A vice chairman of the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party (PSDP), one of Karen parties in the merger, Mann Aung Pyi Soe told The Irrawaddy, "I don't want to mention what the NLD is doing for our rights because Karen already understand it. As a result, the Karen people urged us to merge. We have merged because of their will." "We hope that at least we will get a majority of seats in the regional parliament in the 2020 election so we can perform effectively for Karen rights," he said. "During election canvassing, the NLD told [voters] they only need to look to the [NLD] party, and not to look to the other [candidates]. But this time, we will push our people to look to those with talents and capability to make changes, not to the party," he added. In 2015, the NLD won a majority of seat in Karen State, while the Kayin Peoples' Party won only one seat in the regional parliament. In July, two Mon parties— the All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMRDP) and the Mon National Party (MNP) also decided to merge to form a new political party for the 2020 elections. The merger agreed to the name "Mon Party" and will celebrate their joining as one party this month. In the 2015 elections, the AMRDP and the MNP won a total of only four seats in the regional parliament while the NLD holds the majority.  In Kayah State, in 2017, the Kayah Unity Democracy party and the All Nationals' Democracy Party decided to merge with the aim of establishing federalism in the region through the peace process under their new party named "Kayah State Democratic Party." However, some major ethnic political parties will not be able to merge in the future due to different perspectives in politics, agendas and some internal conflicts among them. In Shan State, there are two major political parties–the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and the Shan Nationalities Democracy Party (SNDP). Despite the SNLD being the most popular party among Shan people, the USDP was victorious in the 2015 election. The SNLD holds 24 seats, the NLD 21 seats and the SNDP one seat in the regional parliament. But experts have said that the SNLD and the SNDP political stances are different so they won't consolidate for the next elections. Two Rakhine parties— the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) and the Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) merged in 2014 under the name "Arakan National Party" (ANP) with the aim of working together for the Rakhine people. They were the earliest merger to be formed among the ethnic political parties. However, the parties separated in 2017 due to what was said to be unfair decision-making and internal conflicts between two party members. In the 2015 election, the NLD won 77 percent of seats, which was a landslide victory as voted by a population starved of change and democracy under the military dictatorship for almost five decades. However, during the last two years, Daw Aung Suu Kyi's government has come under criticism for delaying reforms and development processes, an unsuccessful and vague peace procedure, the crackdown on media and attracting pressure from human rights groups over the Rohingya crisis in Rakhine States. Many former supporters from ethnic groups have revealed that the NLD administration fails to listen to their voices and works against their will, especially regarding ethnic rights. Ethnic people have pointed out ongoing civil wars in Kachin and Shan states which have actually seen the number of IDPs increase under the NLD government. Moreover, the NLD regional government last year named a bridge in Mon State "Aung San Bridge"—after the national independence hero and late father of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—against the will of Mon people. Despite objections, NLD supporters, including some regional authorities, have also erected statues of Aung San in Kachin and Chin states while a number of youths opposing such a statue in Kayah State are currently on trial for their protests against the plan to erect a similar statue in Loikaw. The 2017 by-elections were a wake-up call for the NLD government, which won only half of the 19 seats while the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) won six seats and the USDP won two. Though the by-election results don't change the country's administration, it was a warning bell for the NLD government showing they have not been able to garner much support from the ethnic nationalities. By combining, many ethnic parties hope to achieve more for their respective states and regions. The ethnic political contenders believe there will three clear runners for the 2020 elections— the NLD, the combined ethnic parties and the military-backed USDP and their alliance parties. Despite the ethnic party's preparation for the 2020 general election, some ambitious ethnic parties, like the Chin and Kachin, believe that to win a majority of seats in both the regional and national parliament, they may form a coalition government with the NLD or an ethnic party who guarantees to form federal states via a long-lasting peace process. "In 2020, one party cannot form a government. The NLD will be a winner in Burmese-dominated constituencies but ethnic parties will have more chances for votes in ethnic states because [the NLD] didn't fulfill the promises they made to ethnic people in 2015," said Salai Ceu Bik Thawng. "We will have a coalition government in 2020," he added. The post Ethnic Political Parties Merge to Seek Stronger Representation in 2020 Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 11 Sep 2018 04:54 AM PDT The towering century-old home in Yangon, built by the prominent Chinese businessman Lim Chin Tsong, features an eccentric blend of Eastern and Western styles. It took more than two years to build, with materials imported from China and English and Italian designers hired to decorate the interior. The Irrawaddy revisits its story about the heritage site from November 2014. YANGON — When the writer and former British civil servant Maurice Collis decided to return to Myanmar in 1937 to visit Shan State in the north, he first stopped in Yangon where he was invited to stay at a "house on an island." In his book "Lords of the Sunset," Mr. Collis described enjoying excellent paintings by famous Myanmar painter U Ba Nyan in a house with porcelain, Persian carpets, bronze drums, a waxed floor and a white poodle. The house was built by the well-known Chinaman Lim Chin Tsong, the author briefly noted. Lim Chin Tsong was a Chinese tycoon who successfully built a business empire on rubber cultivation, textiles and the oil, rice trading, mineral mining and banking sectors. He was the son of a Chinese Hokkien migrant from Fujian province in China. His father, Lim Soo Hean, came to Yangon in 1861 and began trading rice and selling agricultural products. Lower Myanmar was then ruled by the British who were preparing to take over the upper part of the country still ruled by King Mindon. In British-ruled Yangon, business was competitive and Lim SooHean soon discovered his main limitation: a poor education. He was unable to communicate in English with foreign merchants—either Indians or Europeans. He then sent his 16-year-old son, Lim Chin Tsong, to St Paul's College in Yangon to study but did not live to see his beloved son take over his work and build one of the most successful businesses in Southeast Asia. At 18-years-old, Lim Chin Tsong assumed his father's business after Lim Soo Hean passed away in 1885—the year British troops marched into the grand Mandalay Palace and detained the king and queen before sending them into exile. The whole of Myanmar was then under British control. The young and energetic Lim Chin Tsong began to grow the business empire, buying ocean-going vessels, exporting rice and expanding his shipping business to Singapore, Penang, Hong Kong, Guangdong, and Amoy (now known as Xiamen). Among businessmen of that era, the Chinese tycoon was regarded as talented and strategically minded, using the trademark "Xie De" to denote many of his business ventures and products. He soon managed to secure a deal with Burma Oil Corporation (BOC), a large oil company based in the United Kingdom, and was appointed as the exclusive product agent for the region. His involvement in the oil industry saw his wealth flourish and he became one of the richest Chinese tycoons based overseas. Lim Chin Tsong was flamboyant and showy but he was also known to be generous in his philanthropy projects, donating money to establish schools for students to learn English and to build a hospital for women in Yangon. In 1905, he and his business partners established Anglo-Chinese Boys' and Girls' Schools in Yangon. Two years later, he built his own school officially known as the Lim Chin Tsong School. One is delighted to learn of the Chinese tycoon's genuine efforts to upgrade education at the time, particularly when many in Myanmar today learn only about the exploitative practices of greedy Chinese businessmen in the country. The Lim Chin Tsong School, located in downtown Yangon, employed teachers from England on decent salaries and produced many English-trained graduates, some of whom were Chinese students from Hong Kong and Macau pursuing their education in Yangon, according to some historical records. Lim Chin Tsong also served as a member of the Legislative Council of Myanmar. In 1919, he was awarded the Order of the British Empire for his fundraising efforts during World War I. He was also a prominent member of the Rangoon Turf Club and the Lim Chin Tsong Polo Cup endured even after his death. In 1917, Lim Chin Tsong began to build a magnificent and lavish residence in Yangon near Kokkine Road, now Kaba Aye Road. The five-storey structure of red bricks and green tiles was built to resemble the Fu Xiang pavilion in the Yihe Yuan (Summer Palace) of Beijing but in fact, the building featured a blend of Eastern and Western architectural designs. It took more than two years to build at great cost—some reports suggested a figure of around 2 million rupees. Materials and craftwork for the residence were imported from China and Italian designers, as well as famous British painters, were invited to design the interior. Ernest Procter, an English designer, illustrator, painter and husband to the artist Dod Procter, were among those invited to decorate the residence. The opulent house was then known as the Lim Chin Tsong Palace and among locals it was called "Chin Chaung Nan Daw" or Chin Chaung palace. There were no records of how many fancy parties were thrown at the palace but when Georges Benjamin Clemenceau, a French statesman, visited Southeast Asia, including Myanmar, in 1920, Lim Chin Tsong was known to have entertained him at the residence. Lim Chin Tsong's success hit a speed bump when in 1921 the British government banned the sale of rice, except to India, and soon the market collapsed. Some also suggested that his flamboyant ways caused the BOC to withdraw his exclusive agent rights, which incited him to seek ways to undermine the company. Suddenly, he was broke. He sold his possessions—even his Rolls Royce cars—and began borrowing money from friends. In his final days, the once rich Chinese tycoon was a broken man. In 1923, three years after the inauguration of the Chin Tsong residence, he passed away. The palace first went to a Japanese creditor (under Japanese rule in Myanmar from 1941-45, the residence housed the All Burma Broadcasting Station), then to Indian businessman and then to the Myanmar government in 1950 when it was turned into a state guesthouse named Kanbawza Yeiktha. Currently, the Fine Arts Department under the Ministry of Culture maintains an office and an arts school within the building. The house that saw Lim Chin Tsong's downfall, and many ups and downs in the country, has stood throughout the decades. Now children who live in the area play nearby and stray dogs harass the odd curious visitor. Some nervous officials at the Ministry of Culture would not allow visitors to take pictures. Inside the hall and on the second floor, one can no longer see paintings and other decorations that have perhaps been removed. Lim Chin Tsong's former residence seems ready for a genuine facelift. Recent news suggests that the Ministry of Culture will grant Chin Tsong Palace heritage status and renovate the building as it approaches its 100th anniversary, Kyaw Nyunt, director of Yangon Region's Archaeology, National Museum and Library Department, recently told The Irrawaddy. The late Lim Chin Tsong who made a significant contribution to colonial Myanmar, not least through some outstanding education projects, would be delighted to learn of the recognition. The post The House on an Island appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Peace Center, Ethnic Organizations Call for Immediate Release of Shan Woman Posted: 11 Sep 2018 04:49 AM PDT YANGON — The Myanmar government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center and ethnic armed organizations leaders called for the immediate release of Nang Mo Hom, a Shan woman who was abducted by a Ta'ang armed group last month, and objected to the group's action against a civilian. Nang Mo Hom, a mother of three children, was arrested at gunpoint by five Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) troops on Aug. 17. The TNLA said on Sept. 3 that it had put her on trial in its own court for allegedly obstructing troops as they performed their duties in July 2017. Since her arrest, family members, Shan civil society members and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) party have been calling for her immediate release. "Arresting an innocent civilian is an unlawful act that enormously impairs the government's national reconciliation and peace process. Thus, we demand the immediate release of Nang Mo Hom and strongly object to any action which undermines the rule of law and affects the public's lives," read an NRPC statement released on Sept. 10. The NRPC statement comes two weeks after the SNLD sending a letter to the NRPC, asking it to intervene. Colonel Sai Ngern, the spokesman of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), said his organization stands with the family members of Nang Mo Hom and the Shan civil society groups in demanding her release. The RCSS leader said as his group has been in active armed conflict with the TNLA, it prefers not to comment further on the issue. "We are very sorry to hear about her arrest because this happened while ethnic armed organizations are fighting for federalism," said Mi Sue Pwint of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front. It hurts efforts to mobilize the public, she said, adding that the TNLA's actions seem like public intimidation. Nang Mo Hom was used to set an example, said Mi Sue Pwint, a long-time human rights advocate. There are many cases of abuse in conflict zones and the armed forces are being watched more closely, she said, adding that these instances are worrisome, as abuses by both Shan and Ta'ang armed forces threaten further unity among the two sides. Observers are worried that this case may lead to worsening ethnic tensions. "We should not have problems between the ethnic Shan and Ta'ang, as we have been coexisted and live harmoniously throughout history. This act of hatred against each other is the current problem," said Harn Yawnghwe, an adviser to the Peace Process Steering Committee of ethnic armed organizations that are signatories to the nationwide ceasefire agreement. He also worries about increased tension between the sides. "She should be released not because she was detained by the TNLA but because any of the armed forces should not hurt civilians," Harn Yawnghwe added. Citing that the government released members of various ethnic armed organizations after they signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement for the sake of unity, Khun Myint Tun, a leader of the Pa-O Nationalities Liberation Organization said the TNLA could do the same. "Whatever happened was in the past," he said. "She should be freed so deeper problems can begin to be solved." He also suggested that the TNLA could find an independent group to help facilitate for her release. "We have to be careful that such actions against individuals do not lead to societal conflict. I would urge an independent group to play a role in her release," he added. A TNLA spokesman told The Irrawaddy last week that they would announce the verdict of her trial when the time comes. The post Peace Center, Ethnic Organizations Call for Immediate Release of Shan Woman appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ethnic Riang Consider Dropping Traditional Dress After Video Posted: 11 Sep 2018 03:44 AM PDT YANGON — Members of a Palaung tribe are considering abandoning their age-old traditional dress featuring brightly colored clothes and silver ornaments after a video clip calling them man-eaters and ghosts went viral on social media. Most members of the Riang tribe — a sub-group of the Palaung, or Ta'ang — live in Shan State, in the villages of Maemunglon, Saimon and Kon Pung in Namhsan Township. Some of them are concerned that their customary clothing may be misleading people into believing they are not human and are now worried that preserving their traditions could hurt them.  On Aug. 18, Daw Khin May Tun, a resident of Mongping Township in eastern Shan State, shared a live video on her Facebook page of Riang people walking on the highway in Namhsan. She said they were man-eating ghosts with the power to disguise themselves as humans and could only be seen on moonless nights. Hundreds of thousands of people watched the video, which upset many Riang not only for its contents but the flippant remarks it drew from some viewers. "They are even more frightening when they laugh. Their teeth are black. They eat human flesh. It happened not only in the ancient past. They used to eat human flesh until [former Senior General] U Than Swe retired. The government identified them and gave them a place by the highway," Daw Khin May Tun said in her video.  "You won't see them in the daytime. I've lived here for ages, but I have never seen them. I heard bedtime stories when I was young that they are human-eaters," she said. The Riang she filmed were celebrating a traditional courtship ritual as they have for generations. Riang people are sometimes referred to as the “gold teeth tribe” because they embellish their teeth with gold caps. Riang men do not cut their hair for much of their youth while the women shave their heads when they get married. Daw Khin May Tun’s video drew the ire of many Ta'ang. Nineteen Ta'ang civil society groups released statements denouncing it and demanding an apology from Daw Khin May Tun, which has yet to come. The Ta'ang Literature and Culture Association in Namhsan Township, local lawmakers and police have met and tried to comfort local Riang who now dread being seen in public.  Mai A Mai, a member of the Ta'ang Youth Empowerment Association, said his group has been encouraging the Riang to maintain their customs and that it would sue Daw Khin May Tun if she did not apologize. Nan Moe, a Lower House lawmaker representing Mongton Township in the Palaung Self-Administered Zone in northern Shan State, has also filed a complaint with the President’s Office, the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, and Parliament. She said the video could mislead people about all ethnic Palaung and that it violated guarantees in the Constitution to religions freedom, ethnic rights and citizens’ rights, calling for harsh punitive action to be taken against Daw Khin May Tun. The Religious Affairs and Culture Ministry, since receiving the lawmaker’s complaint, has sought opinions from the Communications and Transportation Ministry and Ethnic Affairs Ministry. "We sent a letter to the two ministries and asked them to coordinate as necessary," said U Aung Hsan Win, director of the Religious Affairs and Culture Ministry.  The Communications and Ethnic Affairs ministries told The Irrawaddy that they had yet to make decisions on the case and suggested that ethnic Riang file a complaint with the appropriate court themselves. But many Riang do not speak Burmese, the language of the courts, fluently. Mai A Mai said his group was preparing to file a lawsuit on their behalf. Nan Moe said the government should be the one filing a lawsuit on their behalf and that she would raise the case in Parliament if Daw Khin May Tun continues to go unpunished. Ethnic minorities in Myanmar receive little government support to preserve their cultures, and until the previous decade hill tribes were regularly associated with witchcraft in children’s bedtime stories. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Ethnic Riang Consider Dropping Traditional Dress After Video appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Rohingya Discussion at Foreign Correspondents’ Club Shut Down by Thai Police Posted: 11 Sep 2018 01:12 AM PDT Thai authorities shut down a panel discussion on a UN fact-finding report regarding human rights abuses committed by the Myanmar Army against the Rohingya that was scheduled to take place on Monday at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand in Bangkok. Thai police went to the FCCT to cancel the discussion, according to FCCT president Dominic Faulder. Faulder said he told police that the event would only be canceled if they issued a written order. Authorities produced a written order about 30 minutes before we intended to start the program, he added. A group of Rohingya rights activists planned to discuss a hard-hitting report by the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar released last month. The report recommended prosecution of Myanmar's military leaders for alleged genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in ethnic minority areas. A statement released by FCCT said the professional membership of the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand was deeply disappointed by the decision of the Thai authorities to shut down the event. The Thai police stated that the discussion might be used by 'third parties' to cause unrest and endanger national security. There were no grounds for such suspicions, according to the FCCT statement. The club has regularly held orderly and informative panel discussions on current affairs for over 62 years, and these have never led to any unrest or subversion, the statement reads. The FCCT has also hosted dozens of events on Myanmar over the decades, and these have generally contributed to a better understanding of the country and its relations with others in the region. This was the first time Thai authorities blocked an FCCT event related to the Rohingya, Faulder said. "The important point is that this is an international story, which has coverage globally. Stopping an event in Thailand will have no effect on press coverage of the topic. But, it reflects badly on press freedom in Thailand. It is very sad because Thailand has long history press freedom," Faulder added. The FCCT statement reads that the professional membership of the FCCT believes that Thai authorities overreacted. This incident caused unnecessary further harm to the country's already dented reputation for media freedom – Thailand was once one of the freest countries in Southeast Asia with a vibrant press, it stated. This is the sixth program that has been canceled at the FCCT since a coup was staged in 2014 and the country became subject to military rule. The post Rohingya Discussion at Foreign Correspondents' Club Shut Down by Thai Police appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week Posted: 10 Sep 2018 11:22 PM PDT
Charity Football Match A team of male comedians will play against a team of actresses in this charity football match. Proceeds will be donated to senior comedians. Sept. 15, 3 p.m. Aung San Stadium. Free Admission. Talk Show The third talk show in the series, this time Yaw Min Gyi Zayat will focus on poverty. Sept. 15, 9 a.m. to 12 p.m. Novotel Hotel. Registration at 09-060839801, 09-5188709 during office hours. We Are Connected: Music Festival This major music event features world-famous DJs for an evening of EDM. Sept. 15, 4 p.m. to 11:45 p.m. Thuwunnabhumi Event Park. Tickets 25,000 kyats to 80,000 kyats at H-Life Ticketing Counter, Myanmar Plaza (Ground Floor). Invasion: Music Festival Young musicians and DJs will perform at this event. Sept.15, 2 p.m. to 11:45 p.m. The One Entertainment Park. Tickets at 09-5084353 Myanmar Traditional Orchestra Night Ngwe Zinyaw music band will perform Myanmar traditional orchestra. Sept. 15, 7 p.m. to 10 p.m. Thiripyitsaya Sky Bistro, 21st Floor, Sakura Tower. Tickets are 5,000 kyats. Charity Musical Show Vocalist Shóna Henneberry and trumpet player Niall O’Sullivan from Ireland will perform in this charity event raising funds for deaf, orphaned and underprivileged children. Sept. 14, 6 p.m. The Chatrium Hotel. Tickets at 09-445151010 Czech Fateful Dates This is the exhibition of the work of prominent photographers from 1945, 1968/69 and 1989 about the experiences of events during those times in Czech Republic. Sept. 15 to 22, 9:30 p.m. to 4:00 p.m., National Museum, Pyay Road. Free Admission. Furniture Fair Over 40 companies gather for an exhibition focused on home furniture. Sept. 13-17, 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. Tatmadaw Hall, U Wisara Road. The Light by Edo Vader This is the second solo art exhibition of Edo Vader, a cartoonist, illustrator, animator and filmmaker. Sept. 15-18, 10 a.m. to 6 p.m., Gallery 65, No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Street, Dagon Tsp. Northern Breeze Thirty-nine artists will showcase their works. Sept. 11-14, 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. OK Art Gallery, Aung San Stadium (North Wing). The post Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| UN’s Bachelet Presses for New Body on Crimes Against Myanmar Rohingya Posted: 10 Sep 2018 10:25 PM PDT GENEVA — United Nations human rights chief Michelle Bachelet called on Monday for a new quasi-judicial body to collect evidence with a view to future prosecution of crimes against Muslim Rohingya in Myanmar including murder and torture. An independent UN team of investigators said in a report last month that there was evidence indicating “genocidal intent” by the military against Rohingya and that crimes against humanity and war crimes appear to have been committed. The investigators named six generals, including the commander-in-chief, whom they said should face justice. A year ago, government troops led a brutal crackdown in Myanmar's Rakhine State in response to attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 30 Myanmar police posts and a military base. Some 700,000 Rohingya fled the crackdown and most are now living in refugee camps in neighboring Bangladesh. Bachelet, in her first speech to the Human Rights Council since taking office on Sept. 1, said that attacks and persecution appear to continue in Rakhine State. Investigators had also found indications of executions, torture and sexual violence against minorities in Kachin and Shan states, she said. “The persistence of these patterns of violations underscores the total impunity accorded to the Myanmar security forces,” Bachelet told the 47-member Geneva forum which opened a three-week session. She welcomed a decision by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) last week that it has jurisdiction over alleged deportations of Rohingya from Myanmar to Bangladesh as a possible crime against humanity. “This is an immensely important step towards ending impunity, and addressing the enormous suffering of the Rohingya people. “I also welcome efforts by member states at this council to establish an independent international mechanism for Myanmar, to collect, consolidate, preserve and analyze evidence of the most serious international crimes, in order to expedite fair and independent trials in national and international courts.” The new mechanism — similar to what has been set up for crimes in Syria — would complement and support the preliminary examination of the ICC prosecutor, she added. “I urge the council to pass a resolution and refer the matter to the [UN] General Assembly for its endorsement so that such a mechanism can be established,” she said. Myanmar has denied committing atrocities against the Rohingya, saying its military carried out justifiable actions against militants. It has so far signaled it does not intend to cooperate with the international court. The post UN’s Bachelet Presses for New Body on Crimes Against Myanmar Rohingya appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| China Does Away with Family Planning Offices Posted: 10 Sep 2018 10:15 PM PDT BEIJING — China’s health commission is getting rid of three offices that were previously dedicated to family planning, it announced late on Sunday, the latest signal that Beijing may further reduce restrictions on childbirth to combat an aging population. State-media has hinted in recent weeks that China, the world’s most populous nation, may be preparing to end its decades-long policy of determining the number of children that couples can have. Last month, speculation of a further easing mounted after a new stamp unveiled by China Post featured a family of two pigs with three cheerful piglets, followed weeks later by a draft of the civil code dropping all mention of family planning. Three offices responsible for grassroots implementation of family planning policies have been removed from the new structure of China’s National Health Commission, according to an announcement from the commission. Instead, a new office for “population monitoring and family development” will be responsible for “improving birth policy and to organize implementation, and to establish and improve the system of extraordinary family assistance for family planning.” The commission still retains responsibility for “family planning management and facilitation work” and for the “improvement of family planning policy,” it said. “Family planning” was dropped from the commission’s name in March, as part of a sweeping government overhaul to reform government departments and reduce policymaking red tape. China has loosened its family planning policy as its population greys, birth rates slow and its workforce declines. In 2016, the government allowed couples in urban areas to have two children, replacing a controversial one-child policy enforced since 1979. While China’s population growth fell well below the world average under the one-child policy, Chinese policymakers have become wary of falling birth rates and a rapidly growing aging population. As of 2017, people aged 60 and above accounted for about 16.2 percent of China’s population, compared to 7.4 percent in 1950, according to the UN Population Division. Bloomberg reported in May that China was planning to scrap all limits on the number of children a family can have by the end of 2018 The post China Does Away with Family Planning Offices appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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